Category: Drama

Why the Lakota Levy Passed: Property Taxes, Free Services, and the Psychology of the Renewal

People constantly complain that property taxes are too high. They see the bill, feel the squeeze, and then, when they are handed a clear chance to lower it, a critical number still votes to keep paying. The Lakota bond was the textbook case. An existing set of bonds totaling roughly 2.23 mills was set to expire at the end of 2028. The replacement on the ballot was framed at 2.20 mills, with collection delayed until 2029 so that, on paper, the bond portion of the school tax rate would not rise. District materials and officials repeated “no anticipated increase in the bond tax rate.” That language is true in a narrow sense and misleading in the practical one. A “no” vote would have allowed the old millage to roll off. Homeowners would have seen a reduction once the prior debt was paid. Enough voters could not get their minds around the idea of giving themselves that money back. They had been paying it. They assumed they would keep paying it. The renewal looked safer than the unknown of a lower bill. That is the calculated risk school boards have run for decades. Offer a large prior ask, come back with a “reasonable” number, call it a renewal or replacement, and count on the confusion.

Across southwest Ohio, the pattern held elsewhere. Fairfield’s 1.25 percent earned income tax failed, roughly 52–48 against. Other operating and income-tax measures went down. Only three of twelve school funding questions in the broader region passed. Lakota’s was one of them, and it was the one that could be sold as not raising the current bond rate. The board knew the psychology. A larger request had already failed in 2025. They adjusted the ask, timed the collection after the old bonds expired, secured state construction money that required local approval, and ran the classic public-education play. Statistically, renewals of existing taxes pass more often than brand-new ones for exactly this reason. People treat the status quo as the default. They do not sit down and calculate what happens when the revenue is about to disappear.

Free Babysitting, Public Education, and the Vote for the Status Quo

Many voters want the free service. They want a free place to drop the kids off so they don’t have to pay for it themselves. They want the public education system to keep operating at the scale they have grown used to, even while many of the same people say they resist the ideological content that has crept into it. That tension is real. Plenty of parents do not want their children taught to be losers or to absorb every progressive fashion, yet they still treat the buildings, the bus routes, and the daily childcare as a non-negotiable entitlement. When the choice is presented as “keep paying what you already pay and keep the system running” versus “vote no and the system has to adjust,” enough of them choose the first option. The Lakota resistance made a strong argument for tax reduction. That wasn’t enough to counter the free-stuff instinct and the confusion about how renewals actually work. The liberal-leaning elements that run many of these boards understand the math. They put a number on the ballot that looks more reasonable than the last one, they emphasize that it is a replacement, and they let the statistical confusion do the rest. It is not an accident. It is the mechanism that keeps property-tax revenue flowing so the school system and the related government services continue.

Amy Acton as Governor and the Broader Free-Stuff Message

That local pattern sat inside a larger statewide result. Amy Acton is now the governor-elect. She is the former Ohio Department of Health director who led the early COVID lockdowns. Many people still associate her with those restrictions. Some successfully painted her as the lockdown lady. At the same time, she and the Democratic ticket ran on the language of free stuff, affordability relief, and government services. Plenty of voters, including some who had supported Trump in prior cycles, wanted the free babysitting, the free or reduced costs, and the sense that someone else would absorb the expense. They did not want to hear the detailed argument about what public education actually costs or how a different administration might have constrained those costs. Vivek Ramaswamy’s campaign was associated with Trump and with wealth. Democrats successfully painted him as a rich guy who did not care about the cost of bread. The oil-refinery capacity issues, the price effects of the Iranian conflict that began in late February 2026, and the failure to put sustained public pressure on energy companies never became the dominant message. Gas prices stayed high. People felt it. The media complex that wanted to preserve a hostile Islamic regime in Iran for its own reasons, and that had no interest in a quick resolution that would have undercut the narrative, did not cover the story the way it needed to be covered. Trump’s administration had the war; the war did not resolve as quickly as some hoped because the Iranian people, facing a regime that arrives at night and removes dissidents, did not take the final step of overthrow. The costs lingered. Republicans at the state level did not get a simple, repeated message across that they would preserve services while reducing the burden. Acton slid in on the free-stuff and affordability language while the more complicated defense of results never landed.

Liberty Township, Coastal Habits, and the Tax-as-Default Mindset

Look at the precinct patterns, and you see the same psychology in concentrated form. Liberty Township comes in early in the reporting, and it is not the hard-core Republican stronghold some expect. Coastal transplants, apartment complexes, and people who moved from places where high taxes and big-government services are simply the way of life. They support tax increases or renewals because that is what they know. The idea that they can vote to give themselves savings on an expiring tax does not compute for many of them. They assume the government will take the money and they will live under it. That is the impression of a tyrannical, or at least inevitable, state they carry with them. They stick themselves with the cost even when the logic of the ballot says they can choose otherwise. The same voters who complain about property taxes or the cost of living still vote to keep free services and a free place to drop the kids. They have been trained that way. When Acton put the broader version of that bargain on the ballot, enough of them took it.

Statewide Tax Measures and the Limits of the Anti-Tax Argument

Across the state, the same dynamic appeared in other forms. Property-tax and income-tax proposals faced resistance in some places and still passed where they could be framed as renewals or as necessary to preserve services. Government types who want the services, and the voters who want the free stuff, outnumber or out-motivate the people who want to confiscate less from those who produce. That is why the socialist-populist platform was on the ballot in 2026 and why it benefited from the confusion and the desire for someone else to pay. Republicans talked about reducing property taxes. When the concrete chance arrived in places like Lakota, the message did not break through the habit of renewal. People who don’t want to give out the free stuff often stay home or vote less intensely because they have lost faith in the larger system. The people who want the free stuff show up. That is why local resistance can make a strong case and still lose by a couple of points. It is also why the school-board calculated risk works year after year.

What the Iranian Conflict and Media Coverage Had to Do With It

None of this local tax psychology exists in isolation from the larger economic pressure. The Iranian war drove energy prices higher. National averages rose substantially after the late-February 2026 actions and the Strait of Hormuz disruptions. Ohio saw large increases as well. Households felt it at the pump and in the cost of goods. The administration had tools—refinery capacity explanations, public pressure on oil companies, a clear defense of why the action against a terrorist, Marxist, Muslim-fundamentalist regime was necessary—but those points did not dominate the conversation. Media that preferred stability under the prior Iranian order, or that opposed Trump, did not amplify the counter-narrative. People blamed the war for price gouging and supply constraints, and they blamed the administration for the war. Voters who were already broke did not reward the side that had failed to deliver lower prices, even when the alternative was the lockdown figure offering free stuff. The same voters who could not figure out how to give themselves a property-tax reduction on a local bond also could not figure out, or did not want to hear, the more complicated story about energy. They wanted the immediate relief of someone else paying.

Conclusion: People Get What They Vote For

The Lakota bond passed because enough people could not or would not treat the expiring tax as money they could reclaim. They voted to keep free babysitting and free public education. Amy Acton’s statewide victory reflected the same preference for free stuff and the opposing side’s failure to make the cost-and-results argument stick. Liberty Township and similar pockets voted like coastal transplants who treat high taxes as normal. The school board ran a calculated risk with a renewal number and won by a narrow margin. Across the state, many other levies failed, but the ones that could be sold as “already paying this” had a built-in advantage. It is a shame in the sense that voters had a clear chance to lower their own burden, and a critical number of them did not take it. It is also the ordinary result of the incentives. People who want free stuff vote for it. People who do not want to fund it often stay home or split their tickets when they have lost faith. The public-education system and the related government services know how to present the renewal so that the confusion works in their favor. That mechanism is not going to disappear. The 2026 results, locally and statewide, confirmed that the psychology still holds.

Footnotes

1.  Unofficial Butler County results and Journal-News reporting (Nov. 3–4, 2026): Lakota Local Schools Issue 2, 37-year 2.20-mill replacement bond for approximately $223 million, passed 51% to 49%. Collection begins in 2029 after existing bonds (roughly 2.23 mills) expire at the end of 2028. The district said it doesn’t anticipate increasing the bond tax rate. Opponents noted a “no” vote would reduce taxes once prior debt rolled off.

2.  FOX19 and local reporting: Only three of twelve school funding measures in southwest Ohio passed. Fairfield’s 1.25% earned income tax failed, with 52–48% of voters. Lakota’s bond was one of the three that passed.

3.  Lakota enrollment figures reported in the 17,000–17,300 range with projected growth; state construction funding of about $77 million contingent on local approval. A prior larger request failed in 2025.

4.  Butler County MHARS mental-health levy (1-mill renewal, 10 years) passed 61–39 according to Journal-News and related tallies.

5.  Statewide Ohio results (Secretary of State and major outlets as of Nov. 4, 2026): Amy Acton (D) defeated Vivek Ramaswamy (R) for governor, approximately 52% to 44%. Acton is the former Ohio Department of Health director associated with early COVID restrictions.

6.  Energy and affordability context: Post-late-February 2026 Iran-related conflict and Strait of Hormuz disruptions drove national gas-price increases of roughly 40% or more; Ohio increases reported in the 35–48% range in various analyses. CPI inflation near 3.7% year-over-year in recent data. Multiple outlets linked pocketbook pressure to midterm outcomes.

7.  Precinct and demographic notes drawn from local reporting patterns and consistent voter-behavior observations in Liberty Township and similar areas.

Selected Bibliography / Further Reading

•  Journal-News coverage of Lakota Schools bond results and related Butler County election reporting (November 3–4, 2026).

•  Butler County Board of Elections unofficial results and Ohio Secretary of State feeds.

•  FOX19, Cincinnati Enquirer, and local12 summaries of southwest Ohio school levy outcomes.

•  Statewide election summaries (AP, Dispatch, WKRC, Ballotpedia) on the Acton–Ramaswamy race and other Ohio contests.

•  Energy-price and inflation reporting from AAA/EIA data, NBC, Fox, Reuters, and related analyses of 2026 midterm affordability issues.

•  District materials and treasurer explanations on bond versus operating-levy distinctions and the timing of collection relative to expiring debt.

Rich Hoffman

More about me

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

About the Author: Rich Hoffman

Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly by email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com.  If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.

The Math Problem Democrats Couldn’t Solve on Election Day 2026: Why Same-Day Voting Exposed the Illusion of a Larger Coalition

On Election Day 2026, the numbers told a clearer story than the early-vote headlines or the media’s pre-election framing. I told people on election eve that I would rather be a Republican than a Democrat going into the final hours. The reason was simple arithmetic, not spin. Democrats had front-loaded what they had. They borrowed from their own limited voter bank to create early-vote optics, and when the same-day tallies began to roll in, the tank was emptier than their strategy required.

Early Voting as a Borrowed-Time Strategy

Democrats and their allies treated early and mail voting as a way to bank votes, publish encouraging numbers, and energize what remained of their base. Nationally, early ballots set a midterm record—more than 50 million cast before November 3, according to University of Florida Election Lab tracking and contemporaneous reports.  In states that report party affiliation of early voters, registered Democrats often led the early returns. In Ohio, more than 1.7 million people voted early, another record. Roughly 48 percent of registered Democrats had already cast ballots versus about 32 percent of registered Republicans, with unaffiliated voters forming the largest single group.

That looks decisive until you examine what it actually represents. Early voting pulled forward the voters Democrats already possessed. It did not create new ones at scale. The strategy assumed that publishing strong early numbers would produce a surge of additional Democrat turnout on Election Day. Instead, many of the people who vote early are the high-propensity partisans who would have voted anyway. Once those ballots were banked, the remaining pool was thinner. I have watched enough cycles to know that public-relations firms and campaign consultants understand this trade-off; the media often does not.

There Simply Are Not Enough Democrats

In the states that track party registration, Democrats still hold a numerical edge on the rolls—roughly 45 million registered Democrats to about 39 million registered Republicans, with a large independent or unaffiliated bloc in between, per compilations of state data.  That edge is real on paper and concentrated in a handful of large states. It is not the same as a governing majority across the map. Most of the country remains red or red-leaning once you move past the dense urban cores and coastal corridors. People who acquire houses, raise children, and accumulate assets tend to shift toward the party that prioritizes protecting those things. Public-school indoctrination produced a temporary cohort of younger voters who identified as Democrats; life and economic responsibility have eroded that edge for years.

The Democratic Party’s core problem is demographic and ideological. Its activist wing operates as a minority coalition of radical progressives—socialists and cultural revolutionaries under a different label—trying to govern a country that does not share its priorities. They compensate with early-vote concentration, mail-ballot volume, and media amplification. When same-day voting arrives, the math reasserts itself. Republicans do not need every one of their voters to show up in perfect formation. There are simply more of them in the places that decide most races, and they still prefer Election Day.

Ohio, Ramaswamy, and the Local Test

In Ohio the pattern was visible in real time. The state has trended Republican for more than a decade. Vivek Ramaswamy’s campaign for governor faced a well-funded challenge from Amy Acton, and early-vote numbers gave Democrats their expected edge among affiliated voters. Talking with people around the Ramaswamy operation on election eve, the internals confirmed what the public data suggested: Acton’s side had performed relatively better in the early window because they had drawn down their available pool. The remaining Election Day electorate was expected to be substantially more Republican.

Locally, the same dynamic appeared at events in West Chester. At Lori’s Roadhouse—the large country venue that regularly hosts Republican gatherings—I spoke with Greg and Lori and others who run and support the place. These are business owners and ordinary residents who vote Republican primarily because they do not want government expanding into every corner of their lives. They are not ideological hardliners. They show up because the alternative is worse. Darby Boddy was able to attend a Republican event without the previous protection-order complications that had limited her participation. Roger Reynolds was there as well. Wins make coalition management harder, not easier. A big-tent party that includes both producers who simply want to be left alone and more committed conservatives will argue about priorities. That friction is the price of actually having enough people to win.

The Football Analogy and the Final Quarter

Think of it as a football game. Democrats entered the fourth quarter having already used their best plays to stay close on the scoreboard. They were down, with limited time and a thinner roster of remaining voters. Republicans, sitting on a larger overall pool, could afford to wait for the same-day rush. Some races would be closer than preferred; some local outcomes would disappoint. Those were the expected variance in a big-tent coalition. They were not evidence that the underlying math had changed. Media outlets that spent the preceding weeks projecting Democratic momentum suddenly discovered, once the Election Day reports began arriving, that the projected wave was smaller than advertised. I had been saying the same thing for weeks because the registration numbers, the historical turnout patterns, and the strategic incentives were already visible.

What the Win Does Not Solve

A Republican-leaning night does not eliminate the internal arguments. Different people join the coalition for different reasons. Some want aggressive cultural pushback. Others want lower taxes, fewer regulations, and the ability to run a business or raise a family without constant interference. Managing that after victories is harder than managing it while losing, because the losers have fewer people to fight among. Democrats would prefer to have that problem. They do not, which is why their strategy relies on concentrating their existing voters, amplifying them through media, and hoping the early numbers create the appearance of a larger force than actually exists.

The 2026 results, as they came in, confirmed the structural reality I described on election eve. There are more Americans who affiliate with, or default to, the Republican side once they have something to protect. Early voting is a useful tool. It is not a substitute for a larger coalition. When the same-day votes were counted, the math reasserted itself.

Bibliography and Further Reading

•  University of Florida Election Lab early-vote tracking and state-level party affiliation reports for the 2026 cycle.

•  Ohio Secretary of State absentee and early-vote files (daily updates through early November 2026), showing partisan affiliation of returned ballots.

•  Ballotpedia and state election-office compilations of registered voters by party in the 31 states that report affiliation.

•  Contemporary reporting from the Columbus Dispatch, Cincinnati Enquirer, and national outlets on Ohio early-vote totals and the Ramaswamy–Acton contest.

•  Historical midterm turnout analyses comparing 2018, 2022, and 2026 early versus Election Day shares.

•  County-level early-vote data from Butler County and surrounding areas relevant to West Chester and local Republican events.

Footnotes

1.  National early-vote totals exceeding 50 million and state-level party splits drawn from University of Florida Election Lab and contemporaneous aggregators as of November 3, 2026.

2.  Ohio early-vote figures of more than 1.7 million, with higher Democratic share among affiliated voters, from Ohio Secretary of State data reported in the Columbus Dispatch and related coverage.

3.  National party-registration estimates (approximately 45 million Democrats, 39 million Republicans in reporting states) compiled from state election offices and secondary aggregations.

4.  Local observations from West Chester events at Lori’s Roadhouse and conversations with Ramaswamy campaign affiliates on election eve, consistent with public early-vote patterns in Ohio.

5.  Standard midterm pattern in which Election Day electorates are more Republican than early/mail electorates, documented across multiple cycles in states that report mode of voting by party.

Rich Hoffman

More about me

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

About the Author: Rich Hoffman

Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly by email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com.  If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.

The Overton Window Has Moved: A Fair Warning on the Future of the Republican Party in Butler County

I recently met with people who care about the future of the Republican Party in Butler County. We talked about the direction of things, and I agreed on nine out of ten points. Then I said something I have been saying for a long time. Some people poo-poo my name and run Facebook campaigns to frustrate anyone who lines up with me. It does not matter. Whether two people stand behind me or twenty thousand, I am going to do what I am going to do, and people will listen. Ironically, I am now considered a voice of reason in Republican politics. Ten years ago that would not have been the case. The Overton window has moved, and I knew this was coming.

Politics has changed. You had Steve Bannon on the War Room, Charlie Kirk’s work, and of course the daily reality of Trump. Those forces shifted what is acceptable to say and what voters will reward. I heard someone the other day say that, while working for a certain administration, they only had the W. Bush playbook for managing a crisis. Look at the Bushes, the Romneys, the McCains, the McConnells. A lot of those people are not heard from the same way anymore. People who say, “I just did that,” and think the old rules still apply are discovering the ground has shifted beneath them.

I have a pretty extensive vocabulary. I do not need to cuss or make threats of killing people to make my point. I can get my argument across to anyone, at any level of society, under any condition. That frustrates my opponents. They expect the other side to lose their mind or reach for violence so they can claim the moral high ground. It is the same argument I have made about efforts to undermine Western civilization from within: people who want to use our Constitution and our free-speech rules as tools to destroy us, counting on the fact that we will not retaliate in kind. You have to make the arguments without getting violent and without losing your mind. When you have known people as long as I have, you also discover that they end up in campaigns against each other. It is hard to pick sides when you like people on both ends. You stay on policy, and you stay on the behavior you need out of your government.

After talking with Art, the chairman in Butler County, and others, I can tell you the party’s direction. You are not going to ostracize the pure types out of it. Some people work in the background that the old orthodox politics never liked because they don’t play well in every room. I call them political purists. Ironically, I find myself on the more establishment side of some of these arguments these days, which even bewilders me. That is where I landed after the conversations. Art represents what I hear when I go around the county and talk to people.

I have been on the pointed end of controversy for a long time. People come up to me at gas pumps and tell me they love the blog and what I say. It happens at Costco. It happened at a local station the other day. More people are stopping me this year than ever before. They are tired of the dishonest media. They are realizing how corrupt so much of the system has been, and they feel they finally have permission to defend what they actually believe. They are awakening.

Look at someone like Darbi Boddy. She was a school board member who should still be there doing good work. A judge and other Republicans helped remove her. If she had stayed, some of those stupid school levies would have had to think twice before putting them on the ballot. People like her will help as trustees or in other positions. She won’t be the only one. There is going to be a parade of them. Conservatives used to be called something else. The old days of party alliances built mostly around business owners who didn’t want to be regulated out of existence will always have a presence. But you are going to find more people who hold purer ideas than before. When Trump is no longer there to absorb all the heavy criticism, they will come out more clearly. These Republicans have been out there for a long time. I did a lot of the early groundwork in this area. The people coming up now, the ones getting interested in politics, are going to be a lot less prone to compromise. I am the one preaching compromise these days because that is what the work requires.

If you want a friend, get a dog. If you want to get things done, you get into politics. Not everybody is going to get along. Debate and argument are part of the deal. It is not always pleasant. The Republican Party as it existed twenty years ago was, in a lot of ways, closer to what a lot of Democrats sound like on any given day now. As I talk to people in Warren County and Butler County, more of them are telling me they love what I say. They feel the White House is finally aligned with something they recognize. They are engaged.

The people getting into politics now are much more like Darby Boddy than the traditional business owner who wants to be left alone. They read the Bible. I have been saying more lately about figures like Jonathan Edwards and the idea of unifying people around biblical principles—not that you have to hold a prayer session after every meeting, but that more of the people walking in the door want that custom of mind. I support that direction over the pure career-politician path. County commissioners, trustees, the whole local layer is going to change. Michael Ryan is not particularly controversial. He is a good guy all the way around. He represents a younger generation, and more people coming into his orbit are younger still.

We have had a lot of people who have been in politics a long time. Now you have people in their twenties and forties who grew up on Glenn Beck and Mark Levin. They do not even know who Rush Limbaugh was in the same way. They know Charlie Kirk. It is a whole new generation, and they are very conservative. There are people younger than that—under twenty-five—who are not happy with what previous generations allowed. They are angry. As they get involved, the system will discover that angry people vote for angry people. The idea of walking the middle line to pick up a few blue votes will be tested. I expect the Westchester trustee race next year will become a debate between anger and lashing out versus the middle path that tries to win by not offending anyone. People are going to be surprised.

I personally like Art. I like Sheriff Jones. I like Nancy Nix. I love George Lang. I also like Darbi Boddy. If you do not know who Kristi Ertle is, look her up. These are solid people who are in it for the right reasons. I have had hours of conversations with them. They are getting involved for the reasons I care about. My position is to step out of the personality fights. Nobody cares what happened ten years ago except as a lesson. This next generation of political ideology is going to be rambunctious. They grew up on Trump. They grew up not trusting the media. They do not want to play with Democrats. That is where it is going.

This is a fair warning. Many people getting involved in politics now do not play well in the sandbox. We are going to get through this election. We are going to do well. Then we will establish the path forward. Party politics is a tricky business. Art has strong opinions, and he is getting involved for good reasons. The people around him aren’t the fighters from yesterday. They are not going to be easy to control. It will be different, and everyone will have to adjust. That is where the Republican Party is headed in Butler County. The people who cut their grass in the spring, summer, and fall—the people in the houses—will get the representative government they want. Party affiliation is not always going to be nice. I think that is good for the voters.

Footnotes

1.  The Overton window concept, originally developed by Joseph Overton at the Mackinac Center for Public Policy, describes the range of policies politically acceptable to the mainstream at any given time. The shift described here tracks the movement from the post-9/11 Bush-era consensus through the Tea Party, the Trump presidency, and the post-2020 realignment.

2.  References to Steve Bannon’s War Room, Charlie Kirk’s Turning Point USA, and the Trump administration’s daily communications reflect publicly documented influences on Republican messaging and primary voter behavior from 2016 onward.

3.  Darbi Boddy served on the Lakota Local Schools Board of Education in Butler County. Her tenure and subsequent removal drew public controversy in local Ohio media over school board governance, curriculum, and related disputes.

4.  Local reactions at gas stations, Costco, and similar venues are anecdotal but consistent with broader polling on declining trust in traditional media and rising engagement among Republican-leaning voters in suburban and exurban Ohio counties (see related public polling from sources such as Rasmussen, Trafalgar, and Ohio-specific surveys).

5.  Generational references to audiences shaped by Glenn Beck, Mark Levin, and Charlie Kirk rather than earlier talk-radio figures track documented audience demographics of those programs and the growth of digital conservative media post-2010.

6.  Mentions of specific Butler County figures (Art as local party chairman, Sheriff Jones, Nancy Nix, George Lang, Michael Ryan, Kristi Ertle) reflect the author’s direct conversations and publicly known local political roles as of late 2026.

Bibliography for Further Reading

•  Overton, Joseph P. (concept development). Mackinac Center for Public Policy materials on the Overton Window.

•  Bannon, Steve. War Room podcast archives and related writings on populist realignment.

•  Kirk, Charlie. The MAGA Doctrine and Turning Point USA materials on campus and youth conservative organizing.

•  Levin, Mark. Liberty and Tyranny and American Marxism.

•  Beck, Glenn. Selected works and radio/television archives on progressive institutional capture.

•  Trump, Donald J. Public speeches, executive actions, and campaign materials 2015–present on media, immigration, and institutional reform.

•  Local Butler County and Lakota Schools reporting (Journal-News, Cincinnati Enquirer archives) on school board controversies involving Darbi Boddy and related levy fights.

•  Pew Research Center and Gallup longitudinal data on declining institutional trust, media credibility, and partisan sorting in the United States (2010–2026).

•  Ohio Secretary of State and Butler County Board of Elections public records on recent local races and voter turnout trends in suburban townships.

•  Edwards, Jonathan. Selected sermons and writings on religious affections and moral formation (historical primary sources frequently referenced in contemporary conservative religious commentary).

•  Hoffman, Rich. The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and related essays on individual agency, institutional incentives, and political strategy.

Rich Hoffman

More about me

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

About the Author: Rich Hoffman

Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly by email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com.  If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.

Vote Like Your Life Depends on It: Reflections from Vivek Ramaswamy’s Final Campaign Stop on the Eve of the 2026 Election

https://rumble.com/v7hscum-just-vite.html

I just returned from Lori’s Roadhouse in West Chester, Ohio, after Vivek Ramaswamy’s last campaign stop before the election. A number of Ohio officeholders came out to speak alongside him. The speech was long—longer than ideal for people already heading out to vote—so I will condense the essence of what I heard and what I discussed with people there and afterward.[1]

Lori’s Roadhouse continues to do great things for these kinds of events. The place was packed with signs and energy in a way Amy Acton could never have matched. You will not see that kind of coverage on the news or on Fox, but the basics are clear. The encouragement from the stage was simple: go vote, and call your friends and neighbors to do the same. That is the message I am giving my readers and viewers right now.

I have watched Vivek grow into this role over the years. He was right when he noted in his speech that the campaign launched just a few miles from Lori’s Roadhouse—at the business I ran. I was proud he chose that location, and it was bittersweet to see the campaign season come full circle there. The owners are good people, and every event held there has been excellent. The crowd was energetic, and Vivek appeared in a way many people had not seen before.

The Numbers Game and Republican Advantage in Ohio

This election is a numbers game. If Republicans show up even moderately, they far outnumber Democrats in Ohio. That is why Democrats know they have to stretch every process. Amy Acton is a disaster; I have said so from the beginning. She is the lockdown lady, a horrible candidate who simply does not have the goods down the stretch.[2]

In the numbers, Vivek is well ahead in the places that matter. Acton is not performing well in the counties she needs to overcome him, and those counties will not deliver the numbers required on Election Day. From conversations with people who know the internals the media does not report, the race is well in hand for Republicans if turnout materializes. That also means strength for other races on the ticket.

It is much scarier for Democrats heading into this election than for Republicans. There are simply more Republicans. But if people sit on their hands, representation can still be lost. Do not take anything for granted.

Conversations That Reveal a Dangerous Frustration

The part that concerns me most is what I heard today from people who are not deeply interested in politics—people who live between the cities, who do not know many Democrats, do not want to work with them, and have no desire to break bread with them. Their question to me was: why go vote?

Voting is the most peaceful way to maintain representative government. Their illusion is that nothing will improve until people grab guns, take violence into the streets, and reclaim the country from radicals. George Soros and others have funded efforts that damage Western civilization; evil is at work.[3] But on this election eve in 2026, I believe the best way to maintain self-government is still to vote—not to turn to violence.

Most of the people I spoke with, especially those between the cities, think it has to come to violence before they get their country back. If Democrats thought January 6 was terrible, that was mild compared with what some of these people are thinking. I try to tell them that violence can be avoided by voting. Their response is often that it will be cheated anyway, so who cares.

What’s at Stake: Civility Over Violence

What is at stake is civility itself. If you want a civil society, go vote before you feel you have to grab the guns and take it back with bloodshed the way the Revolution once required. It is yours to hold; you simply have to get up and go. You have to do it at presidential-level turnout.

After the event at Lori’s Roadhouse and the conversations I had, the picture looks strong for Republicans in Ohio if people show up. Republicans way outnumber Democrats, but if you stay home, the other side will represent you because they are the ones voting. Voting is easy. Maintaining self-government through legislative means is far better than the alternatives.

I talked to more than one person today who alluded to having a shell full of ammunition ready to “take care of” the Marxists and communists. That is not a good sign. Giving up on self-rule through the ballot is not a good thing. The other side wants people of Western civilization to abandon peaceful means. Do not give that to them.

A Personal Call to Action

I am telling everyone who watches me, reads me, or listens to me: to maintain civility and protect Western civilization, just get up and go vote. Vote for Republicans, not Democrats. Vote down tax increases. Vote for Vivek Ramaswamy. Things will be much better in Ohio with him as governor, and better in the wider world.

I remember when I first saw the campaign signs—very techie—when he was putting up the art at my business for the rally that opened his governor’s race. I am happy to see it come full circle, and I will be happy to see him as governor of Ohio.

A few months ago I saw Vivek walk into a little restaurant with almost no security. We had a nice personal conversation, and few people reacted. At Lori’s Roadhouse it was governor-level security, a Secret Service-style entourage, and a posse that made it hard to get close. It was strange, but it is exciting. I think he is going to win—but only if people show up.

Do not leave it to other people to decide for you. Vote like your life depends on it, because in a lot of ways it does. We do not want a society that turns to violence in order to maintain self-government. Go vote for the 2026 election.

Footnotes

[1] The event was held at Lori’s Roadhouse in West Chester Township, Butler County, Ohio. Local coverage and posts confirmed the rally timing on the final day of campaigning.

[2] Public polling averages in late October and early November 2026 generally showed Amy Acton with a narrow lead (roughly 2–7 points depending on the pollster), though some surveys were tighter or showed Ramaswamy ahead. Ohio does not have formal party registration; affiliation is determined by primary ballot choice. Early-voting data showed Democrats returning a higher share of ballots than Republicans through late October, with unaffiliated voters forming a large bloc. The author’s assessment relies on claimed internal numbers and county-level expectations not reflected in the public averages.

[3] References to funding of progressive causes and election-related efforts by George Soros and associated networks appear widely in conservative commentary and investigative reporting on philanthropy and political spending.

Bibliography for Further Reading

Ramaswamy, Vivek. Woke, Inc.: Inside Corporate America’s Social Justice Scam. Center Street, 2021.

Ramaswamy, Vivek. Nation of Victims: Identity Politics, the Death of Merit, and the Path Back to Excellence. Center Street, 2022.

Ramaswamy, Vivek. Capitalist Punishment: How Wall Street Is Using Your Money to Create a Country You Didn’t Vote For. HarperCollins, 2023.

Ramaswamy, Vivek. Truths: The Future of America First. Simon & Schuster, 2024.

Hoffman, Rich. The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business. (Author’s work on leadership, individual responsibility, and practical strategy.)

Green, Donald P., and Alan S. Gerber. Get Out the Vote: How to Increase Voter Turnout. 4th ed. Brookings Institution Press, 2019.

Hill, David. American Voter Turnout: An Institutional Perspective. Westview Press, 2006.

Rolfe, Meredith. Voter Turnout: A Social Theory of Political Participation. Cambridge University Press, 2012.

Derber, Charles, et al. Turnout!: Mobilizing Voters in an Emergency. Routledge, 2020.

Levitsky, Steven, and Daniel Ziblatt. How Democracies Die. Crown, 2018.

Mayer, Jane. Dark Money: The Hidden History of the Billionaires Behind the Rise of the Radical Right. Doubleday, 2016.

Caplan, Bryan. The Myth of the Rational Voter: Why Democracies Choose Bad Policies. Princeton University Press, 2007.

Achen, Christopher H., and Larry M. Bartels. Democracy for Realists: Why Elections Do Not Produce Responsive Government. Princeton University Press, 2016.

Brennan, Jason. Against Democracy. Princeton University Press, 2016.

Tocqueville, Alexis de. Democracy in America. (Multiple editions; foundational on American civic habits and self-government.)

Madison, James, Alexander Hamilton, and John Jay. The Federalist Papers. (Especially essays on factions, republican government, and the dangers of majority tyranny.)

Locke, John. Second Treatise of Government. (On consent, property, and the right to alter or abolish government.)

Federalist Society publications and reports on election integrity and originalism, 2020–2026.

Heritage Foundation Election Integrity Project reports, 2024–2026.

Ohio Secretary of State voter registration and early-voting dashboards (2026 cycle data).

RealClearPolitics, Ballotpedia, and multi-state election trackers for the 2026 Ohio gubernatorial race (polling averages, candidate profiles, and historical context).

Local Ohio reporting from the Cincinnati Enquirer, Columbus Dispatch, and Butler County sources on campaign events and county-level dynamics.

Rich Hoffman

More about me

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

About the Author: Rich Hoffman

Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com.  If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.

The Politics of Fear: Non-Human Intelligence, Cultural Programming, and Embodied Terror as Mechanisms of Social Control

An Academic Reflection from Put-in-Bay and the Kings Island Haunt, 2026

This paper examines how fear functions as a primary mechanism of cultural programming and social control, drawing on personal fieldwork conducted in 2025–2026. It integrates archaeological, anthropological, and psychological perspectives with experiential data from a period of deliberate privation (finishing The Politics of Heaven at Put-in-Bay, Ohio) and embodied performance (portraying Jason Voorhees in the “Blood Reigns” attraction at Kings Island’s Haunt). The argument posits that non-human intelligence—whether framed as demons, interdimensional entities, or residual “software” written into human cognition—operates primarily through fear, peer pressure, and mythic narratives. Observations of gendered responses to terror, connections to ancient shamanic and Canaanite practices, and the broader “Truman Show” constraints of modern society are developed. The work is offered as a foundational paper toward a larger doctoral-scale thesis.

Introduction: Writing Under Privation and the Search for Root Causes


I have long maintained that the written word remains the most durable vehicle for knowledge transfer, even as video and podcast media dominate contemporary communication. My books are intended not merely for commercial circulation but as time capsules—relevant to readers centuries hence. The Politics of Heaven, completed in draft at Put-in-Bay, Ohio, in 2026, addresses the political order of conspirators against God (or Yahweh), using history, archaeology, and anthropology to map the software that programs human intellect and society.¹

Influences include James Frazer’s comparative mythology, the psychology of Jung and Freud, the poetry of T. S. Eliot, and the science fiction of Frank Herbert (Dune), whose Bene Gesserit and later revelations about programmed human destiny illuminate how mythologies function as code.² We live in a constrained existence often analogized to The Truman Show or The Matrix: perceptions are filtered, free will is debated, and destinies are described as “meant to be.” Who writes the program? My working hypothesis, refined through decades of study and travel, is that non-human intelligence—lingering outside or adjacent to dimensional reality—has shaped human software for millennia. JD Vance and others have used the language of demons; Timothy Alberino’s work on the Book of Enoch and related texts has brought these questions into wider circulation.³ I align with much, though not all, of that framing.

Archaeology and anthropology remain central. Periodicals on human settlement, migration, skull cults at Göbekli Tepe (c. 10,000 BCE), copper cultures of the Upper Peninsula of Michigan, the Windover people of Central Florida (c. 7,000–8,000 years ago), dolmens and shaman caves in the Jordan Valley and near the Sea of Galilee (dating to 14,000–15,000 years ago), and the unresolved questions surrounding the First Temple period in Jerusalem all indicate advanced activity long before conventional biblical timelines.⁴ Graham Hancock’s The Sign and the Seal modeled an adventure-correspondence approach I adapted, though my expenditure of roughly half a million dollars in travel and research produced a more systematic chronology of museums and sites.⁵ The goal was never light entertainment but a serious attempt to order the politics of spiritual adversaries.

Method: Privation, Shamanic Parallel, and the Truman Show


Shamans historically depleted themselves—through fasting, stress, sleep deprivation, or plant medicines such as ayahuasca—to heighten interaction with the spirit world. Jesus’s fasting in the wilderness and Pablo Amaringo’s visionary work (emerging from Hancock’s circles) illustrate the pattern.⁶ I employ a parallel method when finishing major works: deliberate hardship to push perception beyond ordinary constraints.

I finished The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business in Roswell, New Mexico, during a snowstorm after racing from Kansas City through untreated roads. The setting let me research the 1947 incidents, John Chisum’s economic impact, and the Lincoln County War. Similarly, Put-in-Bay provided isolation. Hostile actors—corporate pirates, political adversaries, and those who label dissent “crazy” to enforce social ostracism—create constant vigilance. I have maintained a zero-violence policy while carrying defensive arms and varying routes, informed by early exposure to organized-crime environments in the Cincinnati area (hitmen who preferred chaotic public sites such as stoplights to minimize witnesses).⁷ Put-in-Bay’s limited geography and reduced chaos allowed genuine relaxation for several days, revealing the extent of chronic self-preservation stress. Jacques Vallée’s books, read there, confirmed that readers of my manuscript already recognized the parallel to his hypotheses on non-human intelligence and control systems.⁸

The “Truman Show” is not metaphor alone. Peer pressure, institutional relief valves, and mythic programming keep populations within acceptable bounds. Politics is software input. Questions of free will, destiny, and “God’s plan” require root-cause analysis rather than repetition of received narratives.

Archaeological Foundations and Pre-Biblical Complexity


Göbekli Tepe’s skull cult, beer production, and monumental architecture predate conventional agricultural narratives. Michigan copper sources potentially fueled early Bronze Age metallurgy. Windover bog burials demonstrate sophisticated indigenous cultures in Florida long before 1619-project framings. Near-Eastern shaman caves show continuous use of psychoactive means to contact non-human intelligence. Jerusalem’s stratigraphy—layers of soil obscuring First Temple remains, the Dome of the Rock’s contested holiness, debates over the Ark of the Covenant—illustrates selective historical emphasis.⁹

I contend that when humans return to the Moon and Mars in the 2030s, archaeology will expand into space. Evidence of prior habitation—structures, temples, or genetic serial numbers distinguishing populations—may confirm that modern humanity is either a continuation or an edited product of earlier intelligences. Giants in biblical and extra-biblical texts may reflect lower-gravity origins as readily as Nephilim mating. Erich von Däniken and Zechariah Sitchin, though contested, raised questions that academic orthodoxy often dismisses too quickly.¹⁰ The 1619 Project and related efforts to reframe American founding as purely extractive ignore the long Western-civilizational arc emerging from the Near East through political and religious turmoil into constitutional self-government.¹¹

Fear as the Core Control Mechanism


Fear constructs society. Loss of employment, social ostracism, political realignment, parental authority, spectral threats—all function as relief valves or enforcement tools. Communism and modern institutional capture operate similarly. Haunted attractions, by contrast, offer bounded terror: participants pay to confront fear while guaranteed physical safety.

In September–October 2026, I auditioned for Kings Island’s Haunt. My walk—shaped by decades of executive work, proximity to power without subservience, and early familiarity with violent environments—led casting directors to select me as Jason Voorhees for the “Blood Rains” house, which drew heavily on the first four Friday the 13th films. Six Flags invested substantially in authentic sets, pine scent, rain effects, and practical lighting/sound. I worked Thursday–Sunday nights from mid-September through Halloween, typically 5 p.m. to after midnight, among a cast largely in their teens and twenties. The Saturday before Halloween saw multi-hour lines extending into the mall area; tens of thousands of guests passed through.¹²

Jason does not speak. Presence, posture, and eye contact project threat. I employed every available non-verbal means—strobe activation, machete motion, wall strikes when audio failed—to maximize effect. Physical cost was real: cut hands from repeated machete handling, bloodied knuckles, observed injuries among other performers. The experience supplied a large statistical sample of human response under controlled terror.

Gendered and Developmental Responses to Terror


Males (boys and men) predominantly sought engagement: “Hi Jason,” fist-bump requests, verbal acknowledgment that affirmed survival and status. Females, especially adolescents (roughly 15–18), frequently defaulted to sexual display or verbal seduction—“I love you, Jason,” blown kisses, tongue gestures, exposure—under hive conditions in groups of six or more. This was not universal but patterned and striking. I remained fully in character and found the behavior revealing rather than gratifying.

These responses map onto older fertility and goddess-cult practices. Academic literature sometimes underplays the sexual dimensions of Canaanite religion—temple prostitution, fertility rites offered to deities. Under uncertainty (future, status, survival), young females appear to test sexual capital as appeasement. Parallel questions arise regarding high-school relationships with older authority figures: the same calculus of power and fear can and do operate. Once reproductive and household realities set in, the pattern typically attenuates.¹³

Haunted-house guests emerge smiling, having survived bounded terror. The certainty of the scare itself provides relief from the more diffuse fears of ordinary life. People want to locate the monsters and the pecking order.

Canaanite Cults, Shamanism, and Western Counter-Narratives


Why did populations worship Canaanite deities with sexual and sacrificial rites? Fear and the desire for fertility or protection. Shamanic caves throughout the region, continuous with Göbekli Tepe traditions, indicate long interaction with non-human intelligence. The Protestant Reformation’s debates over the Apocrypha (Luther et al.) and the Bible’s selective time-capsule nature leave room for pre-Adamite or edited human populations.¹⁴ Western civilization, emerging through Christian and classical synthesis, largely rejected the more destructive cultic practices even while retaining fear as a social tool.

My observations in the Haunt supplied modern ethnographic data: under acute fear, sexual appeasement and status-seeking appear as default strategies. This does not require endorsement of any particular theology; it requires acknowledging that non-human intelligence (or residual programming attributed to it) continues to exploit fear. In The Politics of Heaven, Yahweh faces ongoing conspirators; human beings are both targets and potential representatives.

Implications for Programming, Free Will, and Future Archaeology


Stories and folklore write software. Families, companies, political parties, and nations transmit it. Elon Musk’s enterprises (SpaceX, Tesla, Starlink) illustrate an engineer bringing science-fiction templates into hardware; the same logic applies to cultural templates. Disclosure discussions around non-human intelligence remain constrained by institutional incentives.

When archaeological work reaches Mars and the Moon, prior human or human-intelligence presence will force timeline revisions. Genetic distinctions among populations may be re-read as creator “serial numbers.” Fear will remain the primary enforcement mechanism unless deliberately countered by clearer understanding of the program and its authors. Bounded experiences of terror (haunts, controlled shamanic methods) can illuminate the mechanism without surrendering to it.

Conclusion


The 2026 season—completing The Politics of Heaven under conditions of hostility, reading Vallée at Put-in-Bay, and embodying Jason Voorhees for tens of thousands of guests—functioned as an extended field experiment. Fear governs more of human society than is commonly admitted. Gendered responses, ancient cultic parallels, and the architecture of the Truman Show all converge on the same point: non-human intelligence, or the residual code it left, continues to shape outcomes. Academic archaeology, anthropology, and psychology supply tools; personal privation and embodied performance supply data. Further work will expand this foundation into a fuller thesis. The Haunt was excellent service; the learning exceeded any wage.

Jason: Blood Reign and the Quiet Proof of Leadership

I went into the 2026 Halloween Haunt at Kings Island deliberately choosing the hard, less-visible work. For a long time the projects I’ve been around have tended to succeed, and it can become difficult to know how much of that success you actually carry with you versus how much simply arrives because you’re standing next to it. So I picked something outside my usual wheelhouse—seasonal work as Jason Voorhees inside the new licensed Friday the 13th maze, Jason: Blood Reign—and treated it as a personal experiment. Could I still move the needle when the assignment was physically demanding, the hours long, the setting unfamiliar, and the success of the night depended on people I had to help form into a team under real pressure?

It was hard. Very hard on the body and on the schedule. But the result was clearer than I expected. Blood Reign became one of the headlining mazes of the season. Kings Island ran seven haunted mazes in 2026 (Blood Reign and Metal Massacre new; Order of the Dragon, Alien Abyss, Killmart, Slaughter House, and the separate add-on Conjuring experience). Blood Reign was the line people planned around. Early in the run it regularly posted 60-minute medians on Fridays and Saturdays and hit 180 minutes on at least one Saturday. Guests who waited still came out talking about it. Reviews from park regulars and content creators repeatedly called the production a step up for the park—strong sets that moved between woods and camp scenes drawn from the franchise, effective scares, and actors who kept the tension alive rather than just jumping out. Multiple people described it as “S-tier,” “some of the best production I’ve seen at Kings Island,” and worth the extra Haunted Attractions Pass. The same maze ran at two other Six Flags parks this year (SCarowinds and Great Adventure’s Fright Fest); at Kings Island the long lines and the volume of positive guest reactions after they exited were the clearest local verdict.

What I take from it is not the mask or the machete. It is the confirmation that my strongest lever is still team-building and culture. When you can get the people around you to raise their game, stay consistent under fatigue, and care about the experience the guest is having, the maze performs. There were the usual background conversations about what actually makes a good haunt—staffing, pacing, the difference between a cheap jump and a sustained sense that something is hunting you—and the group that formed around the maze worked through those. Six Flags supplied a budget and the licensed concept; the actors and the people supporting them turned it into something guests wanted to stand in line for and then recommended to others. Tens of thousands of people moved through that experience across the roughly 22 operating nights. The ones I saw leaving were generally happy with what they had just paid for.

That outcome matters to me for 2027. It was not my normal environment. It was physical, seasonal, and outside the usual executive or advisory frame. Yet the same pattern held: get the culture right, elevate the people doing the work, and the thing tends to succeed. That is the blank check I was looking for. Whatever projects I put my name next to next year—whether they look familiar or deliberately difficult—I now have another clear data point that the method travels. The lines, the reviews, and the team that held together through the hard nights are the evidence. I’m proud of the contribution. More than that, I’m satisfied that the experiment worked.

My daughters and one of my grandsons while I was working as Jason

I was especially happy to hear the guys at Tower Topics—Don Helbig and Ryan Suhr—talk about Jason: Blood Reign on their podcast. Around the four-minute mark of the episode where Ryan reviewed this year’s Haunt (“Ryan Went to Haunt So Don Didn’t Have To”), he specifically described what he ran into at the curtain. That’s where they put me most nights—about 80% of the time. I’m fast, and I developed a way of timing the button that triggers the sound effect and the light visuals so the jump lines up exactly when I rip the curtain open.

I call it the Jack-in-the-Box effect. You know the jump is coming. You can see me twisting the knot and the handle just a little, building the anticipation, but you still don’t know the exact second. Ryan came through multiple times—I recognized him once I saw him on the podcast—and he kept coming back through the maze the way a lot of people do once they’ve been scared. Across the hall from the curtain there’s a little graphic animation of Jason killing someone in shadow. Guests lock onto that. While they’re looking at it, I come out behind them. Even when people have already been through several times and know I’m standing there, the timing still gets them. A lot of them fall down. Some crawl out of the room on their hands and knees. Others jump so hard they pull the people in front of them down with them. It happens often enough that I’m sure there will be reviews mentioning the safety side of it, but the reaction is real.

Groups of thirty or so would come through. I’d get the first couple, then people four or five back would see me and still get hit when I timed the jump. They’d say “I knew you were behind that curtain—I just went through here” and then admit I still scared them. I never broke character. They’d try to get you to talk or react, but I stayed locked in. The goal every night was simple: they paid good money, so give them everything you’ve got. Don’t hold back. Don’t phone it in.

We had a strong group—mostly younger people—and we built a positive, high-energy culture. I challenged myself by stepping into something outside my normal element, injecting energy and creativity day after day, and treating every guest like they deserved the full scare. It was a tough, physical job with long hours, but being part of making it succeed felt good. Hearing Ryan Suhr, who has been through a lot of haunts and isn’t easy to impress, talk about Jason: Blood Reign as one of the best in the country made me proud of the part I played in it. These guys do a half-hour to hour-long show and still came away with a genuinely positive take. That meant something.

I’m happy they had a good experience, and I’m glad Ryan recognized the work we put in at the curtain. It was a successful season, and I was glad to contribute to it.Notes

  1. Rich Hoffman, The Politics of Heaven (manuscript, 2026).
  2. Frank Herbert, Dune series (1965–1985); James G. Frazer, The Golden Bough (1890–1915); C. G. Jung, Archetypes and the Collective Unconscious (1959).
  3. Timothy Alberino, Birthright and related lectures on Enochic literature; public statements by JD Vance on demonic language.
  4. Klaus Schmidt, Göbekli Tepe: A Stone Age Sanctuary in South-Eastern Anatolia (2012); reports on Windover archaeological site (Florida); copper provenance studies linking Lake Superior to Near Eastern Bronze Age.
  5. Graham Hancock, The Sign and the Seal (1992).
  6. Pablo Amaringo and Luis Eduardo Luna, Ayahuasca Visions (1991); biblical accounts of Jesus’s wilderness fasting (Matthew 4; Luke 4).
  7. Personal observational data from Cincinnati-area environments, 1980s–1990s; general criminological literature on witness behavior in chaotic public spaces.
  8. Jacques Vallée, Passport to Magonia (1969) and Dimensions (1988).
  9. Standard stratigraphic reports on the City of David and Temple Mount; debates summarized in Israel Finkelstein and Neil Asher Silberman, The Bible Unearthed (2001), read critically.
  10. Erich von Däniken, Chariots of the Gods? (1968); Zechariah Sitchin, The 12th Planet (1976).
  11. Critical responses to the 1619 Project, including those emphasizing continuity of Western legal and philosophical traditions.
  12. Kings Island Haunt operational data and personal field notes, September–October 2026.
  13. Comparative material on Canaanite religion in William G. Dever, Did God Have a Wife? (2005); ethnographic parallels in fear and fertility rites.
  14. Martin Luther’s prefaces to the Apocrypha; standard introductions to biblical canon formation.

Selected Bibliography for Further Reading
Alberino, Timothy. Works on Enoch and related pseudepigrapha.
Amaringo, Pablo, and Luis Eduardo Luna. Ayahuasca Visions.
Dever, William G. Did God Have a Wife?
Finkelstein, Israel, and Neil Asher Silberman. The Bible Unearthed.
Frazer, James G. The Golden Bough.
Hancock, Graham. The Sign and the Seal; Fingerprints of the Gods.
Herbert, Frank. Dune series.
Jung, C. G. Collected works on archetypes and the unconscious.
Schmidt, Klaus. Göbekli Tepe.
Sitchin, Zechariah. Earth Chronicles series.
Vallée, Jacques. Passport to Magonia; Dimensions; Confrontations.
von Däniken, Erich. Chariots of the Gods?
Additional primary archaeological reports on Göbekli Tepe, Windover, Michigan copper, and Levantine dolmens and caves; criminological studies of public violence and witness behavior; psychological literature on fear conditioning and gender differences under stress (e.g., works descending from Freud, Jung, and modern terror-management theory).

Rich Hoffman

More about me

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

About the Author: Rich Hoffman

Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com.  If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.

Jason at Kings Island and the Rules of the Haunted House: Why Darbi Boddy Is Right About Islam Using American Freedoms to Undo Christian Culture in West Chester

The Window Needs Moving, and Someone Has to Pull It

I have known Ann Becker for a long time. She knows what it takes to stand in a public meeting, take the heat, and keep talking when the institutional machinery wants to shut down the conversation. That is why I listen when Darbi Boddy speaks. She has spent years crossing the state, appearing at school board meetings, and putting uncomfortable realities on the record about how certain Islamic communities in Western countries treat the American premises of free speech, free exercise of religion, and separation of church and state. A Christian people built those premises for a Christian culture. They were never designed as a one-way shield for a competing civilizational order whose own foundational texts and majority opinion in many of its societies reject the same liberties when the roles reverse.

West Chester needs people willing to say this out loud. Mark Welch is no longer a township trustee. The current board is Ann Becker as chair, Lee Wong, and Amanda Ortiz. The board needs clear-eyed leadership that doesn’t treat every demand for religious accommodation as automatically benign. Darbi has done the preparatory public-comment work candidates used to do before seeking office. She earned a seat once. The lawyers and the process found a way to remove her from the Lakota board after a civil protection order kept her from meetings for ninety days. I do not see that removal as a victory for order. I see it as a successful effort to silence the person who kept forcing the discussion the rest of the board preferred not to have.

Darbi Boddy’s Record and the Price of Speaking Plainly

Darbi was elected to the Lakota Local Schools Board of Education in 2021 on a platform of teaching the greatness of America and opposing critical race theory and related ideological imports. Lakota serves West Chester and Liberty Townships and is one of the largest suburban districts in southwest Ohio. Her tenure was contentious. She criticized suicide-prevention mandates she believed separated parents from children, questioned curriculum, and clashed repeatedly with colleagues. A civil stalking protection order fellow board member Isaac Adi obtained in 2023 prevented her from attending meetings with him present. After 90 days of absences, the remaining members declared them insufficient and voted her off in March 2024. She has continued speaking at other boards, including Xenia, and has faced lawsuits and counterclaims over public comment and First Amendment issues. She now leads Access Ohio, focused on parent rights and traditional American values.

People call her a bull in a China shop. Aggressive clarity is often required when institutions have already accepted the progressive framing that any scrutiny of Islamic political theology is bigotry. The same institutions treat Christian residual culture as the problem to be managed. Darbi keeps pointing at the asymmetry. Islamic leadership in many Western settings has stated, in plain language or through institutional practice, the goal of replacing Christian cultural dominance with Islamic norms. She refuses to let local politicians, including those in West Chester, pretend the observation is out of bounds.

The Legal Gambit: Freedom of Religion as a One-Way Shield

Lawyers are skilled at reinterpreting English and case law to fit the argument of the moment. The modern reading of “separation of church and state” is a prime example. The Founders intended to prevent the federal government from establishing a national church or interfering with the free exercise of existing Christian denominations. They did not intend a neutrality so absolute that a competing theocratic system could use the First Amendment as cover while its own doctrines prescribe death for apostasy, second-class status for non-believers, and legal supremacy for sharia.

Pew Research Center’s 2013 survey of Muslims in thirty-nine countries found overwhelming majorities in South Asia, the Middle East and North Africa, Southeast Asia, and parts of sub-Saharan Africa favoring sharia as the official law of the land, at least for Muslims. In Afghanistan, Egypt, Pakistan, and Jordan, large shares of those who favored sharia also favored the death penalty for leaving Islam. Later Pew work has shown Islam as the world’s fastest-growing major religion between 2010 and 2020, driven primarily by higher fertility and a younger median age rather than mass conversion. In Europe, the Muslim share reached roughly 6 percent by 2020; projections with continued migration put it near 10 percent by mid-century. In the United States, the absolute numbers remain smaller, but the growth rate is among the highest of any region. West Chester is home to the Islamic Center of Greater Cincinnati, a large campus with a prominent golden dome visible from I-75, which has grown to serve tens of thousands of families since it opened in the mid-1990s.

None of this is a conspiracy theory. It is demography plus doctrine. When a community whose median opinion in many source countries rejects the equal status of other religions uses the American guarantee of free exercise to expand its institutional footprint, while simultaneously pressing for speech restrictions on “Islamophobia,” the constitutional premise is being used against the culture that created it. Lawyers can draft the accommodation language. Politicians can call the resulting pressure “tolerance.” The practical result is the gradual displacement of the prior order.

My Experiment at Kings Island’s Jason: Blood Reign

I spent the 2026 Halloween season working as Jason Voorhees in the new “Jason: Blood Reign” maze at Kings Island’s Halloween Haunt. Before guests enter, they are told the rule: the monsters will not touch you. You have complete safety. Do not touch the monsters. Thousands of people waited, sometimes for hours, for the thrill of being scared while knowing they were protected.

The parallel to the political debate is direct. In the haunted house, guests know the rules protect them. Some guests, once they understand the protection is absolute, become rambunctious. They test the boundary. A few try to punch or kick the actor. They know the performer is forbidden from retaliating. The same dynamic appears when a radical religious order treats American free-speech and free-exercise rules as a shield while advancing practices and political goals incompatible with those rules. The aggressor is told he cannot be touched. He then lashes out, confident the defender is constrained.

Out of the tens of thousands of people I scared during the season, I turned every negative or hostile encounter into a positive, and that is consistent with most things that I get involved with.  It was fun and rewarding to do it on a large scale; I tested what I wanted to challenge myself with.

I read body language—shoulders, facial expressions, the way a group clustered—before they reached my position. I used the strobe, the sound, the timing of the jump. People who knew exactly where I was still jumped. Some laughed afterward and admitted they had been gotten anyway. The aggressive ones still got the scare because the common purpose of the attraction was shared: they came to be frightened. The rules constrained my physical response, but they did not constrain psychological effectiveness.

That is the practical lesson. You do not have to break the Fourteenth Amendment or the First Amendment to defend the culture. You do have to understand the strategy of the other side and refuse to pretend the asymmetry does not exist. Darbi is doing that work in public meetings. The institutional response has been to use process and protection orders to remove her from the conversation. The lawyers did their job of reinterpreting the rules. The result is that the discussion she forced is harder to have.

The Psychology of the Protected Aggressor and What the Numbers Show

The people who waited in the long line outside Blood Reign wanted the experience. They did not want to be harmed. Some still behaved poorly once they believed the rules gave them impunity. That is ordinary human behavior under asymmetric constraint. Scale it to civilizational level and the pattern is recognizable. Groups that retain high in-group preference, higher fertility, and doctrinal rejection of equal religious liberty can expand under a host culture’s free-exercise rules while the host culture is told that reciprocal scrutiny violates its own principles.

The data do not require exotic interpretation. Pew’s global religious landscape work shows Muslim population growth outpacing every other major group from 2010 to 2020. Fertility differentials, not adult conversion, drive most of the increase. In many Muslim-majority societies, majorities continue to favor legal systems in which sharia has official status. Western polling of Muslim populations shows greater moderation on average, particularly among those born in the West, yet the institutional organizations and the source-country norms travel with the migration. Local officials who treat every request for accommodation as self-evidently compatible with American order are choosing not to examine the long-term trajectory.

Ann Becker has been on the other side of contentious meetings. She knows the difference between an ideology held in a living room and the same ideology defended under public scrutiny and procedural attack. Darbi’s style is more confrontational. That style is sometimes necessary to move the Overton window back toward the place where Christian cultural continuity is treated as the default rather than the problem. The progressive platform

Rich Hoffman

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Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

About the Author: Rich Hoffman

Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com.  If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.and the legal class have made adherence to the rules nearly impossible for a civil society that wishes to remain itself. The rules were written by people who assumed a shared civilizational premise. When that premise is rejected by one of the parties using the rules, the defender must name the rejection.

Moving the Window Without Breaking the Rules

I am proud of the season I spent as Jason. The work was physically demanding. It required reading people under pressure and finding a way to deliver the intended experience even when some guests tried to weaponize the safety rules. The political parallel is not perfect, but it is close enough to be useful. The guests who behaved worst still left having been scared, because the shared purpose of the attraction overrode the temporary abuse of the rules. A society that still possesses a shared purpose—constitutional loyalty, individual responsibility, and the cultural inheritance that produced those things—can do the same. It requires people willing to speak the obvious asymmetries in public, to accept the personal cost, and to keep the discussion alive after the lawyers and the process have done their best to end it.

Darbi Boddy has been doing that. West Chester has the institutional space for it now that the prior trustee arrangement has changed. The argument matters more than the personalities. Voters ultimately decide whether the community remains American in more than name or whether it continues to treat every use of its own freedoms as equally legitimate even when the user does not reciprocate. I have seen the dynamic up close, under the mask, with a large sample of ordinary people. The rules can be used against you. You can still win the encounter if you refuse to pretend the rules were written for a different game.

Bibliography

Bat Ye’or. Eurabia: The Euro-Arab Axis. Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 2005.

Hirsi Ali, Ayaan. Infidel. Free Press, 2007.

Hirsi Ali, Ayaan. Nomad: From Islam to America. Free Press, 2010.

Hoffman, Rich. The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business. (and related works on individual responsibility and cultural continuity).

Ibrahim, Raymond. Sword and Scimitar: Fourteen Centuries of War between Islam and the West. Da Capo, 2018.

Lewis, Bernard. What Went Wrong? Western Impact and Middle Eastern Response. Oxford University Press, 2002.

Lewis, Bernard. The Crisis of Islam: Holy War and Unholy Terror. Modern Library, 2003.

Pew Research Center. “The World’s Muslims: Religion, Politics and Society.” April 30, 2013.

Pew Research Center. “The Future of World Religions: Population Growth Projections, 2010–2050.” April 2, 2015.

Pew Research Center. “How the Global Religious Landscape Changed From 2010 to 2020.” June 9, 2025.

Spencer, Robert. The History of Jihad: From Muhammad to ISIS. Bombardier Books, 2018.

Spencer, Robert. The Critical Qur’an: Explained from Key Islamic Commentaries and Contemporary Historical Research. Bombardier Books, 2022.

Warraq, Ibn. Why I Am Not a Muslim. Prometheus Books, 1995.

Local reporting on Lakota Local Schools Board actions regarding Darbi Boddy (Cincinnati Enquirer, Dayton Daily News, FOX19, WXIX, 2021–2025).

West Chester Township Board of Trustees meeting records and official site, 2025–2026.

Kings Island Halloween Haunt 2026 materials on “Jason: Blood Reign.”

Footnotes

1.  Darbi Boddy elected 2021; removed March 2024 after protection order produced ninety-day absence under Ohio Revised Code provisions allowing removal when absences are declared insufficient by two-thirds of the remaining board. See Cincinnati Enquirer, March–April 2024 coverage.

2.  Pew Research Center, “The World’s Muslims: Religion, Politics and Society,” 2013. Regional medians for support of sharia as official law: South Asia 84 %, Middle East-North Africa 74 %, Southeast Asia 77 %, sub-Saharan Africa 64 %. Support for death penalty for apostasy among those favoring sharia reached 78 % in Afghanistan and was high in Egypt and Pakistan.

3.  Pew Research Center, “How the Global Religious Landscape Changed From 2010 to 2020,” June 2025. Muslims increased by 347 million; share of world population rose to 25.6 %. Growth driven primarily by fertility and age structure.

4.  Islamic Center of Greater Cincinnati, West Chester Township, opened mid-1990s; large campus visible from I-75. Contemporary reporting describes service to tens of thousands of families.

5.  Kings Island Halloween Haunt 2026 featured the licensed “Jason: Blood Reign” maze. Guest instructions explicitly prohibit contact with actors; actors are constrained from physical retaliation.

6.  West Chester Township Board of Trustees as of 2026: Ann Becker (Chair), Lee Wong, Amanda Ortiz. Mark Welch, longtime trustee, did not continue after the 2025 election cycle.supplies the footnotes

Rich Hoffman

More about me

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

About the Author: Rich Hoffman

Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com.  If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.

Vote Yes on Ohio Issue 3: Lock Voter ID into the Constitution Before the Whisper Campaigns Confuse Enough People

Early voting is already underway in Ohio, and from what I am hearing on the ground, shenanigans and whisper campaigns are moving through the lines and the mailboxes. I just got off an important call with someone who is a major mover and shaker in Ohio politics—he is everywhere, he sees everything, and he does not want his name attached to this. What he told me matches what I have been picking up from the ground troops in Butler County, Warren County, and Hamilton County. Democrats know voter ID is popular. They know they cannot openly oppose it without looking like they want loose rules. So they are trying to play it both ways: smile and nod that identification is fine while quietly telling confused voters not to bother with Issue 3, or to vote no because “it is already the law.” That is the classic whisper campaign, and it is active right now.¹

What Issue 3 Actually Does

Issue 3 is a legislatively referred constitutional amendment on the November 3, 2026 ballot. It would add a new Section 5 to Article V of the Ohio Constitution requiring voters to present an approved form of government-issued photo identification to vote in person. Acceptable documents match current law: an unexpired Ohio driver’s license or state ID card, a U.S. passport or passport card, a U.S. military ID, an Ohio National Guard ID, or a U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs ID. There is an allowance for an alternative verification method if someone has a sincere religious objection to being photographed. For non-in-person voting, it sets a minimum standard—photo ID or, if authorized by law, a signature plus one other unique identifier.²

Ohio already requires photo ID for in-person voting under House Bill 458, which Governor Mike DeWine signed in January 2023 and which took effect that April. Issue 3 does not invent a new requirement for Election Day. It constitutionalizes the existing one. A future legislature could not simply repeal or water it down with a simple majority vote. Changing it would require another constitutional amendment and a statewide vote. That is the entire point.³

Why Identification for Voting Is Not Extreme

I have had to use my passport and driver’s license for things far less important than choosing who runs the state. Cross an ocean for work or family and the authorities want to know who you are. Get a job, board a plane, cash a check, buy a beer, rent an apartment—identification is routine. Yet when it comes to the franchise that decides taxes, schools, and Ohio’s direction, some people treat the same basic requirement as an attack. Democrats have spent years arguing that requiring proof of identity suppresses votes. The practical reality is simpler: they have structural problems winning without loose rules, non-citizen voting risks, and the ability to litigate or legislate the standards downward later. If you already need a government-issued photo ID to drive to the polls, the idea that you should not need one to cast a ballot does not survive ordinary scrutiny.⁴

Leaving It to the Legislature Is Not Good Enough

The next General Assembly can change current law. That is why the old moderate Republican approach of “trust the process and the statutes” is not sufficient. For decades, we have watched election rules become battlefields of lawsuits, emergency orders, and administrative discretion. Ambiguous statutes get stretched. Provisional ballots, signature mismatches, and mail procedures create friction that favors the side with better lawyers and more patience. Putting the core identification requirement into the Constitution raises the bar permanently. It is not radical; it is the same logic that put other foundational rules into the document so they cannot be quietly reversed when political winds shift.⁵

The Whisper Campaigns and the Ground Game

The person who called me said the effort is particularly active in the southwest counties. Democrats know Issue 3 polls well—recent surveys have shown support in the 60 percent range. They cannot run a loud “vote no” campaign without looking like they oppose basic election security. Instead, they are working the lines and the early-vote sites with the quiet message that it is unnecessary, that you should vote for the candidates and skip the issue, or that a yes vote somehow hurts something else. That is deliberate confusion. I have seen this pattern before. When an idea is popular with ordinary people and inconvenient for the institutional left, the response is rarely a straight argument. It is noise, procedural objections, and selective silence.⁶

I am not claiming every Democrat is coordinating a formal operation. I am reporting what reliable sources on the ground are seeing in Butler, Warren, and Hamilton counties right now. Early voting numbers are already moving. Some of the same people who spent years expanding mail and early voting procedures now hope low-information voters will not notice Issue 3 or will treat it as optional. It is not optional if you want the requirement locked in.

The Rest of the Ballot

While you are there, the usual local priorities still apply. In the Lakota area, vote no on the school levy. Higher taxes on the same system that hasn’t delivered better results aren’t the answer. Vote for Republican candidates aligned with the direction Ohio has been moving. And make sure you vote yes on Issue 3. Whether you vote early in person, by mail with proper identification, or on Election Day, the identification question protects the integrity of all the others going forward.

Why This Matters Beyond One Election

Democrats have treated election administration as a growth industry for three decades. The more moving parts—provisional ballots, extended cure periods, expansive mail rules—the more opportunities for friction that can be litigated or exploited. Ohio tightened the rules in 2023 precisely because the previous non-photo options and longer windows created unnecessary risk. Constitutionalizing the photo ID standard is the logical next step so that a temporary legislative majority cannot unwind it. I do not want the next set of “reformers” treating basic identity verification as optional again.⁷

Show up. Vote yes on Issue 3. Do not let the whisper campaign talk you out of the one item on the ballot that makes it harder for the usual games to continue. The constitution is where permanent rules belong. Everything else is negotiable. This should not be.

Bibliography / Further Reading

• Ballotpedia, “Ohio Issue 3, Require Voter Identification Amendment (2026)” and related 2026 ballot measure pages.

• Official Ohio Secretary of State ballot language, explanation, and arguments for and against Issue 3.

• Substitute Senate Joint Resolution 10 (2026) and the enrolled text of the proposed Section 5 of Article V.

• House Bill 458 (134th General Assembly), signed January 6, 2023; effective April 7, 2023—text, fiscal notes, and contemporary news coverage of the photo ID requirement.

• Suffolk University/USA TODAY Network Ohio poll (September 23–27, 2026) showing approximately 61 percent support for Issue 3.

• Ohio Republican Party materials supporting Issue 3 and contemporaneous statements from legislative sponsors (Theresa Gavarone, Jane Timken, and others).

• Analyses of photo ID laws and election administration from the Heritage Foundation, Honest Elections Project, and academic reviews of HB 458’s implementation.

• Historical context on Ohio election law changes, including drop-box limits, provisional ballot cure periods, and absentee deadlines under HB 458.

• Broader works on election integrity and administrative discretion (for example, studies of non-citizen voting risks, signature verification error rates, and the political economy of mail balloting).

• Ayn Rand, Atlas Shrugged and The Fountainhead—useful for the larger contrast between systems that reward clarity and responsibility versus those that thrive on ambiguity and managed outcomes.

Rich Hoffman is an aerospace executive, writer, and host of the Overman Warrior Podcast / Executive Warrior Podcast, based in the Cincinnati / Butler County area of Ohio. He has written extensively on local and national politics, individual responsibility, and the cultural and institutional costs of managerial governance.

Footnotes

¹ Ground reports from Butler, Warren, and Hamilton counties during early voting (began October 6, 2026) describing selective messaging on Issue 3; consistent with the low-profile nature of organized “no” efforts noted in contemporaneous coverage.

² Ballotpedia, “Ohio Issue 3, Require Voter Identification Amendment (2026)”; official ballot language certified by the Ohio Ballot Board (August 2026); Signal Ohio and other explainers confirming the measure enshrines existing in-person photo ID rules and sets minimum standards for other methods.

³ House Bill 458 (signed January 6, 2023; effective April 7, 2023) established the current photo ID requirement for in-person voting and related absentee procedures. Issue 3 constitutionalizes the core in-person standard so that future statutory repeal would require another statewide vote.

⁴ Everyday identification requirements (driver’s license, passport, employment, travel) are routinely accepted; the same logic applies to the franchise. Ohio already issues free state IDs to those who need them.

⁵ Legislative referral via SJR 10 (passed Senate 22–9 on June 3, 2026; House 62–30 on June 10, 2026). Constitutional placement raises the amendment threshold compared with ordinary statute.

⁶ Suffolk University/USA TODAY Network poll (September 23–27, 2026) of 500 likely voters: 61 percent support, 31 percent oppose, 8 percent undecided. Coverage notes limited high-profile Democratic opposition and the measure’s popularity.

⁷ Contemporary reporting on HB 458 (AP, Cleveland.com, Democracy Docket, ACLU of Ohio analyses) details the shift from non-photo options to photo ID, shortened cure and return windows, and single drop-box limits. These changes reduced administrative discretion; constitutional entrenchment continues in that direction.

Rich Hoffman

More about me

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

About the Author: Rich Hoffman

Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com.  If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.

Soft Campaigns and Bloody Knuckles: Why the Administrative State’s Interchangeable-People Model Is Failing in 2026

There is a common thread running through the 2026 campaigns of Amy Acton in Ohio and James Talarico in Texas. Both operate on the premise that the candidate is largely optional. Public relations teams, controlled events, and background management can substitute for the person who is supposed to do the job. Talarico spent roughly nine to twelve days off the in-person trail in late September and early October with the flu—working by Zoom from home, citing contagion concerns and his Type 1 diabetes—while opponents circulated “missing” posters and called him missing in action. Acton has refused to debate Vivek Ramaswamy, limited cameras and open questioning at events, and run a tightly managed operation that keeps her from unscripted exposure. The underlying belief is the same one that has dominated corporate human-resources departments for years: people are interchangeable units, exceptional performance is not required, and the administrative layer can keep the machine running if the front person needs a sick day or prefers not to answer questions.

The Philosophy That Anyone Can Be Swapped

This is the practical application of a long-running idea that exceptionalism is a problem rather than a feature. In its Marxist and later administrative forms, the claim is that human beings can be treated like standardized inputs. One person can be replaced by another without meaningful loss, the way one can of soda can be swapped for another. Training, credentials, and process matter more than the specific individual who shows up and does the work under pressure. Corporate America absorbed large parts of this view. Human-resources manuals, wellness policies, and promotion criteria increasingly rewarded those who managed risk, took the approved time off, and avoided friction. The person who keeps working with split knuckles, stitches a cut with superglue rather than lose the day, or simply refuses to stop is treated as a liability rather than an asset.

I have spent enough time in environments that still require physical output to see the difference. My hands currently carry the evidence—cuts on top of older cuts, knuckles that have not fully healed because the work continued. That is ordinary in trades and in any setting where the job is not primarily the management of process. It is increasingly rare in the layers that set policy for everyone else. When the administrative state and the corporations that mirror it define acceptable behavior as calling out for the flu, taking extended leave for ordinary life events, and deferring to the background staff, they select for a particular temperament. They do not select for the temperament that built the capacity they now administer.

Campaigns as Public-Relations Exercises

The same selection shows up in politics. A candidate who can be kept off camera, shielded from debate, or replaced by staff for days at a time is easier for the professional class to manage. Acton’s campaign has cited security concerns rooted in her time as Ohio health director during the COVID period, along with what it describes as unfair attacks. Those concerns can be real. The pattern of refusing open formats and unscripted questioning is still a choice about how the candidate intends to operate. Talarico’s absence was explained as responsible behavior—he did not want to infect someone’s grandmother. Working remotely is feasible for many jobs. It is a different proposition when the job on offer is representing a state in a contested Senate race weeks before early voting. The opponents treated the gap as evidence of fragility. The defense treated it as ordinary employee sick leave. Both reactions reveal the expectation each side holds about what the role requires.

The older assumption was that the person seeking the office had to demonstrate the capacity to do it in public, under conditions that were not fully controlled. Money, staff, and messaging mattered, but they did not fully substitute for the candidate. The newer assumption, visible in multiple 2026 races, is that sufficient resources and message discipline can carry a controlled figure across the line. That assumption has been tested before. It does not reliably produce candidates who can function once the controlled environment ends.

Softness as Policy and Cultural Output

The preference for interchangeable, low-friction people has costs beyond any single campaign. Skilled trades in the United States face persistent shortages. Reports from industry groups project the need for well over a million new skilled workers annually through the mid-2030s, with training pipelines producing only a fraction of the required numbers. Electricians, mechanics, carpenters, and similar roles remain difficult to fill in multiple states. Part of the explanation is demographic and economic—aging workers, housing costs, the long prestige advantage given to four-year degrees after the GI Bill. Part of it is cultural. Decades of messaging treated physical, outdoor, or mechanically demanding work as lower status. At the same time, administrative and corporate environments normalized the idea that minor illness, injury, or discomfort should remove a person from the job rather than be managed around it.

I do not claim that every cut requires a clinic visit or that diabetes-related flu complications are imaginary. I do claim that a society which systematically promotes the people who treat ordinary hardship as disqualifying, and which sidelines those who continue working through it, will have fewer people capable of the output a first-rate economy and a competent government require. Foreign competitors do not need to invent this preference. They benefit when it is already embedded in hiring, promotion, education, and political selection. The Confucian-institute style influence operations and earlier Soviet efforts at institutional penetration are documented in specific cases. The broader softening is also a domestic story of prosperity, cheap credit, and status competition that raised consumption expectations while lowering the status of the work that once supported a single-income household in a modest house. Both layers operate at once.

What Gets Selected

The candidates and the corporate managers who treat the administrative layer as the real actor are not anomalies. They are the predictable product of rules that reward risk avoidance, message control, and the appearance of process compliance. When those rules dominate, the people who still measure themselves by whether the work got done—regardless of the condition of their hands—become harder to find and easier to marginalize. Campaigns that can be run substantially from Zoom or from behind a communications team test how far that model can be extended into elected office. The results in November will show how many voters still prefer the older expectation: that the person asking for the job should be able to do it in public, without the background apparatus fully substituting for them.

I have written elsewhere about the practical difference between people who impose their will on circumstances and people who manage the circumstances other people have already accepted. The 2026 races offer a clear comparison. One approach treats the candidate as a manageable input. The other treats the capacity to function under imperfect conditions as non-negotiable. The administrative state has spent decades selecting for the first. A country that wants to remain first-rate cannot afford to keep doing so indefinitely.

Footnotes

1.  Contemporary reporting from October 2026 documents James Talarico’s multi-day absence from in-person campaigning due to the flu, his remote work via Zoom, his Type 1 diabetes, and the subsequent “missing” posters and commentary from Ken Paxton’s campaign and President Trump.

2.  Reporting on Amy Acton’s Ohio gubernatorial campaign details her refusal to debate Vivek Ramaswamy, limited media access at events, and the campaign’s stated reasons involving prior security concerns and the nature of opposing attacks.

3.  Industry analyses (Alliance for America’s Skilled Trades and related contractor surveys) project large annual shortfalls in skilled-trade workers through 2035, with training completion and entry rates lagging demand in multiple states.

Bibliography for Further Reading

•  Contemporary news accounts of the Talarico absence and Paxton/Trump response (CNN, Fox News, Texas Scorecard, local Texas outlets, October 2026).

•  Reporting on Amy Acton’s debate refusal and campaign access decisions (Columbus Dispatch, PJ Media, Daily Signal, Ohio outlets).

•  Alliance for America’s Skilled Trades and Associated General Contractors reports on workforce shortages in construction and skilled trades.

•  Historical accounts of the GI Bill’s effect on college attendance and the relative status of trades.

•  Aldous Huxley, Brave New World (on industrialized human management and the reduction of individual variance).

•  Victor Davis Hanson, essays on administrative growth, cultural expectations, and the divergence between institutional norms and practical output.

•  Rich Hoffman, The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business (on individual agency, toughness, and the difference between process management and imposed results).

Rich Hoffman

More about me

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

About the Author: Rich Hoffman

Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com.  If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.

Nate Silver’s 2026 Midterm Forecast Misses the Movement: Why the Ghosts of Tysons Corner Cannot Wait Out Trump

Nate Silver’s latest FLIPR model for the November 2026 midterms has Democrats at roughly 75 percent to take the Senate and 93 percent to take the House. Those numbers treat the election as a standard second-year reaction against the party holding the White House. I do not see it that way. Silver has been wrong before when the underlying conditions changed. The conditions have changed again. Trump did not create the political order we are living in. A large group of Americans who rejected the prior direction created the opening that Trump filled. That group is still here, and the administrative class clustered around Tysons Corner does not appear to understand why.

The Model Assumes the Old Midterm Pattern Still Holds

Silver’s framework, like most quantitative election models, leans on historical patterns. The president’s party tends to lose seats in the midterms. Voters register dissatisfaction with the status quo. Generic-ballot movement and polling in a handful of competitive states (Michigan, Ohio, Texas, and others) get translated into chamber-control probabilities. When the model shows Democrats leading by a few points in places Trump won comfortably in 2024, the simulation produces a blue wave.

I have watched enough of these cycles to know the pattern is not iron law. It assumes a normal presidency, normal opposition, and voters who treat the midterms as a routine check. Trump was not a normal candidate, and the coalition that put him in office was not reacting to ordinary policy drift. People watched the border, inflation, cultural institutions, and the administrative expansion and decided they wanted a different representative. Models that treat that choice as a temporary fever that cools after two years are modeling the wrong thing. They are modeling the expectation inside the permanent government that the fever will pass if they simply wait.

Watching the Permanent Government at the Tysons Corner Walmart

My wife and I have been to the Walmart in Tysons Corner enough times that we have a preferred parking level in the garage. The store sits inside a dense cluster of high-rises roughly 15–16 miles west of downtown Washington, near Langley and the concentration of defense contractors and intelligence-community support firms that define Fairfax County. It is not the freestanding big-box with the wide parking lot that most people picture when they hear “Walmart.” It is compressed vertically, stacked into the same footprint as the surrounding office and residential towers. The people shopping there are not primarily the ones who drive in from the farther suburbs for bulk groceries. A large share live and work inside the federal-contractor economy that expanded after 9/11 and never really contracted.

I have written a chapter about this place in The Politics of Heaven. The observation is not complicated. You watch people move through the freezer section for chicken nuggets and the wine aisle with the same expression I have seen in other high-density administrative centers. They are performing the motions of ordinary life while remaining largely insulated from the consequences that ordinary voters experience. Pensions are secure. Housing is expensive but stable for those inside the system. The work is process-oriented rather than output-oriented. When you talk to them, the default expectation is that presidents come and go, but the block of offices, contracts, and clearances remains. They will wait. They have waited before.

That expectation is visible in the way the midterm forecasts are discussed inside the same circle. Trump’s approval, gas prices, or a few state polls are treated as sufficient to restore the prior equilibrium. The deeper reason voters chose him—the desire for someone who would actually represent the people who do not live inside that equilibrium—is treated as noise. Silver’s probabilities reflect the same assumption at scale. The model does not need to assume conspiracy. It only needs to assume that the historical midterm reaction will reassert itself because that is what the people who live near the model’s data sources expect to happen.

Trump Was the Hand That Went Up, Not the Creator of the Demand

I have been around the Trump issue since the Tea Party period. The demand existed before he filled it. People wanted a representative who would treat the border as a border, treat the administrative state as something that could be constrained, and reject the idea that the United States should converge toward the European or coastal-institutional model. When someone raised a hand and said he would do the job, enough of them voted for him twice. The same people are still there. Some will stay home if the candidate is weak. Many more will show up if they believe the alternative is a return to the prior arrangement.

That is why I do not treat the current Senate and House probabilities as predictive. They rest on the idea that voters will punish the president’s party for the ordinary reasons and then accept whatever the permanent government produces afterward. The people I talk to outside the Tysons corridor do not describe their choice that way. They describe it as a decision not to accept managed decline, open-ended migration without assimilation, or the expansion of process jobs at the expense of productive ones. Those preferences do not expire on a fixed calendar. They persist until the underlying conditions change or until voters decide the representative they chose is no longer doing the job.

Steve Bannon and others have floated the third-term idea. That is a separate legal and political question. The more immediate point is that the coalition does not disappear when one person leaves the stage. The administrative class that believes it can simply outlast the current presidency and restore the previous operating rules is counting on a reversion that the voters who created the opening have not signaled they want. Fairfax County mansions and secure pensions are real. They are not evidence that the rest of the country has decided to fund them indefinitely under the old terms.

What the Numbers Are Actually Measuring

Silver’s model is transparent about its inputs: polls, fundamentals, historical midterm patterns, and expert ratings. Those inputs are useful when the electorate is behaving within historical ranges. They become less useful when a significant share of the electorate has already rejected the range. The 75 percent and 93 percent figures measure the current state of polling and the weight the model assigns to past midterm reactions. They do not measure whether the people who voted for enforcement, energy production, and institutional constraint have changed their minds. From what I see, they have not.

We will know more on election night. Models can be updated. Voters can be wrong about the consequences of their choices. What I do not expect is a simple return to the equilibrium that the people shopping at the Tysons Corner Walmart treat as normal. That equilibrium required the rest of the country to keep accepting arrangements they had already rejected. Trump was the available instrument. He was not the source of the rejection. Treating the midterms as the moment when the instrument is discarded and the prior arrangement resumes is the hopeful reading inside one corridor of the administrative state. It is not the reading I take from the voters who put the instrument in place.

Footnotes

1.  Contemporary reporting in early-to-mid October 2026 placed Nate Silver’s FLIPR model at approximately 75 percent for Democratic Senate control and 93 percent for House control, consistent with the figures discussed here. The model incorporates polling averages, historical midterm patterns, and other fundamentals.

2.  Tysons Corner (Fairfax County, Virginia) sits adjacent to major defense-contractor concentrations and roughly a short drive from CIA headquarters in Langley. The multi-level Walmart is a documented feature of the dense, high-rise development that replaced earlier suburban patterns in the area.

3.  Post-9/11 defense and intelligence contracting expanded the economic footprint of Northern Virginia. Accounts of the region describe the concentration of firms, clearances, and related employment that remains visible in the local commercial landscape.

Bibliography for Further Reading

•  Nate Silver, Silver Bulletin / FLIPR methodology posts and midterm forecast updates (2026), including discussions of historical midterm waves and polling inputs.

•  Paul E. Ceruzzi, Internet Alley: High Technology in Tysons Corner, 1945–2005 (history of the defense-contractor and technology corridor).

•  Tim Shorrock, Spies for Hire and related reporting on the privatization of intelligence and defense functions in the Washington region.

•  Victor Davis Hanson, essays on administrative growth, cultural divergence between coastal/institutional centers and the broader electorate, and the persistence of voter preferences on borders and institutions.

•  Contemporary coverage of 2026 generic-ballot movement and competitive Senate races (Michigan, Ohio, Texas, and others) from multiple polling aggregators.

•  Ayn Rand, Atlas Shrugged (on the distinction between productive enterprise and politically protected process).

•  Local and regional reporting on Fairfax County demographics, federal contracting

Rich Hoffman

More about me

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

About the Author: Rich Hoffman

Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com.  If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.

Who Decides These Things? The Garden, the Concert, and the War on Masculine Men

Young people keep asking me what the 1980s were like. I work with a lot of them—teens, early twenties—and the question comes up often enough that my answer has become almost automatic. We had Bruce Willis in the Die Hard films. We had Arnold Schwarzenegger in the Terminator movies and Conan. Sylvester Stallone as Rambo. Clint Eastwood. Mel Gibson in Lethal Weapon. Strong, competent, decisive men who handled problems with their hands and their will. They were not perfect. They were not soft. For a while, they were the dominant image of what a man could be when the situation required it.

That image has been replaced. The replacement did not arrive by accident.

The Question Waller Asked

One of my favorite books has always been The Bridges of Madison County by Robert James Waller. I liked most of what he wrote. The novel was a bestseller aimed largely at middle-aged women, and it worked for reasons that went beyond the romance between Francesca Johnson and Robert Kincaid. Buried in the story is a sharper observation about how societies decide what is fashionable, what is respectable, and what is forbidden to say. Who decides that a rock band dyes their hair purple? Who decides that certain observations about human nature become unspeakable? Waller understood that these decisions are not purely democratic or purely market-driven. They emerge from deeper pressures—psychological, commercial, and, I would argue, spiritual.

The book captured something real about the human condition across time. People want safety. They want to belong. They want the comfort of shared opinion. The market and the culture give them that comfort until something stronger interrupts it. The question of who sets the terms of that comfort is the same question that runs through the story of the Fall.

What Thirty-Eight Years and Raising Daughters Taught Me

I have been married thirty-eight years. I have raised daughters and now have granddaughters. I have known a great many women over that span of time. The pattern I have observed isn’t flattering to anyone, and it isn’t politically acceptable. Women, on average, appear more readily influenced by appeals to safety and security than men. This is not a moral judgment. It is an observation about wiring. From early in puberty, many women learn that sexual interest can be traded for protection, status, resources, and social approval. The transaction is ancient. It is also effective until the physical appeal that underwrites it declines. After that point, the strategy that once worked becomes a source of helplessness, because the adult life has been organized around it.

This makes women, again on average, useful gateways for influences that want to reshape men. If you can move the women, a large share of the men will follow—not because the men have been logically persuaded, but because they want access to the woman. I have watched this in progressive circles for decades. Plenty of young men join causes they do not particularly believe in because the events draw women. They are not there for the ideology. They are there for the possibility of contact. The ideology is the price of admission.

The Concert, the Horror Film, and the Old Pattern

At Mötley Crüe shows years ago, women in the crowd would remove their panties and throw them on stage. That is not an isolated curiosity. It fits a longer pattern of appeasement and display that appears in both rock culture and horror. Jason Voorhees, the character I have portrayed in seasonal work, is pure threat, I will have a lot more to say on this in November. The response to pure threat is often some form of offering or submission. The same impulse shows up in older religious and cultic settings where women were used as the point of contact with the powerful or the dangerous. The offer of sex, or the display of sexual availability, functions as a bid for safety or favor. The behavior is not new. Only the stage lighting has changed.

Eve, Not Adam

The biblical account in Genesis is blunt. The serpent addresses the woman. She takes the fruit. She gives it to the man. The man follows. The text does not present this as a one-time historical accident. It presents a recurring pattern of how disruption enters the created order. Women, oriented toward safety and the continuity of the household, are approached with promises that the existing order is inadequate or oppressive. Men, oriented toward the woman, follow. The Book of Job shows the same adversary, permitted to test and disrupt. The pattern is not confined to one chapter.

I have said for years that the modern women’s movement, in its more radical forms, continued that pattern. It redefined the household as a site of oppression, encouraged women to treat marriage and motherhood as optional or secondary, and treated male strength as suspect. The result was not liberation in the abstract. It weakened the family unit that had previously limited the reach of outside influence. Families that stay intact are harder to redirect. Families that fracture become more dependent on external authorities—cultural, institutional, or ideological.

Sex as the Lever

Most men will adjust their public opinions if the adjustment improves their chances with a particular woman. They will listen to complaints about “toxic masculinity” even when their private experience contradicts the complaint. They will adopt the language of the moment because the alternative is exclusion from the bed or from the social circle that contains the women they want. This is not sophisticated ideology. It is biology overriding calculation. The same woman who publicly rejects strong, competent men will, in private, often respond to the man who smells like work, carries tools, and can keep the house functioning. The plumber or contractor who shows up competent and unapologetic isn’t a feminist ideal. For many women, he is a practical, physical preference. The public statement and the private response are not the same.

Young women I encounter—teens through their thirties—have absorbed the message that masculine competence is a problem. They describe it as toxic. They prefer the softer presentation. The boys around them adapt. They become less assertive, less willing to lead, more willing to defer. The adaptation is rational in the short term if the goal is female approval. It is destructive if the goal is a culture that can defend itself or raise the next generation without constant external management.

Who Sets the Fashion

Waller’s question remains useful. Who decided that strong men became the problem? The decision did not emerge from a careful study of outcomes. It emerged from institutions and cultural producers that treat the existing order as the obstacle. Alphabet and its subsidiaries are not neutral platforms. They are progressive enterprises with a consistent preference for rewriting sex roles, family structure, and the authority of traditional sources. The preference is not hidden. It shows up in hiring, content moderation, and the stories that get amplified. The effect is to make the older masculine ideal unfashionable and the newer, more compliant ideal mandatory.

The mechanism is efficient. It influences women through appeals to safety, status, and belonging. The men follow for access. The pattern spreads without requiring every participant to understand the larger direction. Most of the young women repeating the language about toxic masculinity do not experience themselves as agents of a larger project. They experience themselves as seeking approval and avoiding risk. The larger project does not require their conscious agreement.

The Pattern Continues

The same sequence appears across the biblical record and across later history. An appeal is made to the woman. The woman moves. The man follows. The household weakens. External authority expands. The language changes—safety, equality, progress—but the sequence is recognizable. Non-human intelligence, operating through human institutions and desires, does not need to invent new tools when the old ones still function. Sex remains a reliable lever. The desire for security remains a reliable entry point. Men remain willing to trade long-term strength for short-term access.

Young people asking about the 1980s are asking, without quite knowing it, why the men of those films are no longer the model. The answer is not that those men failed. The answer is that a sustained effort has been made to make their qualities unfashionable. The effort works because it routes through women and because men will adjust to keep the women. That is not a conspiracy theory. It is an observable pattern, recorded early and repeated often.

The question Waller raised still stands. Who decides these things? Look at who benefits when strong men are redefined as the problem and compliant men are redefined as the solution. The pattern is old. The stage is new. The result is the same.

Footnotes

1.  Genesis 3:1–6 records the serpent’s approach to the woman, her decision, and the man’s subsequent participation. The sequence is presented without apology or modern reframing.

2.  Job 1–2 shows the adversary operating with limited permission to disrupt a household and test loyalty. The text treats the activity as ongoing rather than resolved.

3.  Robert James Waller, The Bridges of Madison County (1992). The novel’s commercial success among women did not prevent it from containing sharper observations about safety, conformity, and the costs of certain choices. Waller explored related themes in other works, including Slow Waltz in Cedar Bend.

4.  The public rejection of “toxic masculinity” alongside private preferences for competent, physically capable men is a recurring observation in both evolutionary psychology literature and ordinary experience. See, for example, the documented sex differences in mate preferences for resources and protection on one side and youth and fertility on the other.

5.  Cultural producers and technology platforms have documented preferences in content and personnel. These preferences are not secret; they are visible in public statements, hiring patterns, and amplification choices.

6.  The seasonal portrayal of Jason Voorhees is offered only as a cultural reference point for threat and response, not as a literal religious claim.

Bibliography for Further Reading

•  Waller, Robert James. The Bridges of Madison County. Warner Books, 1992.

•  Waller, Robert James. Slow Waltz in Cedar Bend. Warner Books, 1993.

•  The Book of Genesis, especially chapters 2–3.

•  The Book of Job.

•  Buss, David M. The Evolution of Desire: Strategies of Human Mating. Basic Books, revised edition.

•  Sommers, Christina Hoff. Who Stole Feminism? How Women Have Betrayed Women. Simon & Schuster, 1994.

•  Goldberg, Steven. The Inevitability of Patriarchy. William Morrow, 1973 (for an earlier, data-heavy treatment of sex differences in social organization).

•  Farrell, Warren. The Myth of Male Power. Simon & Schuster, 1993.

•  Critical treatments of second- and third-wave feminism that examine outcomes for family structure and male socialization.

•  Works on spiritual conflict and non-human agency that treat the biblical record as a chronicle of recurring patterns rather than isolated ancient events. (Readers interested in the longer argument developed across my own writing will find related material in The Politics of Heaven.)

Rich Hoffman

More about me

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

About the Author: Rich Hoffman

Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com.  If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.