I spent election night at the Butler County GOP watch party with local leaders and a few of us tracking live precinct data on laptops alongside the television feeds. Most of the state came in trending for Vivek Ramaswamy as the night progressed. Rural and lower-density precincts reported steadily and heavily for the Republican ticket. The exceptions that stood out were the high-population urban cores and their immediate surrounding areas: Franklin County (Columbus), Hamilton County (Cincinnati), and the denser pockets around Dayton. Those drops arrived later and favored Amy Acton by wide margins. That pattern is not unique to Ohio, and it is worth examining carefully rather than dismissing.
Statewide, with roughly 98 percent reporting as of November 10, Acton (D) finished with about 2,404,216 votes (52.3 percent) to Ramaswamy’s 2,039,834 (44.4 percent). Libertarian Don Kissick took the rest at roughly 3.3 percent, which likely would have gone to the Republicans. This is the first Democratic gubernatorial win in Ohio in twenty years and the first time a woman has been elected to the office. Ohio went for Trump by about eleven points in 2024; the swing toward Democrats in this midterm was substantial. Turnout reached at least 58.1 percent of registered voters—the highest midterm figure since 1990—with approximately 4.66 million ballots counted unofficially. Frank LaRose, who won reelection as Auditor, has described the process as among the most secure, with machines not connected to the internet and post-election audits historically exceeding 99 percent accuracy.
In Butler County, where I live and where we watched the local races closely, Ramaswamy still carried the county at roughly 52.3 percent (76,829 votes) to Acton’s 44.6 percent (65,509). That is a clear Republican win, yet the margin is narrower than Trump’s 2024 performance in the same county (about 63 percent). Michael Ryan won the county commission race, consistent with local Republican strength. At the party we noted the number of new apartment complexes that have gone up. Renters in higher-density housing do not pay local property taxes the same way homeowners do, often arrive from more liberal areas, and vote accordingly. That demographic shift reduces Republican margins without any need for conspiracy theories. It is ordinary land-use and migration effects playing out in real time.
Hamilton County, Ramaswamy’s home county, went heavily for Acton—about 63 percent (216,201) to 34.5 percent (118,273). Franklin County was even more lopsided, with Acton near 72 percent (roughly 364,000 votes) to Ramaswamy’s 26 percent. Socialism was certainly on the ballot and makes up the foundation of left-wing populism, which is why they didn’t think they needed to campaign. Republicans have been slow to understand this and assume all people view communism as un-American, or that people want to be even considered American at all. These are the places where population density is highest, early and mail voting is heaviest, and the Democratic organizational infrastructure is strongest. On election night, the urban precincts and mail/absentee ballots arrived and moved the statewide numbers. That is visible in the timing of the reporting. Most of rural and exurban Ohio came in for Ramaswamy; the decisive volume was concentrated in a handful of high-density counties. If the goal is to alter an outcome, the efficient method is precisely that—focus resources, mail volume, and turnout operations in the chaotic, high-population areas rather than the entire state. Whether any given batch contained irregularities is a separate question from the observable concentration.
A few county-level reporting anomalies surfaced afterward. In Wyandot County the unofficial canvass showed more votes cast in the governor and Senate races than total ballots. The county elections director confirmed the numbers did not reconcile; the cause was mock-election test data left in the system for one precinct. It did not change any outcome. Ohio’s post-election audits have long shown extremely high accuracy rates. Claims of systemic machine-driven fraud that flipped the statewide result do not align with the county-by-county pattern or the overall turnout and demographic data. At the same time, high-density urban areas with heavy mail voting and lower property-tax stakes remain the places where administrative standards matter most and where small percentage shifts produce large absolute vote differences.
Megyn Kelly has been dismissive of renewed election-integrity questions, telling Trump to “just stop” and noting that the midterms were “too big to rig.” That reaction treats skepticism as unserious. The practical reality on the ground in Ohio was that Democrats were highly organized, heavily incentivized, and effective at mobilizing their voters in the places that decide statewide races. Republicans largely played by the existing rules, showed up, and still lost the top of the ticket because the math in the urban and high-density precincts, combined with demographic change in the suburbs, was decisive. Pretending the only options are either “perfect security” or “the whole thing was stolen” is not useful. The useful work is tightening standards on mail and provisional ballots, requiring proof of citizenship and residency where possible, and recognizing that apartment growth and urban density change the electorate whether anyone likes it or not.
I watched the precincts report in real time. The red areas performed. The blue high-density cores and their mail volume did not. That is the arithmetic. Moving forward requires both rigorous election administration and an honest reading of how land-use policy, migration, and turnout organization actually shift results. Ohio Republicans can improve the rules and the ground game; they cannot assume the other side will sit out. The numbers from November 3 make that plain.
Bibliography and Further Reading
• Ohio Secretary of State unofficial results and county canvass reports (Butler, Hamilton, Franklin, Wyandot).
• Cincinnati Enquirer and Columbus Dispatch county breakdowns and turnout reporting.
• Lead Stories and What the Fact fact-checks on the Wyandot County discrepancy.
• Ballotpedia and news projections (BBC, AP, NBC) on the final statewide margin.
• Frank LaRose statements on election security and audit history.
• Megyn Kelly commentary on post-election claims (November 9, 2026).
Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly by email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.
I’ve been turning this over for six or seven weeks. It started in the dark of a Kings Island haunted maze and ended in the bright lights of a newly renovated theater at Liberty Center, watching Godzilla Minus Zero with my family. Between those two experiences sits everything I keep trying to explain about fear, narrative, origins, and why so many people still vote and live as if they are not free.
Learning Control Through Fear at Kings Island
In the fall of 2026 I played Jason Voorhees in the new Jason: Blood Reign maze at Kings Island. Four nights a week, for the length of the Haunt season, I stood in the dark and watched thousands of people react to the same simple stimulus: the sudden appearance of a masked figure with a machete. The results were consistent. Most people freeze, scream, or bolt in predictable directions. A smaller number laugh or posture. Almost no one stops to analyze the situation rationally in the moment.
What I learned, again and again, is that fear works. It works on crowds. It works on individuals. It works whether the threat is real or theatrical. The people who design these attractions understand the psychology; so do the people who design political campaigns, school curricula, and certain kinds of religious systems. Once you have watched enough people abandon their own judgment under a controlled threat, you start looking at other institutions differently. Public education, mass media, and large parts of modern politics all rely on the same basic mechanism: create or amplify anxiety, then offer the peer group, the expert class, or the state as the only reliable source of safety. If you care what your neighbors think, the leverage is already there. I don’t. That indifference is useful.
Godzilla Minus Zero as a Cultural Trauma Device
A few weeks later my family and I saw Godzilla Minus Zero (2026), Takashi Yamazaki’s direct sequel to the Oscar-winning Godzilla Minus One (2023). The film is set in 1949, two years after the events of the first movie. Japan is trying to rebuild. Godzilla returns. King Ghidorah arrives. The human characters—especially the Shikishima family—are forced to confront another wave of destruction while still carrying the previous one. It is, at bottom, a family film. The performances, the visual effects, and the restraint with which the monsters are used all serve the story of people trying to live after catastrophe.
The critical and commercial response has been strong. As of early November 2026 the film sat in the high 80s to low 90s on Rotten Tomatoes’ Tomatometer with audience scores near 96 percent. It opened to roughly $30.6 million in North America—the largest opening for a live-action foreign-language film in the territory—and was the first Japanese production filmed for IMAX. Godzilla Minus One had already shown that a Japanese production with a reported budget around $15 million and a VFX team of about 35 people could win the Academy Award for Best Visual Effects and outperform far more expensive Hollywood product. Minus Zero confirmed the pattern.
I have spent enough time around Japanese culture, and enough years watching Hollywood price itself out of coherent storytelling, that the quality of these films does not surprise me. What interests me more is the function. Yamazaki has described Godzilla in this series as a metaphor for war. The original 1954 film processed the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki (immediate and later deaths commonly estimated in the range of 140,000–200,000 for Hiroshima and 70,000–80,000 for Nagasaki by the end of 1945, with higher cumulative figures recognized by Japan in later decades). The new films continue that work while also reflecting Japanese guilt over the treatment of Chinese civilians and the broader costs of imperial expansion. Americans appear in the story as both the source of nuclear destruction and, later, as an occupying force whose presence is resented even as cooperation occurs. The films are not anti-American propaganda in any crude sense, but they are unmistakably Japanese. They process Japanese trauma from a Japanese point of view.
That is exactly why they work for Western audiences right now. Hollywood has largely stopped telling coherent stories about responsibility, family, and the cost of violence. Japanese filmmakers, working with fewer resources and less ideological overhead, are still doing it. People notice.
The Bathroom Stall and the 2026 Election
After the movie I went into a freshly renovated bathroom at the Liberty Center theater and found a message carved into a stall: “capitalism” with a greater-than sign pointing toward “communism.” Someone young enough to still treat public property as a canvas had felt the need to leave that particular opinion. It was not an isolated incident in my experience. For years I have watched the same pattern in schools and on campuses: students who have been taught that capitalism is the problem and that some form of managed equality is the solution, without ever being given a clear account of what communism actually produced when it was tried.
The 2026 midterm results, in which Democrats performed better than many expected, fit the same picture. Large numbers of voters, especially those under 30, appear to have decided that their current material situation is someone else’s fault and that a more powerful government is the remedy. Housing costs, education debt, and the simple observation that previous generations seemed to have more straightforward paths into homeownership and family formation are real pressures. Those pressures have been amplified by policies that restrict supply (green-space requirements, zoning, and the long-term effects of earlier housing-price inflation) and by an education system that treats market economics as optional or suspect. When people have been trained to look to collective action rather than individual competence, they vote accordingly.
None of this requires a grand conspiracy. It requires only the ordinary incentives of institutions that benefit from dependency. Public schools were designed, in part, to socialize children into a particular civic consensus. Peer pressure does the rest. If your standing with friends, teachers, or future employers depends on repeating the correct views, most people will repeat them. I have never cared much about that standing. That makes conversations with people who do care more straightforward, not less.
Rahab in Scripture and the Speculative Planet
While I was thinking about the Godzilla films as narrative devices for processing historical trauma, I kept returning to a name that appears in the Bible in two different registers: Rahab.
In Joshua 2, Rahab is the Canaanite prostitute who hides the Israelite spies in Jericho, extracts a promise of protection for her family, and is spared when the city falls. She appears in the genealogy of Jesus in Matthew 1:5 and is cited in Hebrews 11 and James 2 as an example of faith demonstrated by action. The Hebrew term used for her occupation is the ordinary word for prostitute.
In the poetic books the same name (with a different spelling and root sense) refers to a chaotic sea monster. Job 26:12 says that by His understanding God shattered Rahab. Psalm 89:10 describes God crushing Rahab. Isaiah 51:9 asks whether it was not the Lord’s arm that cut Rahab in pieces and pierced the dragon. In these passages Rahab functions as a symbol of pride, chaos, and the forces God subdues—sometimes associated with Egypt, sometimes with the primordial sea.
David Flynn and others have argued that the poetic Rahab preserves a memory of a destroyed planet whose remnants form the asteroid belt between Mars and Jupiter. Mainstream planetary science rejects this. The total mass of the main asteroid belt is only about 4 percent that of the Moon, and the differentiated nature of the larger asteroids is consistent with them having formed as separate bodies rather than as fragments of a single shattered world. The scientific consensus is that the belt is leftover material from the formation of the solar system that never coalesced into a planet, largely because of Jupiter’s gravitational influence.
I do not treat the destroyed-planet reading as established fact. I treat it as a hypothesis that is consistent with certain textual patterns and with the broader pattern of cultures creating narrative devices to process catastrophes whose physical evidence has been eroded or is located somewhere we have not yet looked carefully. Flynn’s Cydonia: The Secret Chronicles of Mars and related writings make a sustained case for ancient Martian influence on terrestrial civilization, artificial structures photographed on Mars, and connections to biblical and extra-biblical traditions about giants and pre-Adamic events. Timothy Alberino has popularized related material on giants, the Book of Enoch, and alleged suppression of physical evidence; he appeared on Joe Rogan in 2026. Sharon and Derek Gilbert’s Veneration examines the Rephaim, ancestor veneration, and end-times connections. These works sit outside the mainstream of both academic biblical studies and planetary science. That does not automatically make them worthless. It means their claims require evidence that has not yet been produced in forms most specialists accept.
The Keys in the Dark
The analogy I keep using is simple. Suppose you drop your car keys somewhere between the door of your workplace and the car. It is dark. You search under the light near the car and do not find them. That does not prove the keys do not exist. It proves only that your current method and lighting have not reached the place where the keys actually are. You can wait for daylight, get a flashlight, or systematically search the darker ground. The absence of evidence under the light is not evidence of absence.
Earth’s archaeological record is limited by erosion, plate tectonics, sea-level change, and the simple fact that most material culture does not survive more than a few thousand years without deliberate preservation. Mars has a thinner atmosphere and no plate tectonics of the same kind. Large impact scars are visible. Evidence of past surface water is established. Whether any of that evidence includes the remains of technological civilization is an open question that can only be answered by going there and looking. SpaceX’s stated goal of making life multi-planetary is, from this perspective, also an archaeological project. If Flynn and others are substantially wrong, the data will show it. If they are substantially right about some part of the picture, the data will show that too.
Narrative Devices and Residual Trauma
The parallel that keeps returning is between the Godzilla films and the older textual traditions. A person watching Godzilla Minus Zero two thousand years from now, with no other knowledge of the twentieth century, could reasonably conclude that a giant radioactive monster attacked Japan in the late 1940s. The film is fiction created to process real historical trauma: nuclear destruction, occupation, guilt, and the difficulty of rebuilding a society. The Japanese did not invent the atomic bombings; they invented a story that let them live with the consequences.
I read the poetic Rahab passages, the accounts of giants in Genesis 6 and the Book of Giants among the Dead Sea Scrolls, and certain strands of Mesopotamian tradition in a similar light. They may preserve distorted memories of real catastrophes—planetary, terrestrial, or both—whose physical evidence is no longer easily accessible on Earth. Cultures that experience the sudden loss of a homeland, or the arrival of destructive forces they cannot fully explain, create stories that externalize the anxiety. Those stories can later be read as literal history, as pure metaphor, or as something in between. The fact that the same name appears in different genres and centuries does not prove a continuous hidden narrative, but it is consistent with the ordinary human habit of reusing powerful symbols when new disasters need to be named.
Ohio’s Serpent Mound sits on the eroded remains of a confirmed impact structure roughly 8–14 kilometers across and hundreds of millions of years old. The mound itself is much younger (Adena period, around 300 BCE, with later repairs). Whether the builders chose the site because of any residual geological or magnetic peculiarities is unknown. The coincidence is real. So is the much larger pattern of human beings building ritual structures in places that later turn out to have unusual geology.
Fear, Control, and the Politics of Heaven
The practical consequence of all this, for me, is straightforward. If human beings carry residual psychological and cultural trauma from origins or catastrophes that predate recorded history, then the mechanisms we use to manage that trauma—religion, politics, education, entertainment—will keep producing the same patterns. People will seek certainty, scapegoats, and collective solutions. Institutions that can supply those things, or that can threaten to withhold them, will accumulate power. Spiritual or non-human intelligences, if they exist and have interests opposed to human flourishing, would have every incentive to encourage the fear and the dependency. The pattern is visible enough, across enough domains, that it is reasonable to keep looking for evidence rather than assuming the current lighting is sufficient. The 2026 election results, the graffiti in the theater bathroom, the success of Godzilla Minus Zero, and the persistent interest in giants, Nephilim, and alternative readings of the Bible are all data points. They do not force a single conclusion. They do suggest that large numbers of people are looking for accounts of reality that include more than the material and the recent.
The relevant question is whether we are willing to follow evidence wherever it leads, including to places that require leaving the well-lit parking lot. Mars is one of those places. The asteroid belt is another. The textual traditions that have survived repeated attempts at suppression or reinterpretation are a third. I expect the archaeology of the next few decades to be more interesting than most people currently assume. I also expect that some of what we find will be used, once again, to frighten people into accepting arrangements that benefit someone else.
Godzilla Minus Zero is a very good movie. It is also a reminder that narrative devices for processing trauma are still being built, still being consumed, and still shaping what people believe is possible. The same has been true for a very long time.
Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly by email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.Footnotes
About the Author: Rich Hoffman
Footnotes:
1. Kings Island Halloween Haunt 2026 introduced the Jason: Blood Reign maze based on the Friday the 13th franchise. See contemporary park reporting from Ride Ready, Thrillzing, and Haunted Attraction Network.
2. Godzilla Minus Zero (2026), directed by Takashi Yamazaki, is the direct sequel to Godzilla Minus One (2023). It premiered in Japan on 3 November 2026 and in North America on 6 November 2026. Rotten Tomatoes scores in the first weeks of release were in the high 80s–low 90s (critics) and mid-to-high 90s (audiences). Domestic opening weekend approximately $30.6 million.
3. Godzilla Minus One won the Academy Award for Best Visual Effects in 2024. It was produced on a reported budget of roughly $10–15 million with a core VFX team of about 35 artists.
4. Hiroshima and Nagasaki casualty figures vary by source and by whether later radiation-related deaths are included. Common ranges for deaths by the end of 1945 are approximately 90,000–166,000 (Hiroshima) and 60,000–80,000 (Nagasaki). Japan has recognized higher cumulative totals in subsequent decades.
5. Rahab the prostitute: Joshua 2; 6:17–25; Matthew 1:5; Hebrews 11:31; James 2:25. Rahab the sea monster/chaos figure: Job 9:13; 26:12; Psalm 89:10; Isaiah 51:9. The Hebrew spellings and root meanings differ.
6. David Flynn, Cydonia: The Secret Chronicles of Mars (and collected writings). Flynn argued for a destroyed planet Rahab whose remnants constitute the asteroid belt and for ancient Martian civilization influencing Earth.
7. Main-belt asteroid mass is approximately 4% of the Moon’s mass. See standard planetary science summaries (e.g., Astronomy magazine treatments of the disruption hypothesis).
8. Timothy Alberino appeared on The Joe Rogan Experience #2530 (July 2026) discussing giants, the Book of Enoch, and related claims. Sharon K. Gilbert and Derek P. Gilbert, Veneration: Unveiling the Ancient Realms of Demonic Kings and Satan’s Battle Plan for Armageddon (2019/2020).
9. Serpent Mound crater (Ohio) is a confirmed complex impact structure, roughly 8–14 km in diameter, dated to the Mississippian or younger (<320 Ma). The effigy mound itself dates to the Adena period.
I have followed the work at the Durupinar site near Doğubayazıt in eastern Turkey for some time. A university-led team under Professor Cenker Atila of Sivas Cumhuriyet University, working with partners including Andrew Jones of Noah’s Ark Scans, conducted the most intensive fieldwork there in 2026. They drilled inside and outside the boat-shaped formation, reaching depths of roughly 18 to 20 meters. Radar scans showed linear features, angular intersections, possible voids, and layered structures. Soil samples indicated higher organic matter inside the outline than outside it. Charred wood fragments recovered from about 30 feet down were sent for species identification and carbon dating to laboratories in Turkey and France. Results are expected in stages through early 2027, with a fuller report planned later. No laboratory confirmation has been published. Some team members have been careful not to overclaim; others have spoken more strongly about non-geological signals. The honest reading is that serious work is underway and the next several months of lab data will matter.
Large Ships in Antiquity and the Question of Capability
The biblical dimensions in Genesis 6—300 cubits long, 50 wide, 30 high—convert to roughly 450 feet on a short cubit or about 510 feet on the royal cubit used for the full-scale model at the Ark Encounter in Williamstown, Kentucky. I have stood near that structure. It is enormous. It does not have to be seaworthy; it is a prop. A real vessel of that size would have faced wave stresses, flexing, and the practical limits of timber. Naval architects note that wooden ships encounter structural ceilings well before modern steel designs. Still, the existence of the biblical description and the later Chinese examples raise a straightforward engineering question: could pre-Bronze Age and early historic peoples organize the timber, labor, and knowledge to build very large hulls?
Gavin Menzies argued in 1421 and 1434 that Ming treasure fleets under Zheng He were far larger and ranged much farther than standard histories allow—reaching the Americas, Australia, and even Europe. I first encountered the idea of Chinese junks in an old tabletop game called Pirates and later read the books. They are adventure volumes with photographs and maps. Mainstream historians across China, Europe, and the United States have rejected the central claims as pseudohistory. Contemporary Chinese records detail the known Indian Ocean voyages in detail and do not mention the Americas or a 1434 fleet in Italy. Robert Finlay in the Journal of World History described the evidence handling as reckless. A PBS documentary with Chinese historians examined the major assertions and found none holding. The oft-cited 450-foot figure appears to derive from later compilations rather than contemporary descriptions; more careful estimates place the largest treasure ships in the 200- to 250-foot range or smaller. Even at those reduced sizes they were the largest ocean-going vessels of their day, bigger than anything Europe was building for another century and a half. The books fill a void with speculation. That does not make the void disappear.
What Survives and What the Ocean Removes
Wood does not last. The strongest physical evidence of early large timber construction often comes from protected contexts: cedar timbers buried beside Egyptian pyramids, Scandinavian boats from roughly 2300 BC, and other finds that escaped water worms and ordinary decay. The absence of a 450-foot wooden hull from any era is not proof that none were built. It is evidence that the ocean and time remove most of what is not deliberately preserved. The same logic applies to claims of early transatlantic crossings. Passive drift simulations from Japan to North America or northern Africa to South America run on the order of 80 to 90 days. A purposeful voyage with sails and navigation would be longer and riskier, but not impossible in principle for a seaworthy hull. The problem is the lack of artifacts or wrecks on those routes before the Columbian era. Imagination fills the silence. Evidence has not yet done so.
Donna D’Errico has visited the Durupinar site more than once and produced YouTube material that treats the location as interesting without treating it as confirmed. That posture is reasonable. The formation may prove geological. It may contain organic layers and anomalies that reward further study. Either outcome advances the conversation about what ancient people could organize.
Regional Connections and the Broader Pattern
Southeast Turkey, the Armenian border region, Göbekli Tepe, and related sites sit within a few hundred miles of one another—regional by the scale of the Earth’s circumference, yet concentrated enough to show early monumental construction, timber use, and cultural complexity. The Windover site in Florida preserved brain tissue, wood, and textiles in wet conditions because of unusual sealing, demonstrating that 8,000-year-old organic material can survive under the right circumstances. The archaeological trail from Anatolia toward the Americas, if it exists, would most likely run through smaller craft, coastal movement, or land bridges that have not been fully mapped, rather than through a single class of 400-foot vessels. Large ships remain part of the possible toolkit. They are not required to explain every cultural contact.
Human beings have repeatedly organized to build the biggest thing their materials and social systems allowed—pyramids, cathedrals, treasure fleets, and later rockets. The inclination is consistent. Whether the Durupinar formation contains the remains of a vessel described in Genesis, a different ancient structure, or a natural feature with interesting anomalies, the fieldwork underway is the correct method. Lab results on the wood and organic samples will either support further excavation or constrain the interpretation. In the meantime the scale model in Kentucky makes the engineering brief concrete. Seeing the volume of timber required, even for a non-seaworthy replica, clarifies what any real project of that size would have demanded.
I tend to think the evidence of early large-scale timber construction, wherever it survives, will continue to push the timeline of organized seafaring earlier than many textbook summaries allow. That does not require accepting every speculative voyage. It requires following the physical remains and the laboratory data as they appear. The next several months of results from the Turkish and French laboratories on the Durupinar samples will be part of that record.
Footnotes
1. 2026 Durupinar fieldwork under Sivas Cumhuriyet University (Prof. Cenker Atila) and partners: core drilling to approximately 18–20 m, radar surveys showing linear and angular features, elevated organic matter inside the formation, and recovery of charred wood fragments sent for carbon dating. Results pending; no peer-reviewed confirmation published as of early November 2026. Reporting from Jerusalem Post, Daily Sabah, Anatolian Archaeology, and related outlets.
2. Genesis 6 dimensions and Ark Encounter conversion: 300 × 50 × 30 cubits; Answers in Genesis uses a 20.4-inch royal cubit yielding a 510-foot-long structure in Williamstown, Kentucky.
3. Gavin Menzies, 1421 and 1434: widely classified as pseudohistory by professional historians. Contemporary Chinese records do not support the extended voyages claimed; see Robert Finlay, Journal of World History (2004), and the 2004 PBS examination.
4. Wooden-ship structural limits and surviving early timber finds (Egyptian cedar, Scandinavian boats ca. 2300 BC) are standard points in maritime archaeology. Transatlantic drift estimates appear in oceanographic modeling literature.
5. Windover archaeological site (Florida) and Göbekli Tepe provide well-documented examples of early organic preservation and monumental construction in their respective regions.
Selected Bibliography / Further Reading
• Contemporary reporting on the 2026 Durupinar / Noah’s Ark Scans season (Jerusalem Post, Daily Sabah, Anatolian Archaeology, Ancient Origins fact-checks).
• Genesis 6 and standard cubit conversions; Ark Encounter technical descriptions (Answers in Genesis).
• Gavin Menzies, 1421: The Year China Discovered the World and 1434; critical reviews by Robert Finlay (Journal of World History), PBS “1421” documentary materials, and Sinological responses.
• Maritime archaeology surveys of early watercraft (Egyptian, Scandinavian, and Mediterranean timber vessels).
• Site reports on Göbekli Tepe and the Windover burials.
• Naval architecture literature on the practical size limits of traditional wooden hulls.
Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly by email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.
In my view, ideological pressures have shaped scholarship and made certain questions difficult to examine openly. This is not a new problem. When I visited the Museum of the Bible and spent time with the Dead Sea Scrolls exhibition and related high-level books on the formation of the biblical canon, the transition from earlier Near Eastern traditions to the exclusive worship of Yahweh, and the pre-Israelite cultures of Canaan, I kept encountering the same pattern: ritual practices involving fertility, sacrifice, and the role of women were either minimized or reframed in ways that avoided uncomfortable historical realities. The same tendency appears in discussions of pre-Columbian copper-working cultures around Lake Superior, where evidence of large-scale indigenous mining dating back thousands of years is accepted, yet contemporary academic assumptions often constrain questions about broader cultural contacts, religious practices, or the nature of those societies.
I wanted to test one specific question with direct observation rather than theory alone. The question concerned how women, particularly those in childbearing years, respond under sudden fear, and whether that response retains traces of older cultural and biological patterns. Ancient Near Eastern sources, including biblical condemnations of Canaanite practices, describe fertility cults associated with deities such as Baal and Asherah/Astarte. These involved sexual rites intended to stimulate agricultural and human fertility through sympathetic magic. While modern scholarship has become more cautious about the precise scale of “sacred prostitution,” the biblical texts themselves (Deuteronomy 23, Hosea 4, 2 Kings 23) treat the practices as real and objectionable enough to prohibit. Parallel patterns appear in accounts of other cultures that used sexual signaling or ritualized access to women as a means of managing powerful or dangerous forces.
An Observational Method: Playing Jason at Kings Island
In the fall of 2026, I auditioned for and worked as Jason Voorhees in the Jason: Blood Reign attraction at Kings Island’s Halloween Haunt. The role placed me in a controlled environment where thousands of guests moved through a maze under strobe lights, timed sound effects, and deliberate jump scares. I was often at the curtain, where timing and speed produced consistent reactions. Over multiple eight-hour shifts, I observed a broad cross-section of Cincinnati and southern Ohio residents. The hockey mask created a psychological barrier that made sustained observation easier than face-to-face interaction.
Men and women reacted differently under the same stimulus. Men often stiffened, tried to project toughness, or positioned themselves protectively. A noticeable subset of women in the approximate age range of the late teens through the early fifties—the years when sexual signaling capacity is highest—responded by flashing, winking, sticking out their tongues, making explicit sexual gestures, or saying some version of “Jason, I love you.” I estimated this at roughly five percent of the women who passed through under direct scare conditions, with a larger group showing subtler eye contact or flirtatious recovery behaviors once the immediate fright subsided. These were not isolated incidents. They repeated night after night across a large sample.
Historical and Biological Context
The pattern is consistent with both historical fertility practices and with findings in evolutionary psychology. Anne Campbell’s work on sex differences in fear, and the broader “staying alive” literature, documents that women on average exhibit stronger fear responses and more self-protective strategies than men. Self-protection carries higher fitness value for women because of the demands of pregnancy and dependent offspring. Sexual signaling is one available tool for reducing threat or securing protection in unstable conditions. In a modern haunted attraction, the threat is theatrical, yet the first-order physiological reaction appears to draw on older circuitry.
The same logic appears in non-theatrical settings. Women at rock concerts and at Mardi Gras flash as a status display and a way to seek access from high-status males in the room. The behavior is not random. It is a calculated or semi-automatic use of a resource historically exchanged for security, resources, or reduced danger. Ancient temple practices formalized a version of the same exchange. Contemporary culture has largely removed the religious framing while retaining the underlying bargaining pattern.
Why the Observation Matters
I do not claim that five percent of women will behave this way under every form of stress, nor that the behavior defines women as a class. I do claim that the frequency is high enough, and consistent enough across a large public sample, that it cannot be dismissed as noise. It also cannot be fully explained by “just having fun in a haunted house.” The guests knew they were in a commercial attraction. The response still emerged when fear was suddenly activated. Evolutionary and historical accounts predict exactly this kind of residual pattern; much current academic and political discourse treats the pattern as either nonexistent or unmentionable.
The biblical narrative of Eve and the serpent is one ancient attempt to describe a recurring vulnerability: a point of entry through which external influence can operate by appealing to desire rather than force. Cultures that later restricted women’s formal political or economic roles often cited long observation of this dynamic, not abstract misogyny. Whether those restrictions were justified in every case is a separate question. The observational record, both ancient and modern, shows that a non-trivial minority of women will use sexual access as a primary tool for securing safety or advantage when other tools feel unavailable. Pretending the pattern does not exist does not make the underlying incentives disappear.
This short account is the observational core of a longer project. The data come from repeated, structured exposure to the same stimulus across thousands of people in a single season. Further controlled work would be useful. What I observed at Kings Island in October 2026 is not an outlier. It is a visible remainder of patterns that ancient texts, archaeological records, and evolutionary psychology have all described from different directions. The question is whether contemporary scholarship is willing to look at the remainder directly.
Footnotes
1. Museum of the Bible hosted an authenticated Dead Sea Scrolls exhibition in partnership with the Israel Antiquities Authority beginning in November 2025, distinct from earlier forged fragments previously associated with the museum.
2. Lake Superior copper mining by indigenous groups is documented from roughly 9,500–6,000 years ago onward, with thousands of pits and cold-hammered artifacts recovered from Isle Royale and the Keweenaw Peninsula.
3. Biblical prohibitions on cultic sexual practices appear in Deuteronomy 23:17–18, Hosea 4:14, and the Josiah reforms in 2 Kings 23:7. Scholarly debate continues over the precise institutional form of these practices, but the texts treat them as real and objectionable.
4. Anne Campbell and subsequent work on the “staying alive” hypothesis document consistent sex differences in fear intensity and self-protective behavior across multiple threat domains.
5. The five-percent figure is an observational estimate based on repeated shifts in the Jason: Blood Rain attraction; it is not a formal statistical sample but reflects consistent patterning across a large public throughput.
Bibliography
• Campbell, Anne. Sex Differences in Fear Response: An Evolutionary Perspective. Springer, 2021.
• Benenson, Joyce F., et al. “Self-protection as an adaptive female strategy.” Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 2021.
• Lipiński, Edward. “Cult Prostitution and Passage Rites in the Biblical World.” The Biblical Annals, 2019.
• Pompeani, David P., et al. “Copper mining on Isle Royale 6500–5400 years ago.” The Holocene, 2015.
• Scientific American reporting on lead-isotope evidence for Archaic copper production in the Lake Superior basin.
• Museum of the Bible / Israel Antiquities Authority materials on the 2025–2026 Dead Sea Scrolls exhibition.
• Biblical texts: Deuteronomy 23, Hosea 4, 2 Kings 23; Ugaritic mythological texts on Baal and Anat.
• Herodotus, Histories (on Babylonian temple practices); comparative ancient Near Eastern sources collected in Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament.
• Buss, David M. and related evolutionary psychology literature on female threat management and sexual signaling.
• Hoffman, Rich. Prior essays and podcast material on the politics of fear, institutional incentives, and the limits of contemporary academic framing.
Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly by email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.
On Election Day 2026, the numbers told a clearer story than the early-vote headlines or the media’s pre-election framing. I told people on election eve that I would rather be a Republican than a Democrat going into the final hours. The reason was simple arithmetic, not spin. Democrats had front-loaded what they had. They borrowed from their own limited voter bank to create early-vote optics, and when the same-day tallies began to roll in, the tank was emptier than their strategy required.
Early Voting as a Borrowed-Time Strategy
Democrats and their allies treated early and mail voting as a way to bank votes, publish encouraging numbers, and energize what remained of their base. Nationally, early ballots set a midterm record—more than 50 million cast before November 3, according to University of Florida Election Lab tracking and contemporaneous reports. In states that report party affiliation of early voters, registered Democrats often led the early returns. In Ohio, more than 1.7 million people voted early, another record. Roughly 48 percent of registered Democrats had already cast ballots versus about 32 percent of registered Republicans, with unaffiliated voters forming the largest single group.
That looks decisive until you examine what it actually represents. Early voting pulled forward the voters Democrats already possessed. It did not create new ones at scale. The strategy assumed that publishing strong early numbers would produce a surge of additional Democrat turnout on Election Day. Instead, many of the people who vote early are the high-propensity partisans who would have voted anyway. Once those ballots were banked, the remaining pool was thinner. I have watched enough cycles to know that public-relations firms and campaign consultants understand this trade-off; the media often does not.
There Simply Are Not Enough Democrats
In the states that track party registration, Democrats still hold a numerical edge on the rolls—roughly 45 million registered Democrats to about 39 million registered Republicans, with a large independent or unaffiliated bloc in between, per compilations of state data. That edge is real on paper and concentrated in a handful of large states. It is not the same as a governing majority across the map. Most of the country remains red or red-leaning once you move past the dense urban cores and coastal corridors. People who acquire houses, raise children, and accumulate assets tend to shift toward the party that prioritizes protecting those things. Public-school indoctrination produced a temporary cohort of younger voters who identified as Democrats; life and economic responsibility have eroded that edge for years.
The Democratic Party’s core problem is demographic and ideological. Its activist wing operates as a minority coalition of radical progressives—socialists and cultural revolutionaries under a different label—trying to govern a country that does not share its priorities. They compensate with early-vote concentration, mail-ballot volume, and media amplification. When same-day voting arrives, the math reasserts itself. Republicans do not need every one of their voters to show up in perfect formation. There are simply more of them in the places that decide most races, and they still prefer Election Day.
Ohio, Ramaswamy, and the Local Test
In Ohio the pattern was visible in real time. The state has trended Republican for more than a decade. Vivek Ramaswamy’s campaign for governor faced a well-funded challenge from Amy Acton, and early-vote numbers gave Democrats their expected edge among affiliated voters. Talking with people around the Ramaswamy operation on election eve, the internals confirmed what the public data suggested: Acton’s side had performed relatively better in the early window because they had drawn down their available pool. The remaining Election Day electorate was expected to be substantially more Republican.
Locally, the same dynamic appeared at events in West Chester. At Lori’s Roadhouse—the large country venue that regularly hosts Republican gatherings—I spoke with Greg and Lori and others who run and support the place. These are business owners and ordinary residents who vote Republican primarily because they do not want government expanding into every corner of their lives. They are not ideological hardliners. They show up because the alternative is worse. Darby Boddy was able to attend a Republican event without the previous protection-order complications that had limited her participation. Roger Reynolds was there as well. Wins make coalition management harder, not easier. A big-tent party that includes both producers who simply want to be left alone and more committed conservatives will argue about priorities. That friction is the price of actually having enough people to win.
The Football Analogy and the Final Quarter
Think of it as a football game. Democrats entered the fourth quarter having already used their best plays to stay close on the scoreboard. They were down, with limited time and a thinner roster of remaining voters. Republicans, sitting on a larger overall pool, could afford to wait for the same-day rush. Some races would be closer than preferred; some local outcomes would disappoint. Those were the expected variance in a big-tent coalition. They were not evidence that the underlying math had changed. Media outlets that spent the preceding weeks projecting Democratic momentum suddenly discovered, once the Election Day reports began arriving, that the projected wave was smaller than advertised. I had been saying the same thing for weeks because the registration numbers, the historical turnout patterns, and the strategic incentives were already visible.
What the Win Does Not Solve
A Republican-leaning night does not eliminate the internal arguments. Different people join the coalition for different reasons. Some want aggressive cultural pushback. Others want lower taxes, fewer regulations, and the ability to run a business or raise a family without constant interference. Managing that after victories is harder than managing it while losing, because the losers have fewer people to fight among. Democrats would prefer to have that problem. They do not, which is why their strategy relies on concentrating their existing voters, amplifying them through media, and hoping the early numbers create the appearance of a larger force than actually exists.
The 2026 results, as they came in, confirmed the structural reality I described on election eve. There are more Americans who affiliate with, or default to, the Republican side once they have something to protect. Early voting is a useful tool. It is not a substitute for a larger coalition. When the same-day votes were counted, the math reasserted itself.
Bibliography and Further Reading
• University of Florida Election Lab early-vote tracking and state-level party affiliation reports for the 2026 cycle.
• Ohio Secretary of State absentee and early-vote files (daily updates through early November 2026), showing partisan affiliation of returned ballots.
• Ballotpedia and state election-office compilations of registered voters by party in the 31 states that report affiliation.
• Contemporary reporting from the Columbus Dispatch, Cincinnati Enquirer, and national outlets on Ohio early-vote totals and the Ramaswamy–Acton contest.
• Historical midterm turnout analyses comparing 2018, 2022, and 2026 early versus Election Day shares.
• County-level early-vote data from Butler County and surrounding areas relevant to West Chester and local Republican events.
Footnotes
1. National early-vote totals exceeding 50 million and state-level party splits drawn from University of Florida Election Lab and contemporaneous aggregators as of November 3, 2026.
2. Ohio early-vote figures of more than 1.7 million, with higher Democratic share among affiliated voters, from Ohio Secretary of State data reported in the Columbus Dispatch and related coverage.
3. National party-registration estimates (approximately 45 million Democrats, 39 million Republicans in reporting states) compiled from state election offices and secondary aggregations.
4. Local observations from West Chester events at Lori’s Roadhouse and conversations with Ramaswamy campaign affiliates on election eve, consistent with public early-vote patterns in Ohio.
5. Standard midterm pattern in which Election Day electorates are more Republican than early/mail electorates, documented across multiple cycles in states that report mode of voting by party.
Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly by email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.
Elon Musk has said he will give every child in America one share of SpaceX stock next year, routed through the Trump Accounts program. At recent prices, that is roughly a $10.5 billion transfer to about 72–73 million kids, drawn from a company now valued near $2 trillion after its June 2026 IPO. The gift is real enough to matter. It is not large enough, by itself, to paper over decades of reckless public spending, structural medical overcharging, or the permanent administrative class that treats other people’s money as an infinite resource. Politics is management. The managers we choose will decide whether this windfall is invested or squandered.
The SpaceX Share and the Limits of Private Generosity
Musk posted the pledge on X on October 19, 2026: one of his SpaceX shares to every kid in America, “the first of many.” The shares were trading near $146–148. SpaceX had just reported third-quarter revenue of $14.6 billion, up 161 percent year-over-year, and the company carries a market capitalization around $2 trillion. The transfer is large by ordinary standards and small relative to Musk’s holdings. It is also downstream of policy. SpaceX’s explosive growth came after regulatory barriers fell. Private capital and engineering solved problems that public aerospace processes had treated as permanent. The same sequence will have to occur in medicine if the cost structure is ever to break.
Gifting stock to children does not repeal the obligation of fiscal discipline at every level of government. Butler County has maintained that discipline for years. Nancy Nix, first as treasurer and now as auditor, and Mike McNamara as treasurer have kept the books in the black. I have disagreed with Nancy on restaurants, cars, sweaters, and larger political questions including Trump and Vance. None of that changes the observable fact that she understands money. When we talk about county finances, I get clear answers. That is what an auditor is for. Preference arguments can wait until after the numbers are settled.
Local People, Hard Times, and the Test of Character
I have known George Lang for a long time. He is one of Ohio’s stronger state senators and has been through serious political and legal pressure. Years ago, when I was in the middle of one of the more public controversies that have followed me, I held a strategy lunch at LaRosa’s in Liberty Township. Fifteen to twenty people showed up. George came. At the time he was a West Chester trustee, not yet a state representative or senator, and he had every conventional reason to stay away. Conventional wisdom said a rising figure should not sit down with the local radical. He came anyway, ate pizza, and talked. I have not forgotten it. In adult life, I have found that the people willing to show up when the cost is real are the ones you can trust later. Most others reveal themselves under pressure.
The same pattern appears with other local figures. I have had hard conversations with Ann Becker and with Darbi Boddy. Their positions have moved; mine have stayed more constant. I still speak with both when the subject is county or party direction. Art Sauerwein, the new Butler County Republican chair, is navigating a party that is shifting toward clearer Trump alignment after twenty years of more mixed leadership. That shift will be permanent or it will not. The practical question is whether the party represents the voters who show up or protects an internal preference for moderation those voters have already rejected. Sheriff Jones and I differ on operational style; I still recognize competence where it exists. Roger Reynolds, Thomas Hall, Jennifer Gross, and Michael Ryan each bring different vantage points. Good government requires finding the overlapping work that must be done even when the people involved are not identical in every preference.
My own operating rule has been consistent. People who threaten me, send letters, or try to force me into their preferred lane discover that the cost is not free. I cannot think of a case in my adult life where someone who moved against me didn’t eventually pay a price. That reputation is not an accident. It is the same discipline I applied while working the Jason Voorhees role at the Kings Island haunt: guests are protected by the attraction’s rules, yet the job is still to function within those constraints and produce the intended effect. Public life has similar constraints. I defend the position. The threats continue from people who treat disagreement as license for antagonism. The work continues anyway.
The Medical Cost Structure and the Coming Reckoning
The medical industry in its current form is not sustainable. Hospitals routinely bill hundreds of dollars to push a syringe that can be purchased for a few dollars at a retail pharmacy. One documented case involved $722 charges for each IV push; the medication itself was billed separately. Facility fees, chargemaster markups, and billing the same service at hospital rates when performed in an office setting have produced multiples of Medicare reference prices. Large health systems have built entire hillsides of facilities—visible near Bridgewater Falls looking toward the Cincinnati airport—on the assumption that the current reimbursement model continues indefinitely.
I have turned down high-paying offers inside that system because continued public criticism of it was worth more to me than the salary. Many people take the money. The salary structure rests on the post-2010 Affordable Care Act architecture and the expectation of perpetual third-party payment. X-ray technicians and other roles routinely clear six figures. The economic incentive is to keep patients in treatment pathways rather than to eliminate the underlying condition. Shopping malls once looked permanent too. When the cost structure became indefensible, and alternatives appeared, the physical footprint emptied. The same sequence is available in medicine once competitive models are allowed to scale.
Cures for major cancers are closer than the current billing regime admits. Recent work at UCLA and elsewhere has shown methods for producing renewable, off-the-shelf engineered immune cells that can attack solid tumors, reprogram stem cells to generate ongoing T-cell responses, and reduce the cost and customization barriers that have limited CAR-T approaches. These are not yet standard of care. They are evidence that the technical path exists. The political and reimbursement path does not. Radiation and chemotherapy remain the default for many late-stage patients because the payment system rewards ongoing intervention. Friends of mine who are in stage-three and stage-four treatment have been told to hold on. The practical advice is the same: stay alive long enough for the competitive models to clear the regulatory and payment obstacles. That clearance requires elected officials who will not protect the existing revenue streams.
Good People, Hard Conditions, and the Management of Growth
Easy money has corrupted incentives across multiple sectors. People who know a three-dollar item is billed at two hundred dollars and still collect a paycheck participate in a system that delays better outcomes. The same pattern appears in any protected administrative layer: the work becomes the protection of the process rather than the production of the result. SpaceX grew because it lowered barriers and enforced engineering standards. Medicine will require an equivalent reduction in barriers and an equivalent insistence on measurable outcomes.
Good government comes from good people who have already survived hard conditions. The LaRosa’s lunch, the haunt work, the machine-shop years, and the periods of public controversy all tested the same question: who shows up when the cost is real and who disappears. Butler County has a concentration of people who have demonstrated fiscal competence and willingness to absorb political heat. Nancy Nix’s record on the numbers is one example. George Lang’s decision to attend an unpopular meeting is another. Those traits are not universal in politics. They are also not optional if the SpaceX-era wealth is to become lasting productive capacity rather than get absorbed by the next round of administrative expansion.
Trump will not be in office indefinitely. The question of continuity—whether through Vance or another figure—will be settled by whether the underlying incentives have been altered. A county party that aligns more closely with the voters who delivered the recent results is better positioned to defend those changes than one that treats them as temporary. The medical cost collapse will arrive whether local officials prepare for it or not. The difference will be whether replacement models are allowed to form here or whether revenue protection continues until the facilities empty, as the malls did.
The private gift of SpaceX shares is a useful transfer. It does not replace the requirement for managers who can keep public books in the black, tolerate disagreement without treating it as grounds for destruction, and clear the path for competitive innovation in sectors that have been protected too long. You can identify those managers by their behavior under pressure. The rest is preference. The numbers are not.
Footnotes
1. Musk’s October 19, 2026 statement on X committed one SpaceX share per American child, to be delivered via Trump Accounts. Census estimates place the under-18 population near 72–73 million. At contemporaneous share prices of approximately $146–148, the notional value was roughly $10.5 billion. SpaceX’s post-IPO market capitalization has fluctuated near $2 trillion.
2. SpaceX’s third-quarter 2026 revenue was reported at $14.58 billion, a 161 percent year-over-year increase. Analyst targets vary widely; Bernstein raised its target to $268, while the stock traded near $149 in late October.
3. Documented hospital billing examples include $722 charges solely for the act of an IV push (medication billed separately) and systematic multiples of Medicare rates through facility fees and chargemaster pricing. Hospitals have also billed office-based services at hospital outpatient rates, producing large differentials on identical procedures.
4. UCLA and related groups have published methods for generating renewable engineered immune cells from stem cells, off-the-shelf CAR-NKT and similar platforms capable of attacking solid tumors, and approaches that reduce per-patient customization costs. These remain largely preclinical or early-stage; they illustrate technical feasibility rather than immediate clinical availability.
5. Butler County’s multi-year record of operating in the black under Nix (treasurer then auditor) and McNamara (treasurer) is a matter of public financial reporting. Preference disagreements on non-fiscal questions do not alter the observable management of county resources.
6. The LaRosa’s Liberty Township lunch occurred during a period of elevated local controversy. Attendance by a then-township trustee who later became a state senator is cited as an instance of behavior under conditions where conventional incentives favored absence.
Bibliography & Further Reading
• Hoffman, Rich. The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business.
• Bloomberg, Wall Street Journal, New York Times, and Axios coverage of the October 19, 2026 Musk SpaceX share pledge and Trump Accounts mechanism.
• SpaceX public financial reporting and analyst notes on Q3 2026 results (revenue, market capitalization).
• NPR and KFF Health News reporting on hospital chargemaster practices, IV-push fees, and facility-fee differentials.
• Patient Rights Advocate and related analyses of medical billing error rates and markups relative to Medicare reference prices.
• UCLA Health and OncLive summaries of stem-cell-derived and off-the-shelf engineered immune-cell platforms for solid tumors (2025–2026 publications).
• Ohio Auditor of State and Butler County financial reports on multi-year operating balances.
The private capital is arriving. Public managers will decide whether to use or consume it. In the age of disclosure, the distinction remains measurable.
Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.
I am not a fan of the surveillance state. I wrote a book against police abuse and against the abuse of authority, and I meant it. I do not like being commanded. I do not take orders well; I would have been a poor recruit for the military, and I do not like a government that knocks on the door at two in the morning and calls it a rescue. I am not big on tolls; I am not big on a camera sending me a bill for a bridge I did not mean to take, and I spent years on the radio, including with Scott Sloan on WLW, arguing against red-light cameras. Many people who usually agree with me in Butler County are against Flock cameras. Some of the township trustees I know are against them. I understand the objection. I do not share it anymore, and the reason is a month I spent as foreman of a Butler County grand jury.
That is a qualification, not a conversion. The tool is not the same thing as the hand on the tool.
Tolls, red lights, and a bill in the mail
The Louisville bridges cured me of any romance about a camera and a mailbox. RiverLink, on the Lincoln, the Kennedy, and the Lewis and Clark, has no cash lane. A camera reads the plate, and the bill finds the registered owner. Cross without a transponder, and you pay the higher pay-by-plate rate. As of July 2026, a two-axle car was $5.57 pay-by-plate against $2.79 with a transponder. [1] I got that bill once, four or five dollars in the version I remember, because I was in the wrong lane and would rather have used the other bridge. I did not like it. I had not agreed, in any way that felt like an agreement, to be invoiced by a lens.
I feel differently about the tolls on the drive to Washington and the drive toward Chicago. I pay them. Twenty-five or thirty dollars, sometimes more, and I do not hunt the free road to save three bucks. The toll road is usually the direct road, and getting on and off a free highway through a thicket of signals is its own tax. Florida still gets me. Leave Orlando toward the parks, and a couple of those plazas always find the rental. Toward Cape Canaveral it is milder. I am not a fan of any of it. A road built with taxes should not be rented back to the people who already paid for it. That objection stands. It is not the same objection as a camera that tells a prosecutor which car left a parking lot after a shooting.
What a Flock camera actually is
Flock Safety, out of Atlanta, sells automatic license plate readers. The camera does not need an officer on the corner with a notepad. It photographs the passing vehicle, and the plate number, state, time, location, and the vehicle’s color and make become a searchable record. The company says it does not do facial recognition. People are not supposed to be the data. The car is. By the summer of 2026, the New York Times had the network at about 120,000 cameras, under contract to about 7,000 agencies, which the paper put at roughly 40 percent of American departments, in every state but Alaska. Other reporting put the scan volume near 20 billion license plates a month. Default retention had been about 30 days. After a run of documented abuses, Flock said it was cutting the standard window to seven days and locking accounts that searched abnormally. [2] [3] [4]
The abuse is not theoretical. The Washington Post found more than 50 cases of officers using the databases for personal searches, often men looking up wives, girlfriends, exes, and women they wanted to meet. Dozens of cities have canceled or suspended contracts. The Electronic Frontier Foundation calls the whole arrangement invasive mass surveillance, and that description is fair for the capability. A camera that records every car records the innocent with the guilty. [4] [5] I am not going to pretend otherwise to win an argument with a trustee.
What the grand jury changed
I had always wanted to serve on a grand jury. I did not like the way the summons talks. “ Commanded to appear” is not a phrase I answer to with any pleasure. I am not a recipient of orders from a superior. I went anyway. I was selected foreman. Ohio law lets a county pay a grand juror up to forty dollars a day; the figure is set locally, and I served about twenty-six days. Over the month I took home a few hundred dollars. I spent it on books. I know which ones. They are on the shelf by the bed, and they mean more than books I bought with ordinary money. [6]
About half the time in that room was video. I estimate it’s about eighty hours of tape across the month, including witnesses on the stand and footage played against what they said. I wasn’t a fan of being summoned, and I wasn’t a fan of what I had to watch. Child-exploitation cases came in on phone video, messages arranging sex with a fourteen-year-old, the kind of evidence a detective can pull off a device. Other cases needed a place and a time. A license plate at an intersection in Middletown at 2:30 in the morning is a fact. A deputy sitting on that corner with a clipboard is a target. The drug runs between Dayton and Middletown do not slow down for a man with a pen.
One case is the one I still use when someone tells me a camera is only a toy for busybodies. Two men shot each other up after a fight that started in a bar parking lot. One of them was hit about fourteen times. They dropped a body at the emergency room at the Middletown hospital and left. The man on the stretcher would not say who shot him. Witnesses in that world do not rat each other out. Cars on the road, plates on the cameras, and the correspondence between those plates and the people who could then be found, and the guns that could then be collected, were the indictment. Without the plate reads, we did not have a case. We would have had a wounded man who would not talk, and a prosecutor with a theory.
That is the hole in the old model. Testimony used to carry more of the load because more people were afraid to lie under oath in a culture that still treated a lie as a sin, not a tactic. I do not trust unaided testimony the way a courtroom in 1955 could pretend to. People lie to your face. They lie about alibis, they lie about who was driving, they lie because the crowd they are going back to will punish the truth harder than the court will punish the lie. A camera does not join a gang. It does not forget the intersection. It does not get run over at 2:30 in the morning for writing down a number.
I have told the trustees who worry I will turn on them: I am not going to get mad at you for the cameras. I do not like a surveillance state as a lifestyle. I like a plate reader that makes an indictment possible when every human witness has a reason to go mute.
The qualification, which is the whole argument
Here is the line I will not blur. I trust this tool under a Republican administration. I do not trust it under a Democratic one.
I like law enforcement when it targets criminals. I like it in Butler County under Sheriff Jones. I like it in the Fourth Congressional District under Warren Davidson, in the Ohio Senate under George Lang, and in Columbus under a Republican majority. I like Washington under Trump in a way I didn’t before. I have been to the city several times since he went back to the White House, and I enjoy it now the way I enjoy Mount Rushmore, which is not a sentence I expected to write. The order is visible. The cops and the immigration agents look like they are doing the job in front of them rather than auditioning for a political faction. I like the FBI better with Kash Patel over it than I liked the FBI that raided Mar-a-Lago and treated a former president and his wife as a stage prop. Same building. Different hand on the warrant.
Democrats have already shown what they do with police power when they have it. The surveillance state, the early-morning knock, the selective prosecution, the use of a process crime to punish a political enemy: that was not a rumor from a pamphlet. It was the Obama years and the Biden years, in public. A Flock network in those hands is not a tool for a Middletown shooting. It is a map of where the opposition drove on Tuesday. The company itself has had to warn users off searches tied to reproductive-care laws in some states and off immigration searches in others, which admits the search box can be aimed at politics as easily as at a stolen car. [2] Officers have already aimed it at their private lives. [5] I would not give that keypad to an administration that has used the IRS, the intelligence agencies, and the Justice Department as factional weapons.
So the policy I actually hold is narrower than “cameras good” or “cameras bad.” Cameras, plate readers, and the data centers that make the search possible, under officials who can be thrown out of office and who are not already in the habit of aiming the state at their critics. If the other party takes the offices, the same hardware becomes a reason to rip the contract out. I would rather pass a clean rule now, retention short, searches logged, personal queries a firing offense, immigration and political queries banned by statute, than pretend the objection is the lens.
Data centers are a separate argument, and I have been on that side in Butler County while opposing the nosy state. A data center is a building that hires people and pays taxes and gives a county the computing power the next economy runs on. It is not a warrant. Treating every server rack as a spy camera is how you talk yourself out of the jobs and then act surprised when the investigative database lives in another state anyway. I support the centers. I do not support a government that uses every stream of data just because the stream exists.
Mount Rushmore, Deadwood, and the point of the order
I trust the places where the country still feels like itself. Mount Rushmore is the one I send people to if they have never gone. Better to go during the Sturgis rally, ride the Badlands, take the Iron Mountain road down toward Custer, see the buffalo, then drive up to Deadwood for a hamburger in one of those bars on the strip. The fries taste better next to a street where the old gunmen walked, and a sheriff holding a hard town is still the right picture of the job: Devils Tower, the Tetons, Jackson Hole: same sensation. America is a physical place, not a policy memo.
I have been to the bookstore at Rushmore with my oldest daughter. Everyone else was ready for the car. We had done the avenues and the little passage in the hills, and she and I stayed and carried books out. They are on the shelf. Grand jury service sits in that same part of my memory, which will sound strange to anyone who has not done it. A few hundred dollars, a stack of books, and a month of looking at what people actually do to each other when they think no one can place the car. Since that month I have been back to Washington, and I like the city more than I did. The obelisk and the Masonic ornament do not bother me the way they once did. A country that can put Trump back in that house, after the lawfare and the raid, has earned some patience with its marble.
I do not trust people as much as I used to, not under oath and not in a parking lot. I trust a timestamp. I trust a plate. I trust a data center that keeps the record long enough to indict and not long enough to build a dossier on a life. I do not think the camera network is a Chinese social-credit poster, and I do not think the machine on the other end is HAL, waiting to lock the pod bay doors. The rational machine does not wipe out the creature that can pull its plug. It behaves more like a working dog than like a coup. That is my view of the technology, and it is open to evidence. It is not open to the slogan that every lens is a prison.
If you want the practical version, it is this. Vote for the sheriff, the prosecutor, the trustee, and the president who will aim the cameras at the shooting in the bar lot and not at the donor list. Say yes to the Flock contract with a short retention and a public log of searches. Say no, immediately, if the people in charge have already shown they will use a warrant as a campaign. Churches on Sunday will not replace a plate read at 2:30 in the morning, and a plate read will not replace a county that still elects the hand on the switch. You need both. I have seen cases where you do not get a ticket if you only have the sermons and the witnesses.
Notes
[1] RiverLink tolls the Abraham Lincoln Bridge, the John F. Kennedy Memorial Bridge, and the Lewis and Clark Bridge with no cash lanes. Cameras match the plate to the registration and mail an invoice if there is no transponder account. As of the July 1, 2026 adjustment, a two-axle pay-by-plate toll was $5.57, against $2.79 with a transponder. Toll Wiki, “Kentucky Toll Bridge — RiverLink,” citing the bi-state rate resolution; RiverLink pay-by-plate instructions.
[2] Flock Safety’s network was reported at about 120,000 cameras and about 7,000 law-enforcement customers, roughly 40 percent of U.S. departments, in every state but Alaska. Searches can be run across agencies. The system prompts users away from reproductive-care searches in jurisdictions that bar them and away from immigration searches in others. Kashmir Hill and Fernando Alfonso III, “Why are Flock cameras controversial?” The New York Times, August 10, 2026.
[3] Reporting in 2026 put Flock’s volume near 20 billion license-plate scans a month. A scan can include plate, state, time, location, color, make, and model. The company says the cameras do not use facial recognition. Default deletion had been about 30 days. TechSpot, “License plate cameras are scanning 20 billion vehicles a month,” June 30, 2026. In August 2026, Flock said it would shorten standard retention to seven days and lock accounts showing abnormal search behavior. Associated Press, “Surveillance tech company Flock announces platform changes amid public backlash,” August 13, 2026.
[4] The Marshall Project, “The Flock Backlash Catches Up to the Tech,” October 3, 2026, summarizing the Washington Post’s count of more than 50 unauthorized searches, often personal, and the Electronic Frontier Foundation’s description of ALPRs as invasive mass surveillance. The Institute for Justice’s tracker, cited there, counted 247 full cancellations of ALPR programs.
[5] Same Marshall Project account, October 3, 2026, on officer misuse. See also AP, August 13, 2026: more than 50 agencies or jurisdictions had canceled, suspended, rejected, or deactivated Flock cameras since the start of the year, by a DeFlock count.
[6] Ohio Revised Code 2939.04: grand-juror pay is fixed by the board of county commissioners and may not exceed forty dollars a day, paid from the county treasury. The per-day figure in the essay is the author’s recollection of Butler County service, within that statutory cap. The supervisor may be selected by the common-pleas judge under R.C. 2939.02.
Bibliography
Associated Press. “Surveillance tech company Flock announces platform changes amid public backlash.” August 13, 2026.
Electronic Frontier Foundation. Atlas of Surveillance, and EFF writing on automated license plate readers as mass surveillance. https://atlasofsurveillance.org
Hill, Kashmir, and Fernando Alfonso III. “Why are Flock cameras controversial?” The New York Times, August 10, 2026.
Institute for Justice. Automated license plate reader cancellation tracker, cited in The Marshall Project, October 3, 2026.
Marshall Project. “The Flock Backlash Catches Up to the Tech.” October 3, 2026.
Ohio Revised Code, sections 2939.02 and 2939.04. Grand jury foreman; compensation.
RiverLink. Official payment and account pages for the Louisville-Southern Indiana Ohio River bridges. https://riverlink.com
TechSpot. “License plate cameras are scanning 20 billion vehicles a month, cities are starting to push back.” June 30, 2026.
Toll Wiki. “Kentucky Toll Bridge — RiverLink.” Rate table including the July 1, 2026 adjustment.
Wisconsin Right Now. “Shootings, Stabbings, A Kidnapping Attempt: Flock Cameras Helped Crack These Waukesha County Cases.” September 29, 2026. Local case summaries in which a plate reader identified the suspect vehicle.
WIS-TV. “Inside Richland County’s Flock network: 94 murders solved amid mounting privacy debate.” September 29, 2026. Sheriff’s office figures: 687 investigative successes, 296 vehicles recovered, 94 homicides assisted by ALPR data since 2023. One department’s numbers, not a national rate.
Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.
I have been watching Turkey for a long time. Not as a tourist with a lanyard. As a man who loves biblical archaeology, loves the people who actually put a trowel in the ground, and does not love the way the field gets fenced. Turkey is producing more ancient material right now than most Western newsrooms know how to hold. Mount Ararat sits on the edge of that pile. South of it, in Ağrı Province near Doğubayazıt, there is a boat-shaped ridge about 515 feet long that has looked like Noah’s Ark from the air since 1959.[1] For decades the respectable answer was simple: it is a rock. In 2026 that answer is finally being put under a drill bit. I do not need the lab to finish before I am allowed to talk. I need the paycheck question asked out loud, because that is usually the lock on the gate.
FOLLOW THE CHECK, THEN FOLLOW THE DIRT
I am a fan of biblical studies. I am a fan of changing the way archaeologists get paid. That is not a side remark. That is the argument.
I have seen the field raw. I love a lot of the people in it. I also know they are controlled, often dramatically, in what they can say if they want to be published, promoted, and invited back next season. If a result smells too biblical, the gatekeepers get a rash. If a government figures out that a mound can sell tickets, the rash clears up. That is not mysticism. That is payroll.[2]
I say the same thing when people talk conspiracy. Do not start with the archaeologist’s personality. Start with who signs the check. People tend to say what they are paid to be allowed to say. When the funding comes from institutions with strong academic gatekeeping, anything that looks like Genesis gets parked in the “folklore” lot. When the funding starts to look like tourism, the same site suddenly deserves radar, cores, and a press conference.[3]
I want fortune and glory for the diggers. I mean that. I want them rich from books and discoveries. I want them famous for being right. I do not want them turned into England.
ENGLAND IS THE WARNING LABEL
I know a good deal about England. I have a son-in-law who is a dual citizen. He married my daughter. He is an American citizen now. He still goes back and forth. I have been there. I have done business there. I like a lot of the people. I like the humor. Monty Python comes to mind. I like Stonehenge. I like a lot of English archaeology very much.[4]
I do not like the posture. A lot of that culture likes a keeper. They want a kindly authority to tell them the rules of the week. Americans, at their best, do not love rulers. The English appetite for a digital ID, a chip in the workflow, a “right to work” that runs through a central system, is the same appetite that makes a scholar wait for permission to say what the dirt already said.[5]
They tried to push a harder version of that during COVID. They have kept pushing digital verification around employment. The politics shifted in 2026. A national mandatory “BritCard” scheme got announced, diluted, and then, under a later Labour government, cancelled as a single national program. The digital right-to-work machinery did not vanish with the slogan. Employers still have to prove status. The paperwork just put on a nicer shirt.[6]
Here is why I drag England into an essay about a boat on a Turkish ridge. Managed economies love a workforce that kneels for a paycheck. Chinese-style social credit is the clean version of the dream: you work if the system says you may work. Archaeology already runs a softer version of that dream. Publish the approved story or starve. I do not want the dirt community to become that. The way you beat it is not always a march on the ministry. The way you beat it is a competitive model. Tourism. Books. Independent labs. Audiences that will pay to see the thing the committee would rather leave unnamed. Money that does not need the old permission slip.[7]
TURKEY LEARNED WHAT ROSWELL LEARNED
Turkey has spent years fighting a reputation problem that is not only about dirt. Radical politics. Security headlines. A country that Western travelers used to skip. Then Göbekli Tepe broke the spell.
Since UNESCO listed Göbekli Tepe in 2018, the site has drawn about 4.4 million visitors over eight years. Officials in Şanlıurfa are talking about a million visitors in 2026 alone. They are widening roads and walkways because the mound cannot hold the crowd on the old path. Stonehenge still beats it on raw annual fame, but Göbekli Tepe is no longer a specialist’s secret. It is an industry.[8]
That is the tell. The stones were always there. Klaus Schmidt and the German team made them famous. The Turkish state then learned what Roswell learned after the jobs left and the town became a husk: a mystery that draws a ticket line can feed a region that ideology starved. Cappadocia already knew it. Underground cities. Tunnels. Cave churches. The Derinkuyu complex alone is a tourist engine. Shipwrecks off the Turkish coast, the Uluburun wreck with its Bronze Age copper and tin, already proved that early sailors were not paddling toy boats.[9]
I have been saying the same thing about dolmens in the Jordan Valley, up past Mount Hermon, and on into the high country that touches Turkey. The landscape is not empty. It is stacked. 5,000 years ago, 10,000 years ago, this belt of the world was not a waiting room for Greece and Rome. We are only now being allowed to notice because noticing pays.[10]
THE RIDGE THAT WOULD NOT SHUT UP
Capt. İlhan Durupınar spotted the boat-shaped formation on a Turkish Air Force aerial photo in 1959. It sits roughly nineteen miles south of Mount Ararat, about 157 meters long, close to the 300 cubits in Genesis if you use a common cubit. Ron Wyatt made it famous in the 1980s. Drilling happened in 1988. Then the site went back to being a punchline. “Natural rock. Stop bothering us.”[11]
I have been to the idea of the boat even if I am writing this from Ohio. The Ark Encounter in Williamstown, Kentucky, is a wonderful exhibit. It is well done. It gives a body a scale the Sunday-school flannelgraph never could. A vessel in that class is not a canoe. I do not find it strange that a man in the deep past could build something that size. I find it strange that modern people think competence was invented in 1850.[12]
We are talking about a world before the Bronze Age as we usually teach it, or on the doorstep of it, depending which flood chronology you use. Five thousand years ago. Seven thousand. The Bible is catching a memory that is older than our textbooks are comfortable admitting. Most wood dies in that kind of time. Turkey is one of the few places where a large wooden thing, if it were mineralized or buried in the right muck, might still leave a chemical ghost.[13]
WHAT 2026 ACTUALLY PRODUCED
This is the part the internet is yelling about, so I am going to keep the facts tighter than the headlines.
In late June 2026, Prof. Dr. Cenker Atila of Sivas Cumhuriyet University opened a permitted field season at Durupınar with an international team of roughly twenty people from five countries. They worked about ninety days. They mapped the ridge in two and three dimensions. They ran ground-penetrating radar and electrical surveys. They collected something like a thousand soil samples from about 150 spots. They took cores and sent them to Ankara. They reported pottery fragments. They have not published a date on the pottery. Some stories said “possible pre-flood.” That is a hope sentence, not a lab sentence.[14]
The radar claims are the ones that moved the needle. The team and its partners reported angular anomalies, right-angle features, a corridor-like void running tens of meters along the long axis, layered shapes some of them are willing to call decks, and tunnel-like cavities a few meters down. Dr. Khosrow Bakhtar deployed BakhtarRadar, a system with a U.S. Air Force EarthRadar pedigree built to find tunnels and buried structure, not to decorate a creationist brochure. His public point was blunt: the old skeptic line that the ridge is just solid rock is the thing being tested.[15]
Soil chemistry is the second needle. Atila has said carbon levels inside the formation ran about 40 percent higher than samples taken outside it, with other differences in organic content, potassium, and pH that you would expect if something that used to be alive had rotted in place. That is not a hull. That is a smell. Smells are how you decide where to drill.[16]
Then the drill bit broke.
In September 2026, core drilling started for the first time since 1988. Noah’s Ark Scans and the university team reported that in one hole, four to five meters down, the bit hit a layer hard enough to shatter the tooling. They said petrified wood or highly mineralized wood is a possibility they want a third-party lab to test. They also said they intend to put a small drone into mapped voids. Winter lab work is supposed to cover organic content, mineralogy, microscopy. Atila has talked about a public scientific statement after the lab finishes. More seasons are already being planned for 2027.[17]
I want to be precise, because precision is how you keep from becoming the guy the gatekeepers are waiting to mock. Nobody has pulled a named plank with Noah’s chisel mark on it. The lead archaeologist has said the data increase the possibility day by day. Skeptics, including some creationists who prefer other ridges on Ararat itself, still call Durupınar a mudslide that learned a boat impression. IFLScience published a scold on September 25, 2026, two days before I am writing this, saying researchers have not found the Ark and that enthusiasts are flogging a dead horse. Fine. Let the horse’s bones go to Ankara. That is what a lab is for.[18]
PETRIFIED WOOD IS THE QUESTION THAT MATTERS THIS WINTER
If the cores come back as ordinary rock, the boat shape remains a boat shape and the tourism office still has a ridge. If the cores come back as petrified or worked wood in the right places, at the right depths, with the right angles sitting over them, then a lot of comfortable lectures have to be rewritten in public.
I think there is more truth in the old story than the modern faculty lounge can stand. I do not think Noah was the only man on earth who ever built a large hull. I think large boats were more common than the textbook allows, and that most of the wood is gone, which is why the textbook looks so clean. Turkey has already given us wrecks with bronze and copper that should have embarrassed the “they only hugged the coastline” sermon. A mineralized hull on a slope below Ararat would not be an insult to science. It would be science finally catching a memory the text never dropped.[19]
GÖBEKLİ TEPE WAS THE REHEARSAL
People who have heard me talk about Göbekli Tepe know why I keep putting it next to the Ark ridge. The official story of human beginnings liked a slow farmer who eventually got around to religion. Göbekli Tepe is a 12,000-year-old ritual machine with T-shaped pillars measured in tons, carved animals, and a construction culture that was not supposed to exist yet. The controversy never really died. It just got a ticket booth.[20]
Once Turkey understood that “zero point of history” sells rooms in Şanlıurfa, the Taş Tepeler landscape around it started getting roads. Karahantepe. The wider Neolithic belt. The same state that can be heavy-handed in other files became suddenly curious. That is not a conversion. That is an education by cash register. I would rather have a curious state than a silent one.[21]
The same pattern is sitting on Durupınar. The formation was always on the tongue. New instruments made it louder. Tourism made it speakable. If you want to stop the old suppression, you do not have to win a faculty vote. You make the silence expensive.
CAPPADOCIA, TUNNELS, AND THE SHIPS THEY SAID COULD NOT EXIST
Cappadocia’s underground cities still feel like a prank the earth played on a committee. Whole communities under the basalt. Storage. Churches. Air shafts. You can call it refuge architecture. You can call it a civilization that knew the surface was not always friendly. Either way, it is not a myth, because you can walk it.[22]
The wrecks off the Turkish coast do the same work for boats. Uluburun, dated to the late fourteenth century B.C., carried copper ingots, tin, glass, and a cargo list that looks like a trade network, not a fisherman’s accident. When people tell me early humans could not have built anything in Noah’s class, I point at the metal and ask them to explain the smaller miracle first.[23]
I am a proponent of the plain idea that people built boats bigger, earlier, and farther than the approved timeline. Wood vanishes. Stone lies. Metal sometimes survives. Chemistry sometimes remembers. Radar sometimes finds a right angle in a place the mudslide story did not budget for.
WHAT I THINK THE LAB WILL FORCE US TO SAY
I do not run Atila’s lab. I am not going to baptize a press release. I will say what I think, because that is the job of a man who writes under his own name.
I think a serious fraction of that ridge is going to come back as organic, mineralized, or both. I think “just a rock” is going to look sloppier in 2027 than it did in 1988. I think the pottery will turn out to be human presence on a landscape that already had a story, not a magic proof by itself. I think the right angles will keep the argument alive even if some of them resolve into geology. And I think the important civilizational fact will not be “we found the one boat.” It will be “large construction in that age was not an anomaly.”[24]
If the Bible only ever caught a hint of a much longer truth, that is still a hint with better staying power than most peer-reviewed fashions. Texts that survive five millennia are not accidents. They are technologies of memory. Archaeology at its best is the recovery of the hardware those memories were pointing at.[25]
FORTUNE AND GLORY, NOT A CHIP
I want archaeologists paid like people who found something. Not like clerks. Fortune and glory is not a cartoon line to me. It is the opposite of the English model I do not want exported into the dirt. If the only way you eat is to please the committee, you will not find an ark even if you are standing on the deck. If the public will buy the book, walk the ridge, and fund a lab that does not need a bishop or a dean to bless the result, the silence breaks.
That is also how you fight the larger politics. Centralized systems love a limited workforce. They love a chip. They love a right-to-work switch. Automation then arrives to finish the job the policy started, because a frightened labor pool and a permission culture do not compete well on a global stage. Tourism is crude. It is also one of the few forces that has repeatedly forced closed countries and closed faculties to open a gate they would rather keep locked.[26]
THE POLITICS OF HEAVEN IS NOT A SIDE HOBBY
I keep saying it because it is the frame, not the bumper sticker. In the age of disclosure you must understand the politics of heaven. A flood story is not only meteorology. A boat on a mountain is not only a tourist photo. If the old world had a rupture, and if memory of that rupture was stored in Genesis, then the fight over whether the ridge may be mentioned in polite company is not a geology quarrel. It is a jurisdiction quarrel. Who gets to say what the deep past contains. Who gets to keep the human race smaller than the text says we were.[27]
Disclosure, in the popular sense, is usually aimed at the sky. Fine. Start with the ground. Turkey is coughing up temples older than the agriculture story, cities under the rock, wrecks full of metal, and now a boat-shaped ridge with a broken drill bit and a carbon spike. The sky will still be there after the cores come back from Ankara.
NOTES FOR LEADERS
If you run a company, a church, a school, or a town, do not wait for a faculty to tell you when a fact has become respectable.
Do not sneer at tourism. Tourism is often the only leverage a buried truth gets.
Do not confuse a headline with a hull. Demand the lab. Then do not let the lab hide.
Do not pretend early people were stupid. That conceit is how modern managers excuse their own smallness.
Do not attack only the archaeologist. Ask who signed the check.
Do not copy England’s posture and call it seriousness. A culture that wants a keeper will always find a reason to leave the boat in the mud.
If you ever read my book The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business, you already know how I think about permission cultures. The dirt is the same fight with older dust.[28]
We will know more when Ankara speaks. I can live with waiting for chemistry. I cannot live with waiting for permission.
FOOTNOTES
[1] The Durupınar Formation is a boat-shaped landform near Doğubayazıt in Ağrı Province, eastern Türkiye, about 19 miles south of Mount Ararat / Ağrı Dağı. Length commonly given as 157 meters / 515 feet. Identified on aerial imagery in 1959 by Capt. İlhan Durupınar.
[2] On academic gatekeeping and the difficulty of publishing explicitly biblical interpretations in mainstream journals, see the long-running tension documented in biblical archaeology magazines and in critiques of “minimalist” versus “maximalist” schools. The paycheck point is the author’s operational claim, not a claim that every archaeologist is dishonest.
[3] Noah’s Ark Scans, the California-linked project working with Turkish partners at Durupınar, also operates paid site visits. Tourism and research are braided at the ridge the same way they are braided at Göbekli Tepe and Roswell.
[4] Stonehenge visitor figures commonly run in the low millions over multi-year counts; English Heritage has reported on the order of 1.5 million visits in strong years. The comparison in the essay is scale and brand, not a claim that Durupınar already matches that traffic.
[5] UK digital identity and right-to-work policy, 2025–2026: Prime Minister Keir Starmer announced a digital ID scheme on 26 September 2025, initially framed as mandatory for proving the right to work. The mandatory single-card version was later diluted. See House of Commons Library briefing CBP-10369.
[6] In July 2026 the subsequent Burnham Labour government cancelled the national Digital ID programme as proposed. Digital right-to-work checks through certified Digital Verification Services and the Home Office online service continued to expand, with a new code of practice associated with 1 October 2026. Cancellation of a branded national card is not the same thing as cancellation of digital employment control.
[7] The competitive-model argument is the author’s: centralized permission cultures lose to open ticket lines, independent publication, and labs that can be paid without a ministry’s blessing.
[8] Daily Sabah and Anadolu Agency, July 2026: Göbeklitepe drew 4,409,590 visitors in the eight years after UNESCO listing in July 2018. Şanlıurfa Tourism Development Association head Mehmet Kamil Türkmen cited more than 320,000 visitors in the first half of 2026 and a path toward roughly one million for the year. Roads and walkways were being expanded in summer 2026.
[9] Uluburun shipwreck, discovered off Kaş, Türkiye, in 1982; late Bronze Age cargo including copper and tin ingots. Cappadocia underground settlements, including Derinkuyu, are open archaeological-tourist sites under the Turkish Ministry of Culture and Tourism.
[10] Dolmen fields in the Jordan Valley and southern Levant, and the ritual/high-place landscape around Mount Hermon, are part of the author’s running map of pre-classical sacred geography. See also Michael S. Heiser, The Unseen Realm (2015), on the Hermon tradition.
[11] Durupınar research history: Wyatt expeditions in the 1980s; 1988 drilling; later ground-penetrating radar and soil work by associated teams in 2019, 2021, 2022, and 2024 before the 2026 university-led season.
[12] Ark Encounter, Williamstown, Kentucky, opened 2016 by Answers in Genesis. The wooden reconstruction is 510 feet long, built to a 51-centimeter cubit reading of Genesis 6:15.
[13] Genesis 6–9; 2 Peter 2:5; Hebrews 11:7. Chronologies differ. Ussher-style readings cluster the Flood in the third millennium B.C. Other conservative readings push earlier. The essay does not pretend those clocks agree. It insists the memory is older than Bronze Age textbooks.
[14] 2026 Durupınar season: Prof. Dr. Cenker Atila, Archaeology Department, Sivas Cumhuriyet University; fieldwork beginning late June 2026; about 20 participants from five countries; approximately 90 days; roughly 1,000 soil samples from about 150 locations; cores to Ankara; pottery fragments reported in late September 2026 without a published date. Rector Prof. Dr. Ahmet Şengönül publicly supported the project.
[15] August 2026 BakhtarRadar deployment by Dr. Khosrow Bakhtar, Bakhtar Research and Engineering, with Noah’s Ark Scans. Reported features have included angular structures to about six meters, a central corridor on the order of 70 meters, tunnel-like voids, and right-angle anomalies. These are geophysical interpretations pending physical confirmation.
[16] Atila, quoted in Arkeonews and university-linked reporting, August–September 2026: interior carbon about 40 percent higher than exterior samples; organic matter, potassium, and pH differences treated as leads, not as a completed identification of timber.
[17] Noah’s Ark Scans / GlobeNewswire, 23 September 2026: core drilling begun; bit shattered on a hard layer about 4–5 meters down in one interior hole; petrified or highly mineralized wood listed as a possibility for third-party testing; drone inspection of mapped voids planned; laboratory suite to include organic content, mineralogy, and microscopy; additional seasons planned for 2027.
[18] IFLScience, “No, Researchers Haven’t Found ‘Noah’s Ark’ Near Mount Ararat In Eastern Turkey,” 25 September 2026. The piece notes tour pricing associated with Noah’s Ark Scans and the long geologic counter-argument that Durupınar is a natural formation. Fair warning. Not a lab result.
[19] On early seafaring and large hulls, see the Uluburun corpus and the broader literature on prehistoric navigation in the eastern Mediterranean and Black Sea. The author’s claim is capacity, not a completed identification of Durupınar as the Genesis vessel.
[20] Klaus Schmidt, Göbekli Tepe: A Stone Age Sanctuary in South-Eastern Anatolia (exh. and site literature). Monumental T-pillars, 3–6 meters, enclosures dated to the Pre-Pottery Neolithic, roughly the 10th–9th millennium B.C.
[21] Taş Tepeler (“Stone Mounds”) is the Turkish umbrella for the wider Şanlıurfa Neolithic landscape, including Karahantepe. 2019 was declared the Year of Göbeklitepe by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.
[22] Derinkuyu Underground City and the wider Cappadocia tunnel-and-refuge systems. Ministry visitor figures during 2026 holiday periods put related Cappadocia sites in the tens of thousands per short window.
[23] Cemal Pulak and the Institute of Nautical Archaeology publications on Uluburun. Copper from Cyprus, tin likely from distant sources, a cargo that implies organized long-range exchange.
[24] Atila has said organic remains and carbon dating of those remains will decide whether “there really is a ship here.” That is the correct sentence. Radar is a map. Chemistry is a verdict.
[25] On Scripture as durable cultural memory rather than late fiction, see the maximalist stream in biblical archaeology and the author’s forthcoming The Politics of Heaven.
[26] The England comparison is analogical: permission-to-work systems and permission-to-publish systems both shrink the labor of truth. Automation then harvests the gap.
[28] Rich Hoffman, The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business.
BIBLIOGRAPHY AND FURTHER READING
The Site and the 2026 Season
Atila, Cenker, and Sivas Cumhuriyet University communications on the 2026 Durupınar field season. Ağrı Province / Doğubayazıt. June–September 2026. Bakhtar, Khosrow. BakhtarRadar / EarthRadar deployment reports and August 18, 2026 GlobeNewswire release with Noah’s Ark Scans. Noah’s Ark Scans. “Core Drilling Begins at Durupinar Noah’s Ark Site, Drill Bit Shatters on Possible Layer of Petrified Wood.” GlobeNewswire, September 23, 2026. Arkeonews. “Radar Finds Right-Angled Anomalies Beneath Türkiye’s Famous ‘Noah’s Ark’ Formation.” August 29, 2026. Arkeonews. “Noah’s Ark Mystery Deepens as New Discoveries Emerge Near Mount Ararat.” September 23, 2026. Türkiye Today. “Possible pre-Flood pottery uncovered during Noah’s Ark search on Mount Agri.” September 24, 2026. Anatolian Archaeology. “Pottery Found at Türkiye’s Mysterious ‘Noah’s Ark’ Formation.” September 23, 2026. Ancientist. “Pottery Found During New Search at Türkiye’s ‘Noah’s Ark’ Formation.” September 23, 2026. Ancientist. “Radar Built to Find Military Tunnels Tests Turkey’s Noah’s Ark-Shaped Formation.” August 30, 2026. Living Passages. “Was Noah’s Ark Found at Durupinar? What the 2026 Scans Test.” Updated September 22, 2026. Ancient Content. “Drilling at Durupınar for the First Time Since 1988.” September 23, 2026. IFLScience. “No, Researchers Haven’t Found ‘Noah’s Ark’ Near Mount Ararat In Eastern Turkey.” September 25, 2026. Gadget Review. “Scientists Scanned the ‘Noah’s Ark’ Formation — and Found Impossible Right-Angle Structures.” September 2026.
Bible, Flood Memory, and the Boat
The Holy Bible. Genesis 6–9; 2 Peter 2:5; Hebrews 11:7. KJV / NKJV. Beale, G. K. The Temple and the Church’s Mission. Downers Grove, IL: IVP Academic, 2004. Heiser, Michael S. The Unseen Realm. Bellingham, WA: Lexham Press, 2015. Heiser, Michael S. Reversing Hermon. Crane, MO: Defender, 2017. Snelling, Andrew. Earth’s Catastrophic Past. Dallas: Institute for Creation Research, 2009. Whitcomb, John C., and Henry M. Morris. The Genesis Flood. Philadelphia: Presbyterian and Reformed, 1961. Ark Encounter / Answers in Genesis. Site literature, Williamstown, Kentucky.
Göbekli Tepe, Taş Tepeler, and Turkish Tourism
Schmidt, Klaus. Göbekli Tepe site reports and popular synthesis. Daily Sabah / Anadolu Agency. “Göbeklitepe draws 4.4M visitors in 8 years since UNESCO listing.” July 2026. Türkiye Today. “Gobeklitepe expands roads, visitor routes as annual traffic nears 1M.” August 2026. Anatolian Archaeology. “Göbeklitepe Expands Routes for Nearly One Million Visitors.” August 2026. UNESCO World Heritage Centre. Göbekli Tepe listing, 2018. Şanlıurfa Tourism Development Association public comments, 2026.
Ships, Metal, Caves, and the Older World
Bass, George F., and Cemal Pulak. Uluburun and Institute of Nautical Archaeology publications. Pulak, Cemal. Papers on the Uluburun copper and tin cargo. Ministry of Culture and Tourism of Türkiye. Cappadocia and Derinkuyu visitor materials. Joffe, Alexander H., and regional surveys on Levantine dolmens.
Paychecks, Permission Cultures, and Digital Control
House of Commons Library. “Digital ID in the UK.” CBP-10369. Updated 2026. The Immigration (Restrictions on Employment and Residential Accommodation) Regulations 2026, U.K. S.I. 2026/700. New York Times. “U.K. Retreats on Plan to Require ‘BritCard’ ID for Workers.” January 14, 2026. Data Use and Access Act 2025, U.K., Part 2, digital verification services.
Disclosure, Archaeology, and the Author’s Frame
Farah, Dan, dir. The Age of Disclosure. 2025. Keel, John A. The Mothman Prophecies. 1975. Vallée, Jacques. Passport to Magonia. 1969. Hoffman, Rich. The Gunfighter’s Guide to Businessusiness. Hoffman, Rich. The Politics of Heaven. Forthcoming. Hoffman, Rich. OvermanWarrior
Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.
I did not build this media form to talk about local personalities and small topics of no consequence. That is the easy road. Local talk gets hits. Local talk gets popular. I am not interested in it. I am interested in a format that lets a person go down a rabbit hole and stay there long enough to think a thought they would not have thought if the show had been engineered for an audience. Years ago, the question that started the whole habit was simple: Are we getting what we want from the education of children for the money we spend on it? The answer, then and now, was no. The same question can be asked of budgets, housing policy, the relationship between business and politics, and the names we place on large bodies of water. The method does not change. Ask the question at the level it deserves. Invite people along. Do not pander.
Anyone watching consistently knows the season we are in. Trump is in the White House. People are looking around at midterms, the price of gas, the word socialism used as if it were weather. I cover business and politics because that is where the American system is supposed to work, and because the relationship between the two is not what a civics textbook pretends it is. I enjoy the hard half of the map. You will not turn on a typical podcast and get the information nobody wants to handle in the way it should be handled. If I am not performing for more viewers, that is the approach. I am trying to encourage people to come down the rabbit hole and take whatever treasure they can carry back out.
President Trump, as a manager of the executive branch, expects people like me to fill in the blanks when he throws something controversial on the table. He renamed Lake Ontario. He called it Lake America.[1] I have said before that the emphasis was not cartography. The emphasis was provocation. Change the name. Force the discussion. What does the fight actually mean? I do not want to be the man whose entire contribution is a seminar on indigenous grievance. I also will not pretend the fight is about courtesy to a lake. The fight is about whether the United States is allowed to name its own waters without first kneeling to a political story about 1492.
Commentary — on the executive order itself: The August 27, 2026 order changes how the United States government refers to the lake. USGS electronic products were updated within hours. Canada’s prime minister, Mark Carney, answered that the lake is called Ontario “today and forever.” New York’s governor said the state would not use the new name. About half the surface sits on the Canadian side. The legal reality is narrower than the cultural explosion: Washington can rename what Washington prints. It cannot rename what Toronto says. That gap is exactly why a name becomes a weapon. If the gesture were only petty trade-war theater, it would have died in a news cycle. It did not, because names are how institutions catechize a public.
Are We Getting What We Want from the Names We Spend Our Authority On?
I wish academia were designed for American designs. I wish a lot of our institutions had not been captured long ago. The day Trump got on the plane after his first term, I describe that departure as exile because that is what it felt like to millions of people who watched a system treat their vote as a problem to be managed. I am not going to relitigate every precinct here. I am going to say what the naming fight is downstream of: an institutional habit of treating the creation of the United States as the original sin of the continent, and of treating every pre-Columbian name as a sacrament that cannot be touched.
My first real teacher in the long-form sense was Joseph Campbell. I have lived in those lectures. Campbell understood something our public schools will not admit out loud. A great deal of a human life is spent trying to locate a place in an order—am I toward the top of the pyramid or the bottom, boss or subordinate, the person who leads the meeting or the person who cuts the grass on the side of the road? Schools are bult to establish that sorting. They are much worse at asking whether the order itself is true.[2] The same instinct that makes a teenager measure himself by house, spouse, and income is the instinct that makes a grown population easy to herd. If you were an enemy of the human race—and I will argue, as I will argue in The Politics of Heaven, that there is a non-human intelligence, call it the spirit world, call it the counsel that set itself against God—you would not need a tank. You would need the human craving to fit in. You would use names. You would use the way a culture is taught to value things. You would make some words untouchable and other words shameful. Then you would watch decent people police each other in a destructive fashion.
That is why I do not treat the indigenous-people argument as a seminar in ethnography. Ethnography is welcome. Cultures are fascinating. Their stories, legends, and rituals offer a glimpse into another time, and there is still a great deal to learn. I want archaeologists extremely well funded, even rich. I want them in the dirt. I want to spend evenings with Biblical Archaeology Review and with site reports from the Upper Peninsula. What I will not do is let a political Smithsonian wrap a living tribal present around the entire deep past of the continent and then use that wrapping to undo the United States.
The Indigenous People Argument Is a Political Machine
The academic embrace I am talking about is not “study the Haudenosaunee.” Study them. Learn the language families. Read the longhouse constitution if that is your work. The embrace I mean is the 1619-shaped habit: Europe arrives, and the story of the continent becomes death, theft, and a fall from an innocent world.[3] You can hear the same structure in other theaters. I have read papers that treat the biblical conquest of Canaan as an original crime and the modern Jewish state as its sequel, as if Yahweh were a late ethnic mascot and the land had a single rightful pagan landlord. Pagan preference is not a conspiracy in the cheap sense. It is a religious preference with political teeth. Hollywood has been more honest about its Canaanite sympathies than universities have been about theirs.
If you are going to say “indigenous people of North America” and mean it as an academic sentence rather than a chant, you do not get to start the clock in 1492, or 1619, or even 1000 CE. You have to accommodate the Windover people of Florida. You have to accommodate the copper miners of Lake Superior. You have to accommodate the drowned stone lines in the Great Lakes. You have to accept that “the Indians Columbus met” were not a timeless essence. They were people who had already replaced other people, because that is what human beings do on every continent God made.
Windover: Florida, seven to eight thousand years ago
In a pond near Titusville, not far from where rockets now leave the coast, a housing-development backhoe in 1982 lifted human bone out of peat. The police were called. Then the dates came back. The Windover pond held the dead of an Archaic people who used that water as a cemetery for a thousand years. Something like 168 individuals. Brain tissue. Woven fiber. A last meal still readable in a woman’s gut. Seven to eight thousand years before the present.[4] That is not a footnote to 1492. That is a civilization of burial custom, craft, and landscape memory standing on this peninsula while the Near East was still learning the habits that would become Egypt and Canaan.
I do not want that site used as a club against living tribes, and I do not want living tribes used as a club against that site. I want the sentence said out loud: the people of Windover are part of the indigenous story of North America, and any politics that cannot find room for them is not a politics of the past. It is a politics of the present.
The Old Copper Complex: Lake Superior and the oldest metalworking on the continent
Lake Superior is one of the wonders of the world. I do not hide that. Put-in-Bay, Mackinac, the Upper Peninsula—I love the Great Lakes the way some people love mountains. Superior also contains one of the sharpest mysteries we have. The Keweenaw and Isle Royale hold native copper of a purity that still startles metallurgists. Prehistoric pits pock the trap rock. Hammerstones lie in the fill. Organic scraps caught in copper tools have been dated into the ninth millennium before the present. Sediment cores beside the old workings have been read as mining signatures even earlier. This is the Old Copper Complex: hunter-gatherers who learned to beat, float, and vein copper into points, knives, and ornaments long before the Mediterranean named a Bronze Age.[5]
Thousands of pits. Not a weekend hobby. Not a single village knocking a nugget into a bead. An industry measured in centuries.[6] And here is the part that detonates the pamphlet version of “indigenous people”: the pamphlet wants a single moral cast—timeless tribal nations, then Columbus. The copper will not sit still for that cast. The people who opened those pits are real indigenous people of this continent. Later nations of the Great Lakes are also real. They are not the same photograph. If genetics and archaeology cannot staple the miners of 7000 BCE to the specific tribes who met the French, then an honest academy says so. A political academy changes the subject.
Commentary — what is firm, and what is a leap? Two facts are no longer eccentric. First, Archaic people of the Upper Great Lakes worked native copper very early; some dates now rival the oldest copper work in the Old World. Second, the metal is so pure it can be hammered without the smelting regimes of Cyprus or Timna. The leap—and it is a leap—is to walk that copper across the Atlantic into Solomon’s Temple or the Copper Scroll. Isotope maps of Bronze Age Europe keep finding Cyprus, the Alps, Iberia, Wales, the Arabah. They have not found Keweenaw so far. My question is still the right kind of question: given the volume of metal the ancient Near East burned through, are we sure we have inventoried every source? Asking is scholarship. Treating the crossing as proven is not. The force of this argument does not require the crossing. It only requires that “indigenous” be a timeline, not a verdict.
Stone under Grand Traverse Bay
Off Traverse City, in about forty feet of water, there is a line of stone that should have ended the slogan version of prehistory by itself. Mark Holley was looking for a shipwreck and found an arrangement that the press, lazy as ever, called a Stonehenge. Holley does not like the word, and he is right not to. What he has is a long alignment on a lakebed that was dry when the lakes stood lower, with at least one boulder that some eyes read as a mastodon. Mastodons were gone from this country early. If that mark is a mark, the calendar drops into the same deep water as the copper pits.[7] Lake Huron has a cleaner case: a caribou drive-lane on a drowned hunting ground, dated to the same general world. The lakes keep the memory the textbooks compress.
When lake levels were lower, people walked landscapes we now boat over. When the English Channel was a valley, people walked to France.[8] We know migration at continental scale is not a fantasy; the first peopling of the Americas is itself a migration argument that still shifts every decade. The silly statement is not “people moved.” The silly statement is “nobody crossed open water until a Genoese sailor on a Spanish payroll made it official.” If you can keep a craft on water for forty days, you can cross an ocean. Genesis is not a Coast Guard manual, but it is a reminder that the ancient imagination did not think of the sea the way a modern tenure committee does.
The Moon-eyed people and the honesty of replacement
The Cherokee have a grievance against Andrew Jackson that American history already knows how to spell. Trail of Tears is not a rumor. Before that road west, though, Cherokee memory—or the memory settlers wrote down as Cherokee—said something else. When they came into the Smokies and the southern Appalachians, they found people already there. The printed versions call them moon-eyed: pale, light-shy, night-working, driven out when the moon was too bright for their eyes.[9] I am not asking a jury to convict a ghost. I am asking for a simple courtesy with the word “indigenous”. If the Cherokee displaced someone, then the Cherokee, in that hour, were not the first people of that ridge. They were the latest people of that ridge. That is not an insult. That is the human story from the Levant to the Andes. The political use of “indigenous” is an attempt to freeze one frame and call it eternity.
Lake Ontario was named from an Iroquoian language for the beauty of its waters. That is a good name. It is also a name that belongs to the people who happened to be in the neighborhood when the French and the English arrived.[10] They were not the copper miners of Superior. They were not the pond people of Windover. They were not a moral veto on the United States. Trump’s point in calling the water Lake America is not that Iroquoian speech never touched the shoreline. His point is that the lake is part of the American system and that the American system is allowed to say so.
What Lake America Is Actually For
Canada to the north and Mexico to the south are not mysterious to anyone who leaves their living room. The pressure on this country does not arrive only as an army. It arrives as policy language, corporate structure, United Nations furniture, and a habit of treating American particularity as an embarrassment. You see it when you get out of your comfort zone and talk to people who have memorized the indigenous-people argument the way an earlier generation memorized a catechism. The argument is doing work. The work is not respect. The work is to loosen the country’s name from the land.
So Trump changes the name. He did it with the Gulf.[11] He did it with the lake. He knows what happens next. People like me have to pick up the bone and worry about it. Museums will say he is contaminating their dialogue. Activists will say a lake is off-limits because an Iroquoian word was spoken over it four centuries ago. Fine. That reaction is the evidence. If the goal were respect for living nations, there are a hundred quieter instruments. The volume of the outrage is the tell. The goal, in the political use of the word, is to make the United States feel like a squatter in its own house.
I live in a state that still has to fight over Columbus. Columbus, Ohio, spends a remarkable amount of official energy trying to apologize for its very existence. I think that is a dumb way to run a civic conversation. Study every culture. Steal nothing sacred to a living people. Do not, as a substitute for thought, declare an entire European arrival illegitimate and then act surprised when the country loses the will to name a lake.
The Copper Scroll: Stop Asking Only Where It Went
I love the Dead Sea Scrolls. If I were not already married, I would marry them. I do not even think of that period as very ancient. The men of Qumran look, to my eyes, like a reform party inside a tired establishment—less temple museum, more faction. Call the comparison reckless. I will live with it. The Essenes against the institutions of their day; a populist temper against a collaborationist temper; Greek and Roman state-theory pressing from the outside. The names change. The pattern does not.[12]
Among those texts is the one I cannot leave alone: the Copper Scroll. Hershel Shanks, who did as much as any American to bring the Scrolls to light, wrote the book I keep on my desk.[13] It is a treasure inventory beaten into metal so it would not rot. Gold. Silver. Vessels. Caches. A map with the patience of a bookkeeper and the nerves of a man who thinks the Temple is about to die. People have hunted the deposits for seventy years. The holes come up empty, or they come up as someone else’s cellar.
The question everyone asks is: where did the treasure go? That is a fair question. I want a different one sitting beside it: where did the metal economy that made such a list thinkable come from? Copper is the quiet member of the family. The Temple accounts shine with gold, but the older world runs on copper. Bronze is copper that learned a second metal. The floor, the fittings, and the industry behind a sanctuary are not gilding. They are tonnage.
Nelson Glueck pointed at Timna and the Arabah and said, Solomon. The next generation of archaeologists rolled their eyes and gave the shafts to New Kingdom Egypt and to Midian. Then the radiocarbon clocks were wound again, and the tenth century—the horizon of David and Solomon—came back into the slag heaps.[14] I am glad of that. Local ore matters. I do not need to steal Timna from the map to ask whether Timna is the whole map. The ancient Mediterranean and the Levant were hungry for metal for a very long time. Cyprus, Sinai, the Arabah, the Alps, later Spain: these are the names the textbooks allow. Lake Superior is the name they treat as a category error.
I am going to keep treating it as a question. Native copper you can pluck, and hammer is a different proposition from sulfide ore you must smelt in a desert with ten thousand trees. If there was a way to move Superior metal, there was a reason to try. People in the Ohio country walked hundreds of miles for obsidian. We do not call them insane. We call them traders. Stretch the same instinct across a colder ocean, in an age when the shelves were wider, and the boats were not as primitive as our pride requires, and you have a hypothesis. Hypotheses are what academies are for, when academies remember.
Commentary — the Copper Scroll’s date, and the temptation of a single pipeline. Almost every specialist dates the Copper Scroll to the first century CE, as a list of Temple or sectarian deposits hidden against Rome. It is not a Bronze Age shipping manifesto. I treat the scroll as proof that ancient people recorded metal the way a state records oil, and then he asks whether the earlier, much larger copper hunger of the third and second millennia had sources we have undercounted. That is a legitimate historical appetite. What does not follow is a closed circuit: Superior pit to Solomonic floor to Qumran roll to later Islamic treasuries financing 1948. Each arrow in that circuit needs its own evidence. The first arrow is the one archaeology can actually test—with isotopes, with wreck cargoes, with smelting slag. Until those tests speak, the circuit is a storyboard. Storyboards are how books begin. They are not how cases close.
I will treat the speculative part as speculation, not a sermon dressed as a lab report. I think some of the metal listed in later memory, and some of the metal that built earlier sanctuaries, is easier to explain if the Superior district is allowed onto the trade map. I think caches get found by the wrong people over centuries. I think private holdings are a perfectly ordinary grave for a public treasure. I have even said, in the talk that became this essay, that old metal can become seed money for later politics, including politics aimed at a Jewish state. That sentence will get me blocked from rooms I wasn’t already invited to. So be it. I would rather over-ask than pretend the copper only ever moved as far as a museum caption allowed.
Copper, Lightning, and What We Forgot How to Say about Power
The Temple stories are not shy. Glory fills the house. Fire answers a prophet. A presence is described as having weight.[15] Copper is a conductor. Gold is a conductor. If you were going to build a room in which a people expected God to arrive the way a storm arrives, you would not build it out of wool. I do not need a YouTube priest of “Egyptian lightbulbs” to notice that. I also do not need to turn Yahweh into a battery. The Bible’s own language is already more interesting than the gadget version. The point is that the builders were not decorating. They were making a place that could bear a presence. Metal was part of that theology, not an afterthought from the gift shop.
Plato’s orichalcum—copper with a second metal in it, a gleam the Greeks could not quite leave alone—belongs to the same family of memories.[16] Ayn Rand, who is not an archaeologist and did not mean to be, wrote a little book about a city that forgot electricity so completely that it had to reinvent the lamp and the word “I”. That is Anthem. I point people to it because it is a moral picture of technical amnesia, not because I think Atlantis filed a patent.[17] We have forgotten more than we know. That sentence is not a license to claim every glyph is a circuit diagram. It is a license to stay humble about the inventory.
Göbekli Tepe, Hopewell earthworks, British alignments, the drowned lines under our lakes: I do not stitch them into one empire. I notice that ritual landscapes rhyme more often than chance should allow, and I notice that people under intoxication and under prayer have always claimed they were not alone in the room.[18]. The Politics of Heaven is my effort to take that claim seriously as politics—not as mood, not as metaphor. If there are wills other than human wills, they will not confine themselves to Sunday school. They will show up in the naming of lakes.
What I Want from Academia, and What I Will Do Without It
I want American archaeology. Not a European import of Marx with better maps. Not a campus that treats Columbus as a contaminant and the United States as a mistake that can be renamed out of existence. I want papers. I want dates. I want some graduate student with a better spectrometer than my opinions to take the Superior question and either kill it or keep it alive on evidence. I will read the kill-shot if it is a real one. I will not accept a sneer in place of a date.
I cover politics and business and Iran and the rest of the board because that is the world in which these arguments cash out. Trump throws a ball. Commentators pick it up. Other shows lift a line while I am asleep at two in the morning. That is the only revenue I actually care about: the advance of the idea. Fortune and glory are enjoyable when you can get it. But, the real wage is that someone eating Fritos in a dark kitchen looks out the window and realizes the indigenous-people argument he was handed in school cannot survive contact with a copper pit that is older than the pyramids’ reputation.
My wife says I am blacklisted again. I am blacklisted everywhere, on everything, by everybody who needs the story to stay simple. I am used to it. This forum exists so that truth has a place to sit when the institutions are otherwise occupied.
The Name on the Water
Call it Lake America. Not because the Iroquois never saw it. Because the Iroquois were not the beginning of the story, and they are not the end of the American claim. The copper miners of Superior, the burial people of Windover, the builders who stacked stone on a dry bay floor—those are indigenous facts. The political slogan that uses “indigenous” to unmake the United States is not a fact. It is a maneuver.
Trump understood the maneuver well enough to answer it with a Sharpie and a map. He can do that from the Resolute Desk. The rest of the work is ours. Follow the copper. Follow the names. Follow the will that taught a nation to be ashamed of its own reflection in a lake. That will is not only human. And if we really want to say “indigenous people,” shouldn’t we point to the Moon-eyed people and give them the credit?
NOTES
[1] Donald J. Trump, Executive Order renaming Lake Ontario as Lake America for U.S. federal usage, signed August 27, 2026. Coverage: Reuters; BBC News; CNN Politics; New York Times, August 27–28, 2026. The order directs the Department of the Interior and the Board on Geographic Names to update the Geographic Names Information System within 30 days. It binds U.S. federal maps and communications; it does not bind Canada, New York State, or international bodies.
[2] Joseph Campbell, The Hero with a Thousand Faces (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1949); The Power of Myth, with Bill Moyers (New York: Doubleday, 1988). Campbell’s recurring concern is not career-ladder ranking but the inner work of finding a vocation larger than the self—“follow your bliss”—against a society that sorts people into stations.
[3] 1619 Project, New York Times Magazine (August 2019), Nikole Hannah-Jones et al. The Project’s framing of 1619 as the nation’s “true founding” produced a large scholarly rebuttal literature (see the later bibliography). It is cited here as the type of academic-political narrative the speaker is arguing against, not as a monograph on Great Lakes prehistory.
[4] Windover Archaeological Site, Brevard County, Florida. National Historic Landmark. Radiocarbon dates on the pond burials cluster roughly 8,000–7,000 years before present (Early/Middle Archaic). At least 168 individuals were recovered, with exceptional preservation of brain tissue, textiles, and wooden artifacts. See Glen H. Doran, ed., Windover: Multidisciplinary Investigations of an Early Archaic Florida Cemetery (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2002).
[5] Old Copper Complex / Old Copper Culture of the western Great Lakes. Reliable dates on organic material embedded in copper artifacts run from roughly 8500 to 3580 cal BP; sediment-geochemistry work around Isle Royale and the Keweenaw Peninsula has been used to argue mining signatures as early as ~9500 years ago, with a peak often placed between ~7000 and 5000 cal BP. See Pompeani et al., Radiocarbon (2021); Pompeani et al., The Holocene (2015); Milwaukee Public Museum, Old Copper Culture collections.
[6] Isle Royale and Keweenaw native copper. The Lake Superior district contains the world’s largest concentration of native (nearly pure) copper. More than a thousand prehistoric pits have been recorded on Isle Royale alone. See National Park Service, “Archaeological History of Isle Royale and Ancient Copper Mining.”
[7] Grand Traverse Bay stone alignment, Lake Michigan, identified in 2007 by underwater archaeologist Mark Holley during sonar survey. Stones lie about 40 feet down. Popular press labeled the site “Michigan’s Stonehenge”; Holley has repeatedly objected to that label and described a long linear arrangement rather than a henge. A possible mastodon image on one boulder remains unverified by a broad scholarly consensus. A better-documented submerged hunting structure of similar age is the Drop 45 Drive Lane in Lake Huron.
[8] Post-glacial sea level and Doggerland. During the early Holocene the English Channel and much of the southern North Sea were dry or marshy land (Doggerland), allowing pedestrian movement between Britain and the Continent until progressive inundation through the Mesolithic. This is mainstream Quaternary geology. Transatlantic crossings in that same era are a separate, and far more contested, claim.
[9] Cherokee “moon-eyed people.” Early printed versions appear in Benjamin Smith Barton, New Views of the Origin of the Tribes and Nations of America (1797), reporting that the Cherokee said they found and expelled a “moon-eyed” people who could not see well by day. Later treatments include John Haywood (1823) and James Mooney, Myths of the Cherokee (1900). Modern Cherokee cultural authorities often treat the tale as minor or as settler-amplified folklore rather than a central tribal history. No archaeological culture has been securely identified with the legend.
[10] The name Ontario is widely derived from a Wendat (Huron) / Iroquoian form, often given as Ontari’io, commonly glossed “beautiful lake,” “great lake,” or “lake of shining waters.” European mapmakers used the name in the seventeenth century, well before Canadian Confederation (1867) or the Declaration of Independence (1776). See Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney’s August 2026 statement and standard Great Lakes toponymy.
[11] Gulf of America: Trump proclamation renaming the Gulf of Mexico for U.S. federal usage in 2025, the immediate precedent for the 2026 Lake America order.
[12] Essenes and Qumran. The consensus that the Dead Sea Scrolls community was Essene remains the majority view, with vigorous dissent. Comparing them to a modern populist reform movement is analogy, not identity. The “RINO / tyrant” mapping in the source talk is rhetorical, not a claim that second-temple parties were American parties.
[13] Copper Scroll (3Q15), Cave 3, Qumran, discovered 1952. Two oxidized copper rolls, later cut into strips at Manchester (1955–56). The text lists dozens of hiding places and large quantities of gold, silver, and vessels—commonly read as a Temple-treasure inventory from the late Second Temple period, not a Bronze Age document. See Hershel Shanks, The Copper Scroll and the Search for the Temple Treasure (Washington, DC: Biblical Archaeology Society, 2007); Judah K. Lefkovits, The Copper Scroll—3Q15: A Reevaluation (Leiden: Brill, 2000); John M. Allegro, The Treasure of the Copper Scroll (1960).
[14] Timna Valley and Wadi Arabah copper. Nelson Glueck popularized “King Solomon’s Mines” in the 1930s–40s. Later work showed major Late Bronze Egyptian-Midianite activity; more recent radiocarbon work by Erez Ben-Yosef and colleagues has restored a significant 10th-century BCE (United Monarchy-era) industrial peak at Timna, with large slag heaps and evidence of export. Glueck’s romantic label outran the first generation of evidence; the newer dates put industrial copper back on the table for the Solomonic horizon—without requiring a Great Lakes source. Lead-isotope work on Bronze Age metal in Europe and the Near East has so far pointed to Cyprus, the Alps, Iberia, the British Isles, the Arabah, and other Old World sources, not to Keweenaw.
[15] Biblical theophanies associated with fire and storm: Exodus 19; 1 Kings 8 (the glory filling Solomon’s Temple); 1 Kings 18 (Elijah and the prophets of Baal); Ezekiel 1. Copper and gold are specified in the Tabernacle and Temple building accounts (Exodus 25–40; 1 Kings 6–7). Ancient recognition that metals conduct and gleam is not the same thing as a reconstructed electrical grid.
[16] Plato, Timaeus and Critias. Orichalcum is described as a metal second only to gold in the Atlantis story. A 2015 shipwreck off Gela, Sicily, yielded ingots some researchers identified as an alloy consistent with classical descriptions of orichalcum (primarily copper with zinc). That find, even if the alloy identification holds, does not locate Atlantis in the Azores or prove a Great Lakes connection.
[17] Ayn Rand, Anthem (1938). The novella imagines a collectivist future that has forgotten electricity and the word “I.” The “Anthem” YouTube adaptations mentioned in the source talk are fan and classroom dramatizations, not a Disney property.
[18] Hopewell Interaction Sphere (approx. 100 BCE–500 CE) is millennia later than the Old Copper peak and Göbekli Tepe (c. 9600–8000 BCE). Formal similarity of earthworks or ritual geometry across such distances in time is a prompt for research, not proof of a single whispering “spiritual entity” or a single people.
BIBLIOGRAPHY FOR FURTHER READING
Naming, the executive order, and the Great Lakes BBC News. “Trump Signs Order to Rename Lake Ontario as Lake America.” August 27, 2026. CNN Politics. “Trump Signs Executive Order to Change Lake Ontario to ‘Lake America.’” August 27, 2026. Reuters. “Trump Renames Lake Ontario as ‘Lake America’ amid Canada Trade War.” August 27, 2026. The New York Times. “Lake Ontario Didn’t Ask for Trump to Rename It.” August 27, 2026. Hough, Jack L. Geology of the Great Lakes. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1958. Vogel, Virgil J. Indian Names on Wisconsin’s Map. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991. White, Richard. The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650–1815. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991.
Windover and the deep Archaic South Doran, Glen H., ed. Windover: Multidisciplinary Investigations of an Early Archaic Florida Cemetery. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2002. Doran, Glen H., and David N. Dickel. “Multidisciplinary Investigations at the Windover Site.” In Wet Site Archaeology, edited by Barbara A. Purdy. Caldwell, N.J.: Telford Press, 1988. Milanich, Jerald T. Archaeology of Precolumbian Florida. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1994. Purdy, Barbara A. The Art and Archaeology of Florida’s Wetlands. Boca Raton: CRC Press, 1991.
Old Copper Complex, Isle Royale, and Keweenaw Bebber, Michelle R., and Alastair J. M. Key. “Optimal Linear Estimation Modeling Supports Early Holocene Copper Tool Production in North America.” American Antiquity 87 (2022). Martin, Susan R. Wonderful Power: The Story of Ancient Copper Working in the Lake Superior Basin. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1999. Pleger, Thomas C., and James B. Stoltman. “The Archaic Tradition in Wisconsin.” In Archaic Societies, edited by Thomas E. Emerson et al. Albany: SUNY Press, 2009. Pompeani, David P., et al. “Copper Mining on Isle Royale 6500–5400 Years Ago Identified Using Sediment Geochemistry.” The Holocene 25 (2015). Pompeani, David P., et al. “On the Timing of the Old Copper Complex in North America.” Radiocarbon 63 (2021). Ritzenthaler, Robert E. “The Old Copper Culture of Wisconsin.” The Wisconsin Archeologist 38 (1957). National Park Service. “Archaeological History of Isle Royale and Ancient Copper Mining.” nps.gov. Milwaukee Public Museum. “Old Copper Culture.” mpm.edu.
Drowned landscapes of the Great Lakes Holley, Mark. Field reports and public notes on the Grand Traverse Bay alignment. Northwestern Michigan College. O’Shea, John M., and Guy A. Meadows. “Evidence for Early Hunters beneath the Great Lakes.” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 106 (2009). O’Shea, John M., et al. “A 9,000-Year-Old Caribou Hunting Structure beneath Lake Huron.” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 111 (2014). Lewis, C. F. M., and T. W. Anderson. Papers on post-glacial lake levels in the Huron and Michigan basins. Geological Survey of Canada.
Cherokee memory, Appalachia, and the moon-eyed people Barton, Benjamin Smith. New Views of the Origin of the Tribes and Nations of America. Philadelphia, 1797. Haywood, John. The Natural and Aboriginal History of Tennessee. Nashville, 1823. Mooney, James. Myths of the Cherokee. Washington: Bureau of American Ethnology, 1900. Mooney, James. Historical Sketch of the Cherokee. Chicago: Aldine, 1975 [1900]. Perdue, Theda, and Michael D. Green. The Cherokee Nation and the Trail of Tears. New York: Viking, 2007. Wilkins, Thurman. Cherokee Tragedy: The Ridge Family and the Decimation of a People. 2nd ed. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1986.
Dead Sea Scrolls and the Copper Scroll Allegro, John M. The Treasure of the Copper Scroll. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1960. Lefkovits, Judah K. The Copper Scroll—3Q15: A Reevaluation. Leiden: Brill, 2000. Puech, Émile. The Copper Scroll Revisited. Leiden: Brill, 2015. Shanks, Hershel. The Copper Scroll and the Search for the Temple Treasure. Washington, D.C.: Biblical Archaeology Society, 2007. Shanks, Hershel. The Mystery and Meaning of the Dead Sea Scrolls. New York: Random House, 1998. VanderKam, James C., and Peter Flint. The Meaning of the Dead Sea Scrolls. San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco, 2002. Wise, Michael, Martin Abegg Jr., and Edward Cook. The Dead Sea Scrolls: A New Translation. San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco, 2005.
Timna, Arabah, Solomon, and Near Eastern copper Ben-Yosef, Erez, et al. “A New Chronological Framework for Iron Age Copper Production at Timna.” Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 366 (2012). Glueck, Nelson. “On the Trail of King Solomon’s Mines.” National Geographic, February 1944. Levy, Thomas E., Russell B. Adams, and Mohammad Najjar. Studies of Iron Age copper production at Faynan / Wadi Arabah. Rothenberg, Beno. Timna: Valley of the Biblical Copper Mines. London: Thames and Hudson, 1972. Yahalom-Mack, Naama, et al. Lead-isotope sourcing studies of Levantine copper.
Bronze Age metal provenance — the brake on a quiet Atlantic pipeline Ling, Johan, et al. “Moving Metals II: Provenancing Scandinavian Bronze Age Artefacts by Lead Isotope and Elemental Analyses.” Journal of Archaeological Science 41 (2014). Melheim, Lene, et al. “Shifting Networks and Mixing Metals.” PLOS ONE (2021). Pernicka, Ernst. Foundational papers on lead-isotope provenancing in the Aegean and Balkans. Williams, R. Alan. Studies of Great Orme copper and Atlantic Bronze Age distribution. Hauptmann, Andreas. The Archaeometallurgy of Copper. Berlin: Springer, 2007.
Alternative and contested Atlantic theses — read with the grain, and against it Fell, Barry. America B.C. New York: Quadrangle, 1976. The book that made a generation of amateurs certain and a generation of epigraphers furious. Jett, Stephen C. Ancient Ocean Crossings: Reconsidering the Case for Contacts with the Pre-Columbian Americas. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2017. Kehoe, Alice Beck. Traveling Prehistoric Seas. Walnut Creek: Left Coast Press, 2016. McGhee, Robert. Critical essays on transoceanic contact claims; useful as a brake.
Temple, metal, and the language of presence The Holy Bible. Especially Exodus 19 and 25–40; 1 Kings 6–8 and 18; Ezekiel 1. Hurowitz, Victor Avigdor. I Have Built You an Exalted House. Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1992. Kitchen, Kenneth A. On the Reliability of the Old Testament. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2003. Milgrom, Jacob. Leviticus. Anchor Bible. New York: Doubleday, 1991–2001. Van Seters, John. The Pentateuch: A Social-Science Commentary. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999. Read as the academy’s counter-voice.
Atlantis, orichalcum, and technical amnesia as literature Plato. Timaeus and Critias. Rand, Ayn. Anthem. 1938. Reports on the 2015 Gela wreck ingots and the orichalcum identification debate. Forsyth, Phyllis Young. Atlantis: The Making of Myth. Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1980.
Campbell, order, and the inner politics of fitting in Campbell, Joseph. The Hero with a Thousand Faces. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1949. Campbell, Joseph, with Bill Moyers. The Power of Myth. New York: Doubleday, 1988. Eliade, Mircea. The Sacred and the Profane. New York: Harcourt, 1959. Girard, René. Violence and the Sacred. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1977.
The political fight over founding stories Hannah-Jones, Nikole, et al. “The 1619 Project.” The New York Times Magazine, August 18, 2019. Wood, Gordon S., Sean Wilentz, James McPherson, Victoria Bynum, and James Oakes. Letter of objection to the 1619 Project. The New York Times, December 2019. McClay, Wilfred M. Land of Hope: An Invitation to the Great American Story. New York: Encounter, 2019. Gordon-Reed, Annette. The Hemingses of Monticello. New York: Norton, 2008. Allen, Danielle. Our Declaration. New York: Liveright, 2014.
Hopewell, Göbekli Tepe, and the problem of rhyme across millennia Byers, A. Martin. The Ohio Hopewell Episode. Akron: University of Akron Press, 2004. Carr, Christopher, and D. Troy Case, eds. Gathering Hopewell. New York: Springer, 2005. Schmidt, Klaus. Göbekli Tepe: A Stone Age Sanctuary in South-Eastern Anatolia. Berlin: Ex Oriente, 2012. Mann, Charles C. 1491: New Revelations of the Americas before Columbus. New York: Knopf, 2005.
Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.
I am not a separation of church and state guy the way the left has used it to push a secular agenda. But to understnad that, you have to understand history, and many people just don’t. And those same people don’t know much about one of the people I consider to be one of the early American Founding Fathers, Jonathan Edwards. I say, use what works and is healthy for a great society, and don’t argue with the poliitcal left the interpritation of law and order when they want to destroy America by using its own laws and policy against its creation. Since that is their method, I would advise that we drop the polite veil and admit what we are all thinking: churches go well with Republican politics, and we should be a whole lot more open about it, and just let the Marxists of the Democratic Party have their faces melt. Art Sauerwein is the new chairman of the Butler County Republican Party. The Journal-News piece I have been talking about put his wish list in public: take back the schools and make them more conservative; see more Christian values in the community; and, most of all, Republicans already in office need to learn to cut spending and cut taxes. I agree with most of that list. I would put the disagreement, if there is one, in a sliver. Five percent, maybe. The problem is not the nouns. The problem is that a county chairman saying he is displeased with his own officeholders signals to every Democrat and every reporter in the room that the party is not united.¹
I have a particular soft spot for people who take thankless chairs. I also have a long memory of what happens when the Bush years go slack, when Clinton years teach the other side to use government as a wealth-transfer machine, and when a Republican majority forgets that it was elected to stop that machine, not to learn its levers. Small-government capitalism is not the same project as confiscating through the tax code and redistributing under a better letterhead. I have been on that argument since before the Tea Party years. I have not left it.
What I will not do is pretend that the way you get Christian schools and lower taxes is to twist the arms of the people you still need on the card. That is the Democrat tactic with different hymns. Ostracize, purity-test, call the holdout a RINO, and then act surprised when the tent is an empty Sunday-school classroom with folding chairs and no majority.
Why I Walked George Lang to His Car
People tell me I cannot be trusted because I am friends with George Lang. I was invited to an evening with him and his wife, Debbie. We get along. I like them. I like George. Not because he is a state senator from the 4th District. Because we can stay on a subject until the parking lot lights are the only ones left.²
We started years ago with a mutual fascination with Ayn Rand and the long story of human order. She was an atheist. I was not. We did not make religion the ticket into the room. We made taxes, small business, the Ohio caucus work, jobs that let a family buy nice things without the government picking the neighbor’s pocket. Those are the planks you can stand on with a man who is not yet where you are on Sunday morning. Then you walk him to the car.
This year, 2026, not a decade ago, we were still talking when we got to his car, extending the evening as much as possible because the conversation was good. He knows what I carry. He knows the maps and the notes. He pulled out a Bible that had been given to him in the Senate. It was beautiful. I would have liked it for the shelf. It was his. He had been going through it. Debbie has said, in the way honest people say it, that they have not always lived in that lane. I did not need a performance. I needed the book’s facts in the car of a man who helps write Ohio law. That is how influence works. That is Nicodemus in a parking lot instead of a midnight stair.³
If the chairperson’s job is to get people on the card, then the chairman’s job is to make nights like that more common, not to publish a scolding that makes the next senator keep the Bible in the trunk.
Jonathan Edwards Did Not Found America From a Letter to the Editor
The Jonathan Edwards Study Bible came out in August 2026 from Thomas Nelson, NKJV, notes drawn from Edwards’s own work, edited by Matthew Everhard. I saw it advertised in Biblical Archaeology Review, which is still the magazine I would take to a desert island and be happy with nothing else. I will likely make that Edwards volume my next daily Bible. The one I have carried through airports is full of notes. Every blank space they left me has writing in it.⁴
Edwards did his public work in the 1730s through the 1750s, while a young George Washington was still making himself and Franklin was already allergic to other people’s piety and still able to hear the weather. The Awakening put biblical speech in the streets. The colonies that broke from England were not a faculty workshop. They were a people who had been arguing, singing, and frightening themselves with sermons about a God who was not a mascot. I do not claim Edwards “founded” the United States. I claim the country is harder to imagine without that pressure in the air.
He was also the grandfather of Aaron Burr, who later killed Alexander Hamilton. I am not a Hamilton man. I mention the grandson so nobody thinks I am selling a stained-glass window. Edwards’s own church in Northampton eventually threw him out because he would not lower the table to the town’s comfort. He finished in a smaller charge at Stockbridge, among the Mahican, and then the College of New Jersey—Princeton—made him president. He lasted about a month. He took the smallpox inoculation during an outbreak, fever followed, and he died on March 22, 1758. His last counsel was to trust God and not be afraid. The same college that begged him to come later drifted into the progressive machine that now congratulates itself for unmaking the civilization he helped catechize.⁵
That arc is the warning. You can put a Christian on a letterhead and still lose the building. You can also lose the building by refusing to put your arm around anyone who is not already converted.
Darbi Boddy and the Noble Death That Vacates the Seat
I have always had a soft spot for Darbi Boddy on the Lakota school board. She came out of a Puritan temperament: right is right, wrong is wrong, say it, take the heat. I admired the spine. The political class asked whether she knew she had to go to other people and shake hands. She drew a line so hard that the people who should have been part of her coalition treated her as a problem to be managed. She was removed. Not enough Republicans came to her defense in the way that kept the seat. I was very angry about that. I still am.⁶
There is a Christian imagination that treats the pike as the only honorable furniture—burned, sawn, beheaded, and therefore faithful. The martyrs were real. Rome tried to kill the church, and the church outlived the attempt. I am asking a different question for a school board and a county party. Are we here to die beautifully and hand the district back to the purple-haired people eaters or are we here to keep the chair and put more than one adult in the room?
A public school system designed as an agent of social reconstruction will not become conservative because a chairman tells the Journal-News he would like that very much. You need people on the board who can last. You need people around them who do not run at the first ugly headline. You need a farm team that was not raised only in a sanctuary, because most of the county was not. Maybe forty percent can make the born-again jump on a timetable that satisfies a Sunday-school teacher. The rest will come, if they come, the way George came toward a Bible in a backseat: over years, over taxes, over ancient history, over the proof that you will still walk them to the car when they are not yet where you are.
The Church That Taught Me Business Had Classrooms and a Mortgage
I saw my grandson today, and I told him about my years between eleven and sixteen, High Adventure, the Scout post that met at a big church on RT42 in West Chester. We made pizzas in the church kitchen, and people came to pick them up. That was a fundraiser, a civics lesson, and a first business plan. My family church in Fairfield was the other building. My wife and I were married there. Catechism, Sunday school, the pastor’s house on the property, the side rooms where a kid learned how adults talk when they think they are only running a troop meeting. Then the money ran out. They sold it. It broke my family’s heart. It is not on the market presently. I have been thinking about buying it back for a couple of million. dollars In any other use, that ground in Fairfield is a different number. Because it is a church, the market treats it like a problem.⁷
I am not announcing a closing. I am saying the thought is serious, and Jonathan Edwards is the reason the thought got louder. Churches decline when they have no profit model and a pastor who thinks Jesus only ever taught under a tree. Jesus could walk from village to village. A sanctuary in a hot real-estate corridor has a mortgage. Nicodemus money, the quiet help that keeps a ministry on its feet, is not a compromise with Egypt. It is how a thing survives long enough to teach the next boy how to sell a pizza and keep the books.
The West Chester Tea Party lost a church venue while I was in Japan not that long ago. A guest, a fight, and the door closed. For years the movement lived on donated fellowship halls and cookies after the meeting. Streamers, Republicans, whoever would come. That was a big tent that still knew the room had been a sanctuary an hour earlier. I want a building in this county that Tea Party groups and Republican meetings can use without a landlord who gets nervous. Not a state church. A civic table with a steeple still on it.
Princeton Forgot. The Party Should Not Copy the Forgetting.
Edwards as president of Princeton is the picture I cannot shake. The college wanted the man who could make seniors write on divinity and then talk about it. A short generation later, the heirs of that project began the long surrender. Liberty University and the older schools are not the same charter, but the temptation is the same: keep the Christian name, lose the Christian nerve, export Democrats with verse numbers. Complaining about that in a newspaper will not reverse it. Buying a pulpit, filling a room, putting your arm around a senator who keeps a Bible in the backseat, teaching a Scout to make change for a pizza—that is the slower work.
Peer pressure is not evangelism. “Agree, or we will put you outside” is what the other party already does. If we do it with better footnotes, we still lose the county. Jesus did not recruit from the Sanhedrin’s banquet list. He took the people who had fallen out of the wagon. Edwards could fill a town and still get voted out. Both facts matter. The first tells you preaching works. The second tells you preaching without a coalition becomes a memorial service.
What I Want the Chairman to Do Instead of Being Displeased
Help officeholders get elected. Help them get money. Help them get on the slate card. If you want Christian values in the community, put a beautiful Bible in more backseats by being the kind of man a senator will linger with in a parking lot. If you want the schools, do not design another martyr and then wonder why the seat is empty after they are killed or lose their seat in the next election. If you want taxes cut, stay on the subject with people who will go to the small-business caucus before they will go to your Wednesday Bible study volunteer class.
I will keep reading BAR. I will keep the Edwards volume in the rotation. I will keep walking George to the car. I will keep thinking about the Fairfield church, not because nostalgia is a strategy, but because the kids I see now do not have the side room I had, and a party that cannot raise its own young in a hall it does not have to rent is a party that will keep leasing its future from people who do not like its hymn.
Lead. Do not write the other side’s headline for them.
Notes
1. Art Sauerwein, Butler County GOP executive chairman, quoted in late-August 2026 Journal-News coverage on local Republicans, schools, Christian values, spending, and taxes. A public rebuke of sitting Republican officeholders is usable copy for the other party. That is not mind-reading. That is how newspapers work.
2. George F. Lang, Republican, Ohio Senate 4th District since 2021; previously Ohio House 52nd; West Chester. Married to Debbie Lang. I am describing a private evening in 2026 and a longer friendship. I am not claiming he has asked me to speak for him.
3. John 3; 7:50–51; 19:39–42. Nicodemus keeps his station and still moves toward the teacher. Influence that can only speak in the sanctuary will not reach the people who write statutes.
4. The Jonathan Edwards Study Bible (NKJV), Thomas Nelson, August 18, 2026, general editor Matthew Everhard. Biblical Archaeology Review, Biblical Archaeology Society, 1975–present.
5. Edwards was inaugurated at the College of New Jersey on February 16, 1758; died March 22, 1758, after smallpox inoculation. Buried in the Presidents’ Lot, Princeton Cemetery. Esther Edwards married Aaron Burr Sr.; their son was Aaron Burr Jr. Northampton dismissed Edwards in 1750 over communion discipline; Stockbridge followed.
6. Darbi Boddy won a Lakota Local Schools board seat in 2021 on a conservative platform and was removed by the board in March 2024 after a long, ugly fight and a 90-day absence tied to a protection-order conflict with another member. I am not retrying that case here. I am talking about coalition and what happens when courage has no bench.
7. The Fairfield church of my childhood and marriage is named as a family fact and a present thought, not as a listed property and not as a pledge. High Adventure and the West Chester church on the Cincinnati-Dayton Road corridor are the Scout years as I lived them.
Bibliography for Further Reading
Local Politics and the People Named
Journal-News (Hamilton). Late-August 2026 coverage of Butler County Republicans and Chairman Art Sauerwein.
Lang, George F. Ohio Senate, District 4. Public record, 2021–present; Ohio House, 2017–2020.
Ballotpedia and the Ohio Legislature biographical pages for George Lang.
Journal-News. “2 conservative newcomers, incumbent win Lakota seats.” November 2021.
WVXU. “Darbi Boddy is removed from Lakota’s school board.” March 20, 2024.
WLWT. Lakota board appointment coverage following the vacant seat, April 2024.
FOX19. “Criminal charge dismissed against former Lakota school board member.” August 1, 2024.
Jonathan Edwards and the Awakening
The Jonathan Edwards Study Bible: Experience Abiding Joy in Christ (NKJV). Edited by Matthew Everhard. Thomas Nelson, 2026.
Edwards, Jonathan. The Works of Jonathan Edwards. 26 vols. Yale University Press.
Edwards, Jonathan. Religious Affections; Freedom of the Will; “Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God.”
Marsden, George M. Jonathan Edwards: A Life. Yale University Press, 2003.
Marsden, George M. A Short Life of Jonathan Edwards. Eerdmans, 2008.
McClymond, Michael J., and Gerald R. McDermott. The Theology of Jonathan Edwards. Oxford, 2012.
Noll, Mark A. The Rise of Evangelicalism. InterVarsity, 2003.
Kidd, Thomas S. The Great Awakening. Yale University Press, 2007.
Princeton University. Presidential biographies: Jonathan Edwards, 1758.
This Day in Presbyterian History. “February 23: Jonathan Edwards.” On the inoculation and death.
Princeton and the Long Drift
The Princetonians and official presidential histories of the College of New Jersey.
Noll, Mark A. Princeton and the Republic, 1768–1822. Princeton University Press, 1989.
Marsden, George M. The Soul of the American University. Oxford, 1994.
Burtchaell, James Tunstead. The Dying of the Light. Eerdmans, 1998.
Church, Money, and the Nicodemus Problem
The Gospel of John, chapters 3, 7, 19.
Luke 8:1–3. The women who funded the ministry.
Acts 4:32–37; 16:14–15. Property and hospitality in the first churches.
Wesley, John. “The Use of Money.”
Newbigin, Lesslie. The Gospel in a Pluralist Society. Eerdmans, 1989.
Bonhoeffer, Dietrich. Life Together.
Schaeffer, Francis A. The Church at the End of the 20th Century.
Schools, Boards, and the Limits of Martyrdom
Sowell, Thomas. Inside American Education. Free Press, 1993.
Hirsch, E. D., Jr. The Schools We Need. Doubleday, 1996.
Murray, Charles. Real Education. Crown Forum, 2008.
Gatto, John Taylor. Dumbing Us Down. New Society, 1992.
Ohio Department of Education standards files for the official language boards to actually vote on.
Parties, Tents, and Coalition
Burke, Edmund. Reflections on the Revolution in France. 1790.
Rauch, Jonathan. Political Realism. Brookings, 2015.
Riker, William H. The Theory of Political Coalitions. Yale, 1962.
Skocpol, Theda, and Vanessa Williamson. The Tea Party and the Remaking of Republican Conservatism. Oxford, 2012.
Hoffman, Rich. The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business. Liberty Hill, 2021.
Hoffman, Rich. The Politics of Heaven. Forthcoming.
Scripture, Friendship, and Slow Conversion
Lewis, C. S. Mere Christianity and The Four Loves.
Newby, Elizabeth. On ordinary friendship as the delivery system of belief, read against Lewis.
Augustine. Confessions. The long way toward a book that was already in the house.
Biblical Archaeology Review. For the magazine that sits on the table while the political argument goes on.
Boy Scouts of America. Handbook and the old troop-and-post structure. The side room was a civics school whether the adults knew it or not.
Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.
