I like Vivek Ramaswamy. I thought he represented a genuine chance to move Ohio forward with energy, business sense, and a clear America First orientation instead of the usual managed decline. Watching him lose to Amy Acton was a real tragedy for the state. It was not inevitable. A lot of the damage came from inside the Republican Party itself—the same pattern I have watched for years where people would rather fight each other than win. The result is that Democrats get handed a candidate they can work with while the GOP tears itself up over personality, purity tests, and who is “like us.”
What the Numbers Actually Show
Statewide, Acton finished with about 52.3 percent (roughly 2.4 million votes) to Ramaswamy’s 44.4 percent (about 2.04 million). The margin was roughly eight points. She became the first woman elected governor of Ohio and the first Democrat to win the office in twenty years, in a state Trump carried by double digits in 2024.
That does not mean Ramaswamy was rejected across the board. He carried 73 of Ohio’s 88 counties. In many rural counties he ran 60, 70, even 76 percent. Acton won only 15 counties, but they included the big population centers: Cuyahoga (she took about 72 percent and 877 of 898 precincts), Franklin, Hamilton (Ramaswamy’s home county), Summit, Montgomery, Lucas, and others. Ohio has roughly 8,834 precincts. Ramaswamy won the large majority of them by number. The problem was density. A handful of urban and inner-suburban precincts delivered enough raw votes to overcome the rest of the state.
Here in Butler County the pattern was clearer and more local. Ramaswamy won with about 52.3 percent to Acton’s 44.6 percent. Turnout was strong at 59.5 percent of registered voters. Republicans also held the county commissioner’s seat (Michael Ryan) and the auditor’s office (Nancy Nix). The margins were tighter than recent presidential cycles, but the county stayed red. That is the reality on the ground where I live and work.
The NFL Analogy and the Party’s Self-Inflicted Damage
I have said this to anyone who will listen: the Republican Party right now looks like a dysfunctional NFL team in mid-season. The coaches have lost control. The offense is arguing with the defense. Practices are half-hearted because players do not want to risk injury when they already sense the season is slipping away. Fans still show up and buy the jersey or the Terrible Towel, but the product on the field is mediocre. After a few losses the front office starts blaming the quarterback, the fans start blaming the front office, and nobody cleans house. The result is another year of “good enough” that is not actually good enough.
That is what happened with Ramaswamy. There was a real opening. He had the Trump endorsement, national profile, money, and a message centered on efficiency and economic growth. Instead of locking arms, elements of the party treated him as an outsider. The identity attacks were ugly and predictable: he is Hindu, he is not “like us,” he is some kind of anchor-baby interloper. Those lines circulated in precincts and on social media. Democrats were happy to amplify them. When your own side is whispering that the nominee does not belong, you hand the other side free ammunition.
The campaign itself made unforced errors. The late attack ad that featured Acton’s estranged mother—accusing her of lying about a childhood that included abuse and instability—backfired. Even some Republicans called it out. Husted distanced himself from it. The ad ran, money was spent, and it gave Acton a sympathy story while the substantive arguments about her record as health director during COVID got buried. That is coaching malpractice. You do not need to go there when the opponent’s actual record is available.
Local Reality in Butler County and the Central Committee Problem
I know the local landscape. Sheriff Richard Jones is not my closest personal friend, but I respect him as a person and as someone who has been elected repeatedly and delivers on the law-and-order side of the job. He shows up. People notice when he walks into a place like Ace Hardware. That does not mean every decision is perfect or that powerful people never make mistakes that affect others. Ethical arguments happen. The question is whether the party rallies to win or whether central-committee factions spend their energy trying to ostracize the people who actually deliver votes.
Nancy Nix won re-election as auditor. A lot of people I work with and talk to like her. In other parts of the state she would be called a moderate or even soft; here she is a Republican who keeps the books and pushes back on unnecessary tax increases. The same pattern holds: the people who show up and do the work get results, while the internal fights over who is pure enough waste time.
The goal should be simple. Vote. Invest in the team. Buy the jersey of the people who are actually trying to win rather than treating every election as an opportunity to settle scores. When the party spends years fighting itself, Democrats walk in with a candidate who can be sold as reasonable and the results follow. Acton will now govern. That was not the only possible outcome.
What Comes Next
Most people do not have a long view. They vote for the person who promises something immediate or against the person they were told to hate. Defending capitalism, competent administration, and basic order requires standing by each other longer than one news cycle. The same forces that turn every disagreement into a purity test are the ones that leave the field open for the other side.
I have watched this pattern for decades. The coaches lose control, the players stop fully committing, and the fans are left wondering why the team underperforms relative to its talent. Ramaswamy was not perfect. No candidate is. But the opportunity that existed in Ohio was real, and a significant part of it was squandered by people inside the Republican Party who preferred the civil war to the victory. That is on us to fix if we want different results next time.
Footnotes
1. Statewide results drawn from multiple election trackers and Ohio Secretary of State unofficial counts as of early November 2026. Acton 52.3 percent (2,404,178), Ramaswamy 44.4 percent (2,039,730).
2. County and precinct analysis from Cleveland.com reporting on Acton’s 15-county win and the Cuyahoga precinct breakdown (877 of 898).
3. Butler County figures from local Journal-News coverage and Board of Elections reporting: Ramaswamy ~52.3 percent, turnout 59.5 percent.
4. Campaign controversy details from contemporaneous reporting on the mother attack ad and reactions from both parties.
Bibliography
• Ohio Secretary of State unofficial 2026 general election results and county summaries.
• Cleveland.com: “How Amy Acton won the Ohio governor’s race: A look behind the numbers” (November 2026).
• Journal-News (Butler County): coverage of local results and turnout.
• Multiple national outlets (BBC, USA Today, Dispatch, CNN) on the Acton-Ramaswamy contest and the mother-ad controversy.
• Local Board of Elections precinct-level reporting for Butler, Cuyahoga, and other counties.
Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly by email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.
I have followed the work at the Durupinar site near Doğubayazıt in eastern Turkey for some time. A university-led team under Professor Cenker Atila of Sivas Cumhuriyet University, working with partners including Andrew Jones of Noah’s Ark Scans, conducted the most intensive fieldwork there in 2026. They drilled inside and outside the boat-shaped formation, reaching depths of roughly 18 to 20 meters. Radar scans showed linear features, angular intersections, possible voids, and layered structures. Soil samples indicated higher organic matter inside the outline than outside it. Charred wood fragments recovered from about 30 feet down were sent for species identification and carbon dating to laboratories in Turkey and France. Results are expected in stages through early 2027, with a fuller report planned later. No laboratory confirmation has been published. Some team members have been careful not to overclaim; others have spoken more strongly about non-geological signals. The honest reading is that serious work is underway and the next several months of lab data will matter.
Large Ships in Antiquity and the Question of Capability
The biblical dimensions in Genesis 6—300 cubits long, 50 wide, 30 high—convert to roughly 450 feet on a short cubit or about 510 feet on the royal cubit used for the full-scale model at the Ark Encounter in Williamstown, Kentucky. I have stood near that structure. It is enormous. It does not have to be seaworthy; it is a prop. A real vessel of that size would have faced wave stresses, flexing, and the practical limits of timber. Naval architects note that wooden ships encounter structural ceilings well before modern steel designs. Still, the existence of the biblical description and the later Chinese examples raise a straightforward engineering question: could pre-Bronze Age and early historic peoples organize the timber, labor, and knowledge to build very large hulls?
Gavin Menzies argued in 1421 and 1434 that Ming treasure fleets under Zheng He were far larger and ranged much farther than standard histories allow—reaching the Americas, Australia, and even Europe. I first encountered the idea of Chinese junks in an old tabletop game called Pirates and later read the books. They are adventure volumes with photographs and maps. Mainstream historians across China, Europe, and the United States have rejected the central claims as pseudohistory. Contemporary Chinese records detail the known Indian Ocean voyages in detail and do not mention the Americas or a 1434 fleet in Italy. Robert Finlay in the Journal of World History described the evidence handling as reckless. A PBS documentary with Chinese historians examined the major assertions and found none holding. The oft-cited 450-foot figure appears to derive from later compilations rather than contemporary descriptions; more careful estimates place the largest treasure ships in the 200- to 250-foot range or smaller. Even at those reduced sizes they were the largest ocean-going vessels of their day, bigger than anything Europe was building for another century and a half. The books fill a void with speculation. That does not make the void disappear.
What Survives and What the Ocean Removes
Wood does not last. The strongest physical evidence of early large timber construction often comes from protected contexts: cedar timbers buried beside Egyptian pyramids, Scandinavian boats from roughly 2300 BC, and other finds that escaped water worms and ordinary decay. The absence of a 450-foot wooden hull from any era is not proof that none were built. It is evidence that the ocean and time remove most of what is not deliberately preserved. The same logic applies to claims of early transatlantic crossings. Passive drift simulations from Japan to North America or northern Africa to South America run on the order of 80 to 90 days. A purposeful voyage with sails and navigation would be longer and riskier, but not impossible in principle for a seaworthy hull. The problem is the lack of artifacts or wrecks on those routes before the Columbian era. Imagination fills the silence. Evidence has not yet done so.
Donna D’Errico has visited the Durupinar site more than once and produced YouTube material that treats the location as interesting without treating it as confirmed. That posture is reasonable. The formation may prove geological. It may contain organic layers and anomalies that reward further study. Either outcome advances the conversation about what ancient people could organize.
Regional Connections and the Broader Pattern
Southeast Turkey, the Armenian border region, Göbekli Tepe, and related sites sit within a few hundred miles of one another—regional by the scale of the Earth’s circumference, yet concentrated enough to show early monumental construction, timber use, and cultural complexity. The Windover site in Florida preserved brain tissue, wood, and textiles in wet conditions because of unusual sealing, demonstrating that 8,000-year-old organic material can survive under the right circumstances. The archaeological trail from Anatolia toward the Americas, if it exists, would most likely run through smaller craft, coastal movement, or land bridges that have not been fully mapped, rather than through a single class of 400-foot vessels. Large ships remain part of the possible toolkit. They are not required to explain every cultural contact.
Human beings have repeatedly organized to build the biggest thing their materials and social systems allowed—pyramids, cathedrals, treasure fleets, and later rockets. The inclination is consistent. Whether the Durupinar formation contains the remains of a vessel described in Genesis, a different ancient structure, or a natural feature with interesting anomalies, the fieldwork underway is the correct method. Lab results on the wood and organic samples will either support further excavation or constrain the interpretation. In the meantime the scale model in Kentucky makes the engineering brief concrete. Seeing the volume of timber required, even for a non-seaworthy replica, clarifies what any real project of that size would have demanded.
I tend to think the evidence of early large-scale timber construction, wherever it survives, will continue to push the timeline of organized seafaring earlier than many textbook summaries allow. That does not require accepting every speculative voyage. It requires following the physical remains and the laboratory data as they appear. The next several months of results from the Turkish and French laboratories on the Durupinar samples will be part of that record.
Footnotes
1. 2026 Durupinar fieldwork under Sivas Cumhuriyet University (Prof. Cenker Atila) and partners: core drilling to approximately 18–20 m, radar surveys showing linear and angular features, elevated organic matter inside the formation, and recovery of charred wood fragments sent for carbon dating. Results pending; no peer-reviewed confirmation published as of early November 2026. Reporting from Jerusalem Post, Daily Sabah, Anatolian Archaeology, and related outlets.
2. Genesis 6 dimensions and Ark Encounter conversion: 300 × 50 × 30 cubits; Answers in Genesis uses a 20.4-inch royal cubit yielding a 510-foot-long structure in Williamstown, Kentucky.
3. Gavin Menzies, 1421 and 1434: widely classified as pseudohistory by professional historians. Contemporary Chinese records do not support the extended voyages claimed; see Robert Finlay, Journal of World History (2004), and the 2004 PBS examination.
4. Wooden-ship structural limits and surviving early timber finds (Egyptian cedar, Scandinavian boats ca. 2300 BC) are standard points in maritime archaeology. Transatlantic drift estimates appear in oceanographic modeling literature.
5. Windover archaeological site (Florida) and Göbekli Tepe provide well-documented examples of early organic preservation and monumental construction in their respective regions.
Selected Bibliography / Further Reading
• Contemporary reporting on the 2026 Durupinar / Noah’s Ark Scans season (Jerusalem Post, Daily Sabah, Anatolian Archaeology, Ancient Origins fact-checks).
• Genesis 6 and standard cubit conversions; Ark Encounter technical descriptions (Answers in Genesis).
• Gavin Menzies, 1421: The Year China Discovered the World and 1434; critical reviews by Robert Finlay (Journal of World History), PBS “1421” documentary materials, and Sinological responses.
• Maritime archaeology surveys of early watercraft (Egyptian, Scandinavian, and Mediterranean timber vessels).
• Site reports on Göbekli Tepe and the Windover burials.
• Naval architecture literature on the practical size limits of traditional wooden hulls.
Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly by email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.
I have always had trouble with the way people mix biblical context and the long history of institutional Christianity. The two are not the same thing. One is the text and the claim it makes. The other is what men have done with it across centuries of power, conquest, and the ordinary human habit of turning a useful idea into a weapon. Diarmaid MacCulloch’s Christianity: The First Three Thousand Years is a useful chronicle of the second part. It is a big book written by a careful historian who describes himself as a candid friend of the faith. I do not think he is an Islamic sympathizer in any simple sense, but he writes with the detachment of someone who left formal orders and who is more interested in how humans have used the narrative than in whether the narrative is true. The book holds up as history. It shows how the biblical story has been interpreted, expanded, and sometimes distorted to serve earthly purposes. That distinction matters more than ever when Islam continues its long effort to spread by various means and when many people treat any strong defense of Christianity as off-limits for emotional or liberal reasons.
Separating the Biblical Text from the History of Empires
The Bible stands as a text. Much of what became the canonical Old Testament is supported by the Dead Sea Scrolls and other early witnesses. The process of deciding the canon can be debated, and it has been. Councils and authorities recognized writings they believed already carried authority; they did not invent them. Over time, material was added, emphasized, or sidelined in ways that suited the needs of power. Romans, British, French, Spanish, and others each took their turn turning Christianity into a support for empire. They baptized ambition in the name of the Lamb. That is not the gospel. The gospel is a kingdom not of this world, purchased by blood rather than by conquest.
I have imagined how Jonathan Edwards might respond if asked about this. He would say the early church spread by witness and by willingness to die, not by the sword. When Islam advanced by the blade, the truest answer was not a matching blade but a life that would not stop speaking. Liberal critics often miss the distinction: one faith conquers by force and submission; the other conquers by witness, even when it costs. Empires forged the cross into a sword. The British and the French did the same. Each nation used the name of Christ to justify its reach. That is human pride wearing religious language. It is not the original claim.
MacCulloch’s Chronicle and the Useful Invention Argument
MacCulloch’s volume is a strong chronicle of how Christianity rose and how humans interpreted the biblical narrative to serve their purposes. I have not read every page cover to cover in recent years, but the overall shape is clear. He starts a thousand years before Christ to show the Jewish and Greek soil. He follows the institutional story through councils, schisms, reformations, and modern accommodations. Some readers find him too kind to certain heresies or too ready to note Christian intolerance. Others note his preference for a secular frame. None of that erases the value of the historical record he assembles. Empires and crosses have their own colors. A biased witness can still point at the wound if he does not hide the blood.
Christianity has been extremely beneficial as a constructive force for civilization. Hospitals, universities, the dignity of the poor, and the eventual movement against slavery all grew in soil shaped by the biblical text. The Spanish confrontation with the Aztec system under Montezuma is one hard case. The Aztec religion practiced large-scale human sacrifice. Christianity, carried by Spanish power, ended that particular horror. You can view the encounter as a surgeon’s knife cutting out disease, even while the surgeon’s hand trembled with fever and ambition. The same pattern appears in other places. The goodness was never the purity of the institution. It was the gospel leaking out despite the empire, like water through stone. Men remain faulty in their interpretation. The presence of the text still made the world better because it kept introducing the idea that justice and mercy are not optional.
Abuses, Witch Trials, Crusades, and the Flesh in Religious Dress
The record also contains clear failures. The Salem witch trials show how a society that claims righteousness can turn accusation into proof. Anyone disliked could be labeled a witch and destroyed. That is not justice. That is the flesh dressed in religious language. The Protestant Reformation, the Crusades, and various inquisitions all produced versions of the same problem: using the name of Christ to eradicate those who did not conform. Islam has done the same in its own spheres. A free society cannot be built on the rule that accusation equals guilt. A righteous people may defend themselves from real threats, but they must prove the threat before they strike. When they stop proving and start assuming, they become the thing they claim to oppose.
Puritans were wrong when they treated every troublemaker as a threat that could be removed by accusation alone. The same error appears whenever any group claims the right to silence or destroy dissenters in the name of purity. The Bible gives a vehicle for study and a standard for justice. It does not authorize the shortcut of calling every opponent a witch.
The Bible as the Document That Defines Justice
The Bible is the only major document in the world that truly centers justice as a sustained, personal claim rather than a subordinate idea. The Hebrew word mishpat appears roughly 400 to 421 times in the Old Testament alone. Amos cries that justice should roll down like waters. Micah asks what the Lord requires: to do justice, love mercy, and walk humbly. In the New Testament the language of righteousness is tied to Christ. Whether the English word “justice” appears dozens or hundreds of times in a given translation, the concept saturates the pages. Other ancient texts reach toward justice. Confucius taught order under the emperor. The Quran speaks of justice under submission to one law and one sword. Plato and Aristotle explored justice as a principle. The Bible shows justice wounded in Job, satisfied at the cross, and still standing. That is different.
Most of the Old Testament material predates Plato. The New Testament was written after him. Islam arrives roughly six centuries after Christ. The idea that justice is a social judgment rooted in a personal God who acts in history is specific to the biblical stream. Men did not invent a God who dies for his enemies. Every instinct of pride and power runs the other way. The claim is revelation breaking in on a world that had exhausted its own wisdom. Every heresy, crusade, and inquisition is a later attempt to make that claim serve human ends. The danger was never that Christ was too weak. It was that men were too proud to leave him as he was.
Defending Christianity Against Replacement Religions: Why the double standard
A defense of Christianity as a religion is essential, especially when the practical replacement on offer is Islam or some other system of submission. Islam has a long record of expansion by conquest, law, and demographic pressure. Liberal habits that treat any strong Christian response as illegitimate do not change the historical pattern. Christianity’s truth claims and its record of producing hospitals, literacy, and restraints on power are worth defending. The alternative is not neutral space. It is a different set of rules about who may speak, who may leave, and what happens to dissenters.
When people come after you for reading the Bible, carrying it, or having a relationship with its claims, the response is not to stop. Peter and John were told to stop speaking. They went away rejoicing that they were counted worthy to suffer. The defense is not primarily armies or laws. It is people who will not stop speaking. The old hymn “Onward, Christian Soldiers” captures an instinctual sense of the battle. The warfare is real. Ephesians 6:12 makes the distinction clear: we wrestle not against flesh and blood but against principalities and powers. The moment the sword points at a neighbor instead of at the darkness, the text has been misread. Spiritual warfare is not an excuse for political laziness. Many Christians sat out recent elections and let others fight the battles. That is not faith. It is laziness dressed in robes. The ballot and free speech are available weapons. Refusing to use them is not piety.
Religion as Unifier Versus the Biblical Relationship
There is a fine line between people who take over a religion because it unifies large numbers of people and those who want a relationship with the text. MacCulloch’s history shows the institutional side of that line across three thousand years. Empires saw Christ as a useful heart for order. Institutions asked for obedience. Those two masters cannot be served at once. The biblical narrative keeps breaking through the crust of human pride. The historical record of the church is full of corruption and compromise. That record should not be confused with the text itself. One is what men built. The other is what the text claims was given.
I recommend the MacCulloch volume to anyone who wants the long historical view. Read it as a chronicle of how the narrative was used, not as a substitute for the narrative. Study the Bible itself. The distinction between institutional Christianity and the biblical claim is not convenient for empire-building. It is necessary if the claim is to remain anything more than a tool.
Footnotes
1. Diarmaid MacCulloch, Christianity: The First Three Thousand Years (2009/2010). The author, a former Anglican deacon and Oxford historian, describes himself as a “candid friend” of Christianity. Reviews note both the book’s comprehensive scope and its secular-leaning or liberal academic frame; some critics find it too ready to question uniqueness or to treat certain historical actors with detachment.
2. Dead Sea Scrolls and related manuscript evidence support the antiquity and substantial stability of much of the Hebrew Bible text that later formed the Old Testament canon. Canon formation involved recognition and debate rather than pure invention.
3. Hebrew mishpat (Strong’s H4941) occurs approximately 400–421 times in the Old Testament, frequently in contexts of judgment, ordinance, and justice (e.g., Amos 5:24; Micah 6:8). Related terms for righteousness appear extensively as well.
4. Ephesians 6:12: “For we wrestle not against flesh and blood, but against principalities, against powers, against the rulers of the darkness of this world, against spiritual wickedness in high places.”
5. Historical patterns of Christian institutional expansion (Roman, medieval European, Spanish in the Americas) and Islamic expansion by conquest are extensively documented in standard histories. Aztec sacrificial practices and the Spanish confrontation are part of that record. Salem witch trials and various inquisitions illustrate the recurring problem of accusation substituting for evidence.
6. Plato’s major works predate the New Testament writings. Islam emerges in the seventh century, roughly six centuries after the events surrounding Jesus.
Selected Bibliography / Further Reading
• Diarmaid MacCulloch, Christianity: The First Three Thousand Years (Viking/Penguin, 2009/2010).
• Standard treatments of the Dead Sea Scrolls and textual transmission of the Hebrew Bible.
• Concordance and lexical studies of mishpat (H4941) and related justice/righteousness vocabulary in the Old and New Testaments.
• Primary and secondary sources on the Crusades, Spanish conquest of Mexico, Salem witch trials, and comparative histories of Christian and Islamic expansion.
• Ephesians 6 and related New Testament texts on spiritual conflict.
• Reviews of MacCulloch’s volume from both sympathetic and critical perspectives (academic, Anglican, Catholic, and secular outlets).
Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly by email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.
On Election Day 2026, the numbers told a clearer story than the early-vote headlines or the media’s pre-election framing. I told people on election eve that I would rather be a Republican than a Democrat going into the final hours. The reason was simple arithmetic, not spin. Democrats had front-loaded what they had. They borrowed from their own limited voter bank to create early-vote optics, and when the same-day tallies began to roll in, the tank was emptier than their strategy required.
Early Voting as a Borrowed-Time Strategy
Democrats and their allies treated early and mail voting as a way to bank votes, publish encouraging numbers, and energize what remained of their base. Nationally, early ballots set a midterm record—more than 50 million cast before November 3, according to University of Florida Election Lab tracking and contemporaneous reports. In states that report party affiliation of early voters, registered Democrats often led the early returns. In Ohio, more than 1.7 million people voted early, another record. Roughly 48 percent of registered Democrats had already cast ballots versus about 32 percent of registered Republicans, with unaffiliated voters forming the largest single group.
That looks decisive until you examine what it actually represents. Early voting pulled forward the voters Democrats already possessed. It did not create new ones at scale. The strategy assumed that publishing strong early numbers would produce a surge of additional Democrat turnout on Election Day. Instead, many of the people who vote early are the high-propensity partisans who would have voted anyway. Once those ballots were banked, the remaining pool was thinner. I have watched enough cycles to know that public-relations firms and campaign consultants understand this trade-off; the media often does not.
There Simply Are Not Enough Democrats
In the states that track party registration, Democrats still hold a numerical edge on the rolls—roughly 45 million registered Democrats to about 39 million registered Republicans, with a large independent or unaffiliated bloc in between, per compilations of state data. That edge is real on paper and concentrated in a handful of large states. It is not the same as a governing majority across the map. Most of the country remains red or red-leaning once you move past the dense urban cores and coastal corridors. People who acquire houses, raise children, and accumulate assets tend to shift toward the party that prioritizes protecting those things. Public-school indoctrination produced a temporary cohort of younger voters who identified as Democrats; life and economic responsibility have eroded that edge for years.
The Democratic Party’s core problem is demographic and ideological. Its activist wing operates as a minority coalition of radical progressives—socialists and cultural revolutionaries under a different label—trying to govern a country that does not share its priorities. They compensate with early-vote concentration, mail-ballot volume, and media amplification. When same-day voting arrives, the math reasserts itself. Republicans do not need every one of their voters to show up in perfect formation. There are simply more of them in the places that decide most races, and they still prefer Election Day.
Ohio, Ramaswamy, and the Local Test
In Ohio the pattern was visible in real time. The state has trended Republican for more than a decade. Vivek Ramaswamy’s campaign for governor faced a well-funded challenge from Amy Acton, and early-vote numbers gave Democrats their expected edge among affiliated voters. Talking with people around the Ramaswamy operation on election eve, the internals confirmed what the public data suggested: Acton’s side had performed relatively better in the early window because they had drawn down their available pool. The remaining Election Day electorate was expected to be substantially more Republican.
Locally, the same dynamic appeared at events in West Chester. At Lori’s Roadhouse—the large country venue that regularly hosts Republican gatherings—I spoke with Greg and Lori and others who run and support the place. These are business owners and ordinary residents who vote Republican primarily because they do not want government expanding into every corner of their lives. They are not ideological hardliners. They show up because the alternative is worse. Darby Boddy was able to attend a Republican event without the previous protection-order complications that had limited her participation. Roger Reynolds was there as well. Wins make coalition management harder, not easier. A big-tent party that includes both producers who simply want to be left alone and more committed conservatives will argue about priorities. That friction is the price of actually having enough people to win.
The Football Analogy and the Final Quarter
Think of it as a football game. Democrats entered the fourth quarter having already used their best plays to stay close on the scoreboard. They were down, with limited time and a thinner roster of remaining voters. Republicans, sitting on a larger overall pool, could afford to wait for the same-day rush. Some races would be closer than preferred; some local outcomes would disappoint. Those were the expected variance in a big-tent coalition. They were not evidence that the underlying math had changed. Media outlets that spent the preceding weeks projecting Democratic momentum suddenly discovered, once the Election Day reports began arriving, that the projected wave was smaller than advertised. I had been saying the same thing for weeks because the registration numbers, the historical turnout patterns, and the strategic incentives were already visible.
What the Win Does Not Solve
A Republican-leaning night does not eliminate the internal arguments. Different people join the coalition for different reasons. Some want aggressive cultural pushback. Others want lower taxes, fewer regulations, and the ability to run a business or raise a family without constant interference. Managing that after victories is harder than managing it while losing, because the losers have fewer people to fight among. Democrats would prefer to have that problem. They do not, which is why their strategy relies on concentrating their existing voters, amplifying them through media, and hoping the early numbers create the appearance of a larger force than actually exists.
The 2026 results, as they came in, confirmed the structural reality I described on election eve. There are more Americans who affiliate with, or default to, the Republican side once they have something to protect. Early voting is a useful tool. It is not a substitute for a larger coalition. When the same-day votes were counted, the math reasserted itself.
Bibliography and Further Reading
• University of Florida Election Lab early-vote tracking and state-level party affiliation reports for the 2026 cycle.
• Ohio Secretary of State absentee and early-vote files (daily updates through early November 2026), showing partisan affiliation of returned ballots.
• Ballotpedia and state election-office compilations of registered voters by party in the 31 states that report affiliation.
• Contemporary reporting from the Columbus Dispatch, Cincinnati Enquirer, and national outlets on Ohio early-vote totals and the Ramaswamy–Acton contest.
• Historical midterm turnout analyses comparing 2018, 2022, and 2026 early versus Election Day shares.
• County-level early-vote data from Butler County and surrounding areas relevant to West Chester and local Republican events.
Footnotes
1. National early-vote totals exceeding 50 million and state-level party splits drawn from University of Florida Election Lab and contemporaneous aggregators as of November 3, 2026.
2. Ohio early-vote figures of more than 1.7 million, with higher Democratic share among affiliated voters, from Ohio Secretary of State data reported in the Columbus Dispatch and related coverage.
3. National party-registration estimates (approximately 45 million Democrats, 39 million Republicans in reporting states) compiled from state election offices and secondary aggregations.
4. Local observations from West Chester events at Lori’s Roadhouse and conversations with Ramaswamy campaign affiliates on election eve, consistent with public early-vote patterns in Ohio.
5. Standard midterm pattern in which Election Day electorates are more Republican than early/mail electorates, documented across multiple cycles in states that report mode of voting by party.
Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly by email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.
Elon Musk has said he will give every child in America one share of SpaceX stock next year, routed through the Trump Accounts program. At recent prices, that is roughly a $10.5 billion transfer to about 72–73 million kids, drawn from a company now valued near $2 trillion after its June 2026 IPO. The gift is real enough to matter. It is not large enough, by itself, to paper over decades of reckless public spending, structural medical overcharging, or the permanent administrative class that treats other people’s money as an infinite resource. Politics is management. The managers we choose will decide whether this windfall is invested or squandered.
The SpaceX Share and the Limits of Private Generosity
Musk posted the pledge on X on October 19, 2026: one of his SpaceX shares to every kid in America, “the first of many.” The shares were trading near $146–148. SpaceX had just reported third-quarter revenue of $14.6 billion, up 161 percent year-over-year, and the company carries a market capitalization around $2 trillion. The transfer is large by ordinary standards and small relative to Musk’s holdings. It is also downstream of policy. SpaceX’s explosive growth came after regulatory barriers fell. Private capital and engineering solved problems that public aerospace processes had treated as permanent. The same sequence will have to occur in medicine if the cost structure is ever to break.
Gifting stock to children does not repeal the obligation of fiscal discipline at every level of government. Butler County has maintained that discipline for years. Nancy Nix, first as treasurer and now as auditor, and Mike McNamara as treasurer have kept the books in the black. I have disagreed with Nancy on restaurants, cars, sweaters, and larger political questions including Trump and Vance. None of that changes the observable fact that she understands money. When we talk about county finances, I get clear answers. That is what an auditor is for. Preference arguments can wait until after the numbers are settled.
Local People, Hard Times, and the Test of Character
I have known George Lang for a long time. He is one of Ohio’s stronger state senators and has been through serious political and legal pressure. Years ago, when I was in the middle of one of the more public controversies that have followed me, I held a strategy lunch at LaRosa’s in Liberty Township. Fifteen to twenty people showed up. George came. At the time he was a West Chester trustee, not yet a state representative or senator, and he had every conventional reason to stay away. Conventional wisdom said a rising figure should not sit down with the local radical. He came anyway, ate pizza, and talked. I have not forgotten it. In adult life, I have found that the people willing to show up when the cost is real are the ones you can trust later. Most others reveal themselves under pressure.
The same pattern appears with other local figures. I have had hard conversations with Ann Becker and with Darbi Boddy. Their positions have moved; mine have stayed more constant. I still speak with both when the subject is county or party direction. Art Sauerwein, the new Butler County Republican chair, is navigating a party that is shifting toward clearer Trump alignment after twenty years of more mixed leadership. That shift will be permanent or it will not. The practical question is whether the party represents the voters who show up or protects an internal preference for moderation those voters have already rejected. Sheriff Jones and I differ on operational style; I still recognize competence where it exists. Roger Reynolds, Thomas Hall, Jennifer Gross, and Michael Ryan each bring different vantage points. Good government requires finding the overlapping work that must be done even when the people involved are not identical in every preference.
My own operating rule has been consistent. People who threaten me, send letters, or try to force me into their preferred lane discover that the cost is not free. I cannot think of a case in my adult life where someone who moved against me didn’t eventually pay a price. That reputation is not an accident. It is the same discipline I applied while working the Jason Voorhees role at the Kings Island haunt: guests are protected by the attraction’s rules, yet the job is still to function within those constraints and produce the intended effect. Public life has similar constraints. I defend the position. The threats continue from people who treat disagreement as license for antagonism. The work continues anyway.
The Medical Cost Structure and the Coming Reckoning
The medical industry in its current form is not sustainable. Hospitals routinely bill hundreds of dollars to push a syringe that can be purchased for a few dollars at a retail pharmacy. One documented case involved $722 charges for each IV push; the medication itself was billed separately. Facility fees, chargemaster markups, and billing the same service at hospital rates when performed in an office setting have produced multiples of Medicare reference prices. Large health systems have built entire hillsides of facilities—visible near Bridgewater Falls looking toward the Cincinnati airport—on the assumption that the current reimbursement model continues indefinitely.
I have turned down high-paying offers inside that system because continued public criticism of it was worth more to me than the salary. Many people take the money. The salary structure rests on the post-2010 Affordable Care Act architecture and the expectation of perpetual third-party payment. X-ray technicians and other roles routinely clear six figures. The economic incentive is to keep patients in treatment pathways rather than to eliminate the underlying condition. Shopping malls once looked permanent too. When the cost structure became indefensible, and alternatives appeared, the physical footprint emptied. The same sequence is available in medicine once competitive models are allowed to scale.
Cures for major cancers are closer than the current billing regime admits. Recent work at UCLA and elsewhere has shown methods for producing renewable, off-the-shelf engineered immune cells that can attack solid tumors, reprogram stem cells to generate ongoing T-cell responses, and reduce the cost and customization barriers that have limited CAR-T approaches. These are not yet standard of care. They are evidence that the technical path exists. The political and reimbursement path does not. Radiation and chemotherapy remain the default for many late-stage patients because the payment system rewards ongoing intervention. Friends of mine who are in stage-three and stage-four treatment have been told to hold on. The practical advice is the same: stay alive long enough for the competitive models to clear the regulatory and payment obstacles. That clearance requires elected officials who will not protect the existing revenue streams.
Good People, Hard Conditions, and the Management of Growth
Easy money has corrupted incentives across multiple sectors. People who know a three-dollar item is billed at two hundred dollars and still collect a paycheck participate in a system that delays better outcomes. The same pattern appears in any protected administrative layer: the work becomes the protection of the process rather than the production of the result. SpaceX grew because it lowered barriers and enforced engineering standards. Medicine will require an equivalent reduction in barriers and an equivalent insistence on measurable outcomes.
Good government comes from good people who have already survived hard conditions. The LaRosa’s lunch, the haunt work, the machine-shop years, and the periods of public controversy all tested the same question: who shows up when the cost is real and who disappears. Butler County has a concentration of people who have demonstrated fiscal competence and willingness to absorb political heat. Nancy Nix’s record on the numbers is one example. George Lang’s decision to attend an unpopular meeting is another. Those traits are not universal in politics. They are also not optional if the SpaceX-era wealth is to become lasting productive capacity rather than get absorbed by the next round of administrative expansion.
Trump will not be in office indefinitely. The question of continuity—whether through Vance or another figure—will be settled by whether the underlying incentives have been altered. A county party that aligns more closely with the voters who delivered the recent results is better positioned to defend those changes than one that treats them as temporary. The medical cost collapse will arrive whether local officials prepare for it or not. The difference will be whether replacement models are allowed to form here or whether revenue protection continues until the facilities empty, as the malls did.
The private gift of SpaceX shares is a useful transfer. It does not replace the requirement for managers who can keep public books in the black, tolerate disagreement without treating it as grounds for destruction, and clear the path for competitive innovation in sectors that have been protected too long. You can identify those managers by their behavior under pressure. The rest is preference. The numbers are not.
Footnotes
1. Musk’s October 19, 2026 statement on X committed one SpaceX share per American child, to be delivered via Trump Accounts. Census estimates place the under-18 population near 72–73 million. At contemporaneous share prices of approximately $146–148, the notional value was roughly $10.5 billion. SpaceX’s post-IPO market capitalization has fluctuated near $2 trillion.
2. SpaceX’s third-quarter 2026 revenue was reported at $14.58 billion, a 161 percent year-over-year increase. Analyst targets vary widely; Bernstein raised its target to $268, while the stock traded near $149 in late October.
3. Documented hospital billing examples include $722 charges solely for the act of an IV push (medication billed separately) and systematic multiples of Medicare rates through facility fees and chargemaster pricing. Hospitals have also billed office-based services at hospital outpatient rates, producing large differentials on identical procedures.
4. UCLA and related groups have published methods for generating renewable engineered immune cells from stem cells, off-the-shelf CAR-NKT and similar platforms capable of attacking solid tumors, and approaches that reduce per-patient customization costs. These remain largely preclinical or early-stage; they illustrate technical feasibility rather than immediate clinical availability.
5. Butler County’s multi-year record of operating in the black under Nix (treasurer then auditor) and McNamara (treasurer) is a matter of public financial reporting. Preference disagreements on non-fiscal questions do not alter the observable management of county resources.
6. The LaRosa’s Liberty Township lunch occurred during a period of elevated local controversy. Attendance by a then-township trustee who later became a state senator is cited as an instance of behavior under conditions where conventional incentives favored absence.
Bibliography & Further Reading
• Hoffman, Rich. The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business.
• Bloomberg, Wall Street Journal, New York Times, and Axios coverage of the October 19, 2026 Musk SpaceX share pledge and Trump Accounts mechanism.
• SpaceX public financial reporting and analyst notes on Q3 2026 results (revenue, market capitalization).
• NPR and KFF Health News reporting on hospital chargemaster practices, IV-push fees, and facility-fee differentials.
• Patient Rights Advocate and related analyses of medical billing error rates and markups relative to Medicare reference prices.
• UCLA Health and OncLive summaries of stem-cell-derived and off-the-shelf engineered immune-cell platforms for solid tumors (2025–2026 publications).
• Ohio Auditor of State and Butler County financial reports on multi-year operating balances.
The private capital is arriving. Public managers will decide whether to use or consume it. In the age of disclosure, the distinction remains measurable.
Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.
The signed version is House Bill 519. Governor DeWine signed it October 1. The cut started at 12:01 a.m. October 4 and runs through 11:59 p.m. January 2, 2027.
Ohio did something useful at the start of October 2026. The General Assembly suspended the state motor fuel tax for 90 days, and Governor Mike DeWine signed the bill. For the next three months, the state tax on gasoline drops from 38.5 cents a gallon to one-hundredth of one cent. The diesel tax drops from 47 cents to the same token rate. The lost revenue, about $725 million, is covered out of a General Revenue Fund surplus. Roads and bridges are not being raided to pay for it. The Rainy Day Fund is not being raided either. That is the whole story, and it is a better story than the price of a gallon usually gets.
I live in Butler County. Senator George Lang is my senator, and he was in the middle of getting this into shape. A lot of people had to touch it. That is how a legislature is supposed to work. One member does not pass a tax cut alone. Somebody still has to walk the Statehouse, catch a colleague at the water fountain, and get the vote. Lang was doing that work, and he was out announcing the suspension as the vote came together, which is what you do when you are leaning on the thing rather than waiting to see how it lands. I will give him the credit he earned. I will also name the people whose names are on the paper, because a useful account has to be accurate.
What the law actually does
House Bill 519 started as a vehicle-theft bill, aimed at electronic devices used to steal cars. The Senate amended the gas-tax holiday into it so the relief could move in days instead of months. The holiday language came from Senate Bill 475, sponsored by Senators Michele Reynolds of Canal Winchester and Jane Timken of Canton. The House bill itself was sponsored by Representative Andrea White of Kettering. On September 30 both chambers passed the package as an emergency: 26–5 in the Senate, 78–16 in the House. DeWine signed it the next morning, October 1. Because of the emergency clause, there was no 90-day wait. The reduction began at 12:01 a.m. on October 4, 2026, and it ends at 11:59 p.m. on January 2, 2027. [1] [2] [3]
The rate does not go to a flat zero. It goes to $0.0001 per gallon. That is an accounting choice, and a smart one. If Ohio levied no tax at all, some border counties could get hit by a neighboring state’s tax on fuel sold into Ohio. A token rate keeps that from happening and still takes essentially the whole state tax off the ticket. The holiday covers gasoline and diesel only. Compressed natural gas and propane are not in it. [4] [5]
Retailers have to pass the savings through. Failure to do that can be treated as an unfair or deceptive act and referred to the Attorney General. A receipt mandate that station owners opposed, and the $1 million that would have paid for it, came out of the final bill. The Department of Taxation got $250,000 to administer the break. The department told retailers to have their systems reset by midnight on October 4. [2] [6]
What a fill-up is worth
On a 15-gallon gasoline purchase the state piece is about $5.78, if the cut shows up at the pump. On 20 gallons it is about $7.70. A 20-gallon diesel fill is about $9.40. A work truck that takes 100 gallons of diesel is looking at about $47 off the state tax on that one stop. Over 90 days, for a family that fills up once a week, the gasoline savings are real money, not a rounding error. Statewide, the estimate is more than $725 million left at the pump instead of sent to Columbus. [1] [4]
The federal tax is still there. Washington still collects 18.4 cents on gasoline and 24.4 cents on diesel. Ohio cannot suspend that. Anyone who watches the sign and wonders why the whole tax did not vanish should look at the federal line before they blame the station. [7]
This is also why a diesel truck crossing Ohio this fall should fuel here if the route allows it. As of July 1, 2026, Kentucky’s total state gasoline tax was 26.4 cents a gallon. Indiana’s was in the 50-to-60-cent range, depending on which fees are counted. Michigan was in the same high band. For these 90 days Ohio’s state rate is a tenth of a mil. A truck that used to skip Ohio for a cheaper state has the math backward until January 2. [8]
Why the money was there
The $725 million is not a raid on the highway fund, and it is not a withdrawal from the Budget Stabilization Fund. Senate President Rob McColley said the state had enough to cover the holiday and still keep road and bridge work on schedule. Timken said the same thing in plainer words: conservative fiscal policy is what made the relief possible without touching the Rainy Day Fund or the Ohio Department of Transportation budget. The September report from the Office of Budget and Management projected a General Revenue Fund surplus of about $745.4 million at the end of the fiscal year. The holiday fits inside that surplus, with a little room left over. [2] [5] [9]
That is the part the critics do not like to say out loud. A surplus is not a mood. It is what is left after you refuse to spend every dollar that comes in. Ohio has had Republican majorities in the House and the Senate for a long time. The counties that stay in the black tend to be the counties run the same way. Where Democrats run the budget, the pattern I have watched for years is the opposite: spend past the line, then come back for a tax increase to cover the miss. David Pepper and the people who argue that Republicans have been in too long never explain where the $725 million would have come from under their model. It would not have been there. You cannot suspend a tax out of a deficit. You can only do it when someone, for years, spent less than they took in.
Lang put the practical case on the record the day the Senate passed it. Every dollar a small business spends on fuel is a dollar it cannot put into employees, equipment, or growth. Diesel, he said, powers the trucks, the farm equipment, and the construction equipment. Suspending the tax is breathing room, not a theory. [4] That is the right argument. A fuel tax is a tax on getting to work, on moving freight, and on a farm that has to run whether or not Columbus is in session.
Prices, excuses, and the point of doing it now
I have said all summer that the price at the pump should have come down in 2026, and a lot of it did not. Refiners and distributors have been slow. The Iranian conflict has been a convenient fog. There is no settled government on the other end of that war that can answer for a barrel, and there are plenty of people, in markets and in media, who would rather keep the uncertainty going. A long, muddy conflict is useful to anyone who wants a wider margin and a Republican governor’s race that looks expensive at the pump. I am not going to pretend every cent of the 2026 price is a conspiracy. I am going to say the excuse has been used past the point of honesty, and that waiting on a perfect global price was a bad plan for a state that had a surplus in the bank.
Ohio could not fix the world oil market. It could take its own 38.5 cents off the gallon, and its own 47 cents off diesel, and order the stations to pass it through. That is the part of the price a state actually controls. Doing it in the first week of October, with an emergency clause, was the proactive move. Early voting was about to start. People are still paying the summer’s hangover. A legislature that waits for a calmer headline is a legislature that never spends the surplus on the people who created it.
The vote was bipartisan enough to get the emergency clause, which needs more than a simple majority. It was not a love letter from the other party. More than half the Democrats in each chamber voted no. [9] The ones who voted yes made the immediate effective date possible. The ones who voted no will explain, later, that the money should have been spent on something else. That is the argument. Their something else is always a larger government. The surplus is the evidence that Ohio did not need one.
What other states can copy
This is a model, not a stunt, and other states sitting on a real surplus should look at the mechanics instead of the press release.
First, suspend the tax. Do not invent a rebate card, a portal, or a six-month application. The relief has to show up on the receipt this week.
Second, backfill the road money from the general surplus. Do not cut the projects, and do not crack the rainy-day fund for a holiday. Ohio was explicit on both points. A tax holiday that steals from maintenance is just a pothole with a ribbon on it.
Third, leave a token rate in place if a zero rate would let a neighbor’s tax reach across the line. The tenth-of-a-mil was not cute. It was drafted for border counties.
Fourth, require the pass-through, and give the attorney general a hook if a station keeps the difference. A tax cut that dies in the wholesale markup is not a tax cut.
Fifth, do it with an emergency clause if the statute otherwise waits 90 days. A relief bill that takes effect after the pain is a press release.
The permanent version is a policy question, and it should be on the next governor’s desk. A 90-day window has ambiguity in it. Distributors and convenience stores have to reprice twice, and a driver cannot build a household budget on a holiday. The honest next step is to decide how much of this rate Ohio still needs once the books are open. Vivek Ramaswamy called for the pause the week before the vote. [10] I have already said he is the right direction for the job. This holiday is a hint of the governing style, not the whole platform: when there is a surplus, the default is to give it back, not to find a new program to absorb it. DeWine signed the bill quickly. The next governor can be the one who decides whether 38.5 cents needs to come back in full on January 3.
A tax only funds government. It does not improve it by being larger. Republicans in Ohio spent less than the alternative for long enough to have $725 million they could hand back without missing a road project. That is why a driver in Butler County, and a driver crossing the river from Kentucky, will see a cheaper gallon this fall. I am proud of the legislature for doing it when people needed it. If you are passing through Ohio before January 2, stop and fill the tank. The Statehouse already paid the difference.
Notes
[1] Gov. Mike DeWine signed House Bill 519 on October 1, 2026. The bill reduces the 38.5-cent gasoline tax and the 47-cent diesel tax to $0.0001 per gallon from 12:01 a.m. October 4, 2026, through 11:59 p.m. January 2, 2027. Estimated pump savings are about $725 million, roughly $5.78 on 15 gallons of gasoline and $7.70 on 20 gallons, and about $9.40 on 20 gallons of diesel. “DeWine signs 90-day Ohio gas and diesel tax suspension,” Your Ohio News, October 1, 2026.
[2] The chambers passed the emergency measure on September 30, 2026, 26–5 in the Senate and 78–16 in the House. The final bill appropriates $725 million from the General Revenue Fund and $250,000 to the Department of Taxation. A station-receipt mandate and its $1 million appropriation were removed. Danny Eldredge, “DeWine to sign bill suspending Ohio’s gas tax for 90 days,” The Blade, September 30, 2026.
[3] H.B. 519 was sponsored by Rep. Andrea White (R-Kettering). The gas-tax language came from S.B. 475, sponsored by Sens. Michele Reynolds (R-Canal Winchester) and Jane Timken (R-Canton), and was amended into H.B. 519 so the holiday could move faster. “Ohio’s gas tax holiday enacted into law,” Ohio Society of CPAs, October 2, 2026.
[4] Sen. George F. Lang (R-West Chester) announced Senate passage on September 30, 2026, including the small-business and diesel arguments, and noted that the token rate protects border counties from a neighbor’s tax. Highway work is covered by the fiscal-year surplus, not the Rainy Day Fund. “Lang Approves Gas Tax Suspension,” Ohio Senate, September 30, 2026.
[5] Sen. Jane Timken: relief was possible without the Rainy Day Fund or the ODOT budget. “Timken Approves Gas Tax Suspension,” Ohio Senate, September 30, 2026. See also Ohio Department of Taxation, “Ohio Department of Taxation Issues Guidance for 90-Day Motor Fuel Tax Holiday,” October 2, 2026. Retailers must pass the savings through; failure may be referred to the Attorney General. Guidance: https://tax.ohio.gov/motor-fuel-tax-holiday
[6] Ohio Department of Taxation, guidance released October 2, 2026, cited above. Tax Commissioner Patricia Harris urged retailers to adjust systems by midnight October 4.
[7] Federal excise tax remains 18.4 cents per gallon on gasoline and 24.4 cents on diesel. Nebraska Department of Transportation, “Total State Taxes on Motor Fuel,” rates effective July 1, 2026, citing the Energy Information Administration. The federal layer is not part of H.B. 519.
[8] Same table: Ohio 38.50 cents, Kentucky 26.40 cents, Indiana 64.50 cents total state taxes on gasoline as of July 1, 2026. During the holiday Ohio’s state rate is $0.0001.
[9] Office of Budget and Management, September 2026 report, General Revenue Fund surplus projected at $745.4 million at fiscal year-end, as cited by The Blade, September 28, 2026. Senate passage was 26–5; more than half the Democrats in each chamber voted no. “Ohio General Assembly Suspends State Gas Tax,” Ohio Senate, October 1, 2026. McColley: the surplus covers the holiday without delaying road and bridge work.
[10] The vote followed a call for the pause by Republican gubernatorial candidate Vivek Ramaswamy the preceding week. Jake Zuckerman, “Gas tax in Ohio suspended for 90 days after politically charged Statehouse vote,” Signal Ohio, September 30, 2026.
Ohio General Assembly. House Bill 519 (136th General Assembly), sponsor Rep. Andrea White; Senate amendment incorporating Senate Bill 475, sponsors Sens. Michele Reynolds and Jane Timken. Passed September 30, 2026. Signed October 1, 2026.
Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.Eldredge, Danny. “Ohio lawmakers introduce $726M gas tax holiday bill.” The Blade, September 28, 2026.
Your Ohio News. “DeWine signs 90-day Ohio gas and diesel tax suspension.” October 1, 2026.
Zuckerman, Jake. “Gas tax in Ohio suspended for 90 days after politically charged Statehouse vote.” Signal Ohio, September 30, 2026.
Nebraska Department of Transportation. “Total State Taxes on Motor Fuel.” Rates effective July 1, 2026. Source table: Energy Information Administration, federal excise noted at 18.4 cents gasoline and 24.4 cents diesel.
If you have been anywhere near a television or a radio in the Cincinnati area lately, you have seen Sheriff Richard K. Jones. He has been on the local news. He has been on WLW. He has been on Channel 9. He has even ended up in the weather, which is not where most sheriffs go to make a point, and that is exactly why I like watching him. He can get on a set, talk about immigration, talk about the law, and then, if the moment calls for it, talk about whether your windshield wipers will work on the drive home. That is not a gimmick. That is a man who can think on his feet, and Butler County has benefited from that habit for a long time.
I have spent much of this year, 2026, working through the specifics of institutional persuasion and what proper ethical behavior actually looks like when you are trying to move a population. I am going to keep coming back to the root causes of purity, ethics, morality, righteousness, and the plain old goodness that used to be assumed in American public life. We need another Great Awakening in the United States. I do not say that as a slogan. I say it because the methods used against this country have been very sinister. They turned free speech into a weapon. Immigration was turned into a weapon. No place on earth has a more diverse population than the United States, and that diversity was not an accident of geography. It was a policy. When a policy is used to import people who reject the host country’s values, you are not running a humanitarian program. You are running a Trojan horse. Sheriff Jones has been willing to say the quiet part out loud, and that is why I want him in the room.
You Want This Man in the Party
People ask me whether Sheriff Jones is a hard-core Republican or a big-tent Republican. He is more the second than the first, and the question is the wrong test. You always want Sheriff Jones in the room. You want him on the news. You want him in your party. If you have built a party that cannot make room for a man like him to do good things, you are in the wrong place. You want people like him on your side.
Some of the people who have been against Sheriff Jones over the years are the same people who have been against President Trump, and they usually dress the objection up as ethics. I will get into the ethics of coalition-building in a separate piece, because I have been down that rabbit hole on purpose. I am usually a positive person. I am also, if I am honest about my own temperament, a little melancholy, and more Book of Revelation oriented than the average political commentator. The apocalypse has a following for a reason. There is a reason people talk about the Rapture taking the faithful out of a world that will not deliver justice. I know a lot of people who are so distraught over the lack of justice in ordinary life that they want God and Jesus to come and end the argument. I understand the feeling. I don’t think that excuses us from the work in front of us.
The work in front of us includes immigration, and it includes the people who will actually enforce the law while the rest of us argue about tone. Sheriff Jones has been that person in Butler County. He has done it well for decades. He has been especially visible lately, and he has earned the attention.
A Hamilton Kid Who Became the 45th Sheriff
Richard K. Jones was born on October 11, 1953, in Hamilton, in Butler County. He came up through the Hamilton city schools, volunteered for the draft, and served from 1973 to 1975 as a combat engineer in the United States Army, leaving as a Specialist 4. He then did the unglamorous work that actually teaches you how a jail runs. He went into the Ohio Department of Rehabilitation and Correction, trained staff, rose to Senior Captain, and served as the warden’s designee for inmate appeals. From 1990 to 1993, he was a major at the Lebanon Correctional Institution. In 1993, he became chief deputy of the Butler County Sheriff’s Office and held that job for twelve years, adding deputies, expanding jail capacity, and dragging the office into the computer age.
He picked up the credentials along the way: an associate degree in corrections from Hocking Technical College, a bachelor’s in criminal justice from Wilmington College in 1981, and a master’s in corrections from Xavier University in 1984. In November 2004, Butler County voters elected him the 45th sheriff. He took the oath on January 3, 2005. He is now in his sixth term. That is not a media creation. That is a man the same county has returned to office, again and again, while the national argument about immigration has swung from one administration to the next.
In 2004 he put up the sign. “Illegal Aliens Here,” with an arrow pointing at the jail. The federal government was then in the habit of saying it did not know where illegal aliens were. Jones’s answer was a piece of roadside honesty: they are in my jail. The sign has come down and gone back up as presidents have changed. The sheriff has not. In 2006 he was already running billboards that said “Hire an illegal — break the law,” taking out newspaper ads, and opening a tip line on employers. Twenty years later, he is still on the same subject. Consistency is not fashionable. It is, in a sheriff, a virtue.
Immigration Is the Issue Because It Was Designed to Be
His main topic has always been immigration, and he has been a real enforcer of the law, not a press-release enforcer. Butler County had a contract to house federal immigration detainees from 2003 until June 2021, when Jones canceled it because of the Biden administration’s rules. Two days after the 2024 election, he was already talking to federal officials about restoring the capacity. By early 2025, the “Illegal Aliens Here” sign was part of the public argument again. In February 2025, the county reentered an agreement to house U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement detainees. Since March 2025, the jail has been holding them. Jones has a 287(g) agreement, covering both the jail-enforcement model and the task-force model, and he has said that fifty to sixty of his deputies have been trained by federal agents for that work.
In a WCPO interview in late September 2026, tied to the book, he said roughly 450 people in his jail were held on immigration matters, and that about 6,000 people had been deported from the Butler County Jail over the prior eighteen or nineteen months. Those are not theoretical numbers. That is a sheriff’s office doing the job most jurisdictions in this part of Ohio will not do.
He also said, in that same interview, that the second Trump term “messed up” the early execution, that they “went about it the wrong way,” and that you cannot deport twenty or twenty-five million people on the timetable some people imagine. National outlets immediately tried to spin that into a sheriff “turning on MAGA.” I do not buy the spin. I have watched this man long enough to know the difference between a critic and a man who says what he thinks. He has called Trump a real leader. He likes the bluntness. He thinks the economy has moved in the right direction. He also thinks a federal bureaucracy that has to fire people, hire people, and find its footing will make a mess on the way to a policy. That is not betrayal. That is the same habit that makes him say the thing on the weather segment. You want that habit in your party. A party that can only tolerate applause is not a party. It is a fan club.
Deporting everybody does not, by itself, solve the whole problem. I agree with him on that, and I have said it in my own way for years. Enforcement is necessary. It is not sufficient. You also have to promote the country you are enforcing on behalf of. You have to say, out loud, why the law exists. You have to be willing to do it on WLW, on Channel 9, on Channel 5, on Fox, and, if that is where the audience is that day, in the weather. The strategy against us has been to get people stuck in a bureaucratic decision, transfer information and loyalty away from the host culture, and husk out society from the inside. I know immigrants who are more American than a lot of people born here, people who have not lost touch with how good it is to live in this country. Sheriff Jones has been one of the most consistent cheerleaders of that distinction for at least twenty years, and by his own count longer. Legal immigration can be expanded. Illegal entry cannot be treated as a civil right. He has been clear on both.
The Weather, the Wipers, and the Point of Being Clever
Which brings me back to the weather. I thought it was Channel 9, and the recent long interview was, in fact, WCPO (Channel 9) with Stephen Knobel, posted around September 24, 2026, under the heading of immigration and leadership. The sheriff’s own office has also been putting a weekly weather outlook in front of people, which tells you something about how he thinks about an audience. He does not wait for the national shows to call. He goes where the county already is.
And yes, I enjoyed the windshield-wiper bit. A stiff man cannot do that. A consultant cannot do that. A man who has spent his life in rooms where the next sentence has to be true can get handed a forecast and still sound like himself. It is clever, it is local, and it is funny, and funny is not the opposite of serious. Funny is how a serious man keeps the room. Butler County has always produced characters who understand that. Jungle Jim Bonaminio turned a produce stand across from the old Fisher Body plant into one of the country’s most unusual independent grocers. Sheriff Jones turned a Hamilton upbringing and a corrections career into a national immigration argument without ever really leaving the county. I will take both. I would rather have a county that produces originals than a county that produces spokespeople.
He wears the suit jacket with the American flag on it. He has the cowboy hat. He has had the snub-nose where a snub-nose belongs. He will tell you about the lawyers, and he will tell you about the jail, and he will not sand it down for a panel. That is the man I want as sheriff. That is the man I want in the party. Working with him can be challenging. He is a hard person to get along with if your idea of politics is a permanent compromise of your own position. I do not think the answer is to become him. The answer is to find the common cause and do the work. On immigration and on law and order, the common cause is obvious. A president can set the policy. He still needs Tom Homan; he still needs sheriffs, and he still needs people who came into the fight from different rooms and different ethical habits. You are not a king. You are a president. The freebies of the Obama years, of Obamacare, of the Biden credit-card bill, do not vanish because a new man takes the oath. Somebody pays. I warned about that while it was happening. The people now complaining about prices are often the same people who applauded the spending. The midterms are not the moment to wander off in search of a purer candidate. They are the moment to rally behind what has actually been accomplished and to keep the enforcers in the field.
The Jail, From the Other Side of the Glass
I have seen the Butler County Jail from the other side of the usual tour. I sat as foreman of a Butler County grand jury, and I have been around that building enough to have an opinion that is not borrowed from a press release. It is not a resort. It is also not the worst thing in the world, and I don’t think Sheriff Jones gets enough credit for how the place is actually run. He talks about the food. I would not say it the way he says it, but I will say this much from my own ethical seat: if you are serving a long sentence and you are eating the burger they serve in that jail every day, you are eating a better burger than the speeches against him would lead you to believe. I do not think he has a contemptuous relationship with the people in his custody. I think he runs a serious jail, and I am proud of it. I am proud that it is our jail.
The critics do not usually argue the operations. They argue the premise. In September 2026, Butler County for Immigrant Justice protested outside the Government Center in Hamilton and called the 287(g) agreement immoral. Around the same time, Jones and West Chester got into a public dispute over a September 14 fender-bender and whether township officers should have turned an alleged undocumented driver over to ICE. The sheriff’s office arrested the man on September 18. Township officials disputed the sheriff’s account of their policy. There was also, in May, a federal lawsuit from a former ICE detainee alleging an assault in the jail; an internal investigation reported no assault, and the office denied the claim and stood behind its staff while the case was active. I am not going to pretend every allegation in a jail is fiction. I am going to say I have watched this operation more closely than the people holding the signs, and I trust the man who’s been willing to put his name on the door.
Read the Book
The book is They Call Me Jonesy: Let’s Get Real About Saving America. It came out on May 18, 2026. It is 294 pages long. I enjoyed it. I learned things about him as a younger man in Butler County that I did not know, even after years of watching him in public, and I have lived in this county my whole life. It is a practical explanation of why Butler County works as well as it does: law first, straight talk, no patience for the swamp, a memory of an older America in which extended families lived near one another, and neighbors still knew each other’s names. That older America is the one he keeps returning to. It is also the one I grew up in, a few miles down the road.
If you want to understand the sheriff instead of the caricature, read the book. If you want to understand the county, read the book and then look at the jail, the sign, and the number of times the voters have sent him back.
What I Had
I miss the old life more now than I missed it when I was in it. That is the ordinary trick of age. If I could buy it back, the church, the Sunday night, the bag of chips on the way home, I would think hard about the price. I don’t think I would change the course. I didn’t have the context then for how good it was.
We went to church most Sundays. My parents were active. I knew the pastor extremely well. I went through catechism. The church was off Nilles Road in Fairfield along Winton Road, and after the service we would drive past Jungle Jim’s as it grew, year after year, from the roadside stand across from Fisher Body into the monster it became, one of the biggest independent grocers in the country and about as Butler County a thing as exists. Sometimes we stopped for a bag of chips or a pop. Sometimes it was Chester’s pizza for Sunday night. Then The Wonderful World of Disney, back before the house had air-conditioning, and Mutual of Omaha’s Wild Kingdom at seven. I loved that show. I loved every Sunday for those reasons, life in Butler County.
After that we worked. We cut the grass. We worked the garden. We did the things a household does when the household still believes work is part of the day, not an interruption of it. I have had a lot of comments lately about my work ethic. I learned it there. I look at younger people now, and I do not blame them for missing what nobody handed them. I do think they would benefit from a little more of that life than the present culture is willing to admit. A church on Sunday, a grocer who started with rejected potatoes and a truck, a sheriff who grew up in Hamilton and stayed: these are not nostalgia props. They are a civilizational technology. They are how a county transmits a standard.
Ethically, there are not enough values out there right now. I can see that more clearly at this age than I could when I was driving past Jungle Jim’s with a bag of chips, half listening to my parents, thinking about Wild Kingdom. The context arrives late. That does not make it less true.
Purity Is Not a Strategy
So here is the political point, and I will come back to the ethics of it in the series I have been building. A big-tent party is not a party without standards. It is a party that can tell the difference between a standard and a vanity. Immigration is a standard. The law is a standard. The willingness to say both of those things on a neutral platform, and to keep saying them after the headlines turn, is a standard. Sheriff Jones meets it. He is a Butler County kid who grew up and did the job. He is on Channel 9 talking about immigration and, when the segment allows it, about whether it is going to rain. He is a pride of this county in the same family of local facts as Jungle Jim’s, not because the two men are the same, but because both of them are unmistakably from here.
I love the Republican Party more with him in it than without him. I want the people who are strong on Trump and strong on immigration in the same room as the sheriff who will tell you the execution has been uneven. That argument is allowed. The alternative is a purity spiral that hands the institutions to people who do not believe in the country at all. If you do not have the law, you do not have a society to argue about. Immigration is one place the law has been deliberately hollowed out. Sheriff Jones saw it early, built a record on it, wrote it down, and is still willing to go on the air and say it.
Read They Call Me Jonesy. You will get the man, not the montage. And if you are building a party worth belonging to, leave a chair for the sheriff in the flag jacket. We are going to need him.
NOTES
1. Butler County Sheriff’s Office, “Sheriff,” biographical sketch of Richard K. Jones, https://www.butlersheriff.org/sheriff. See also the author note to Richard K. Jones, They Call Me Jonesy: Let’s Get Real About Saving America (2026). Born October 11, 1953, in Hamilton, Butler County, Ohio. Hamilton City Schools. United States Army, combat engineer, 1973-1975, Specialist 4.
2. Ibid. County and office biographies place the Lebanon Correctional Institution major’s posting from 1990 to 1993 and the chief-deputy years from 1993 until he took office as sheriff in January 2005. Education: associate degree in corrections, Hocking Technical College, 1979; bachelor’s in criminal justice, Wilmington College, 1981; master’s in corrections, Xavier University, 1984.
3. Elected November 2004 as the 45th sheriff of Butler County. Took office January 3, 2005. Reelected to a sixth term in November 2024. See Butler County Sheriff’s Office biography, and Lauren Pack, “Sheriff Richard Jones makes it clear illegal immigrants are in his jail, but he is not housing ICE prisoners – yet,” Dayton Daily News, February 3, 2025.
4. Pack, Dayton Daily News, February 3, 2025. The “Illegal Aliens Here” sign, with an arrow pointing at the jail, went up in 2004. Jones: “Originally the government said there were no illegal aliens. They said they don’t know where they are at. So I put that giant sign up with an arrow pointing to the jail in case they couldn’t find them. I let them know they were in my jail.” The sign has come down and gone back up as administrations changed. It was put back into the public argument in early 2025.
5. Julia Preston, “Sheriff Defies Immigrants by Billboard and by Blog,” The New York Times, July 31, 2006. Six billboards in Butler County read “Hire an illegal – break the law!” Jones also took out newspaper advertisements, opened a tip line on employers, and kept the yellow “Illegal Aliens Here” street signs outside the jail.
6. Pack, Dayton Daily News, February 3, 2025; Journal-News, May 19, 2026, and September 30, 2026; Local 12, “‘It is immoral’: Protest urges Butler County sheriff to stop assisting ICE deportations,” September 23, 2026. Butler County housed federal immigration detainees from 2003 until June 2021, when Jones canceled the contract over Biden administration rules. Two days after the 2024 election he was back in contact with ICE. The county reentered an agreement to house ICE detainees in February 2025. Housing resumed in March 2025. Jones has a 287(g) agreement covering the Jail Enforcement Model and the Task Force Model. He told Local 12 that 50 to 60 deputies had been trained by federal agents. The Cincinnati Enquirer reported the jail holds up to 848 maximum- and medium-security inmates, and that the sheriff’s office is paid $68 per day and $36 per hour to transport ICE detainees to the airport.
7. “Butler County sheriff says Trump administration ‘went about it the wrong way’ on immigration,” Journal-News, September 30, 2026, reporting the WCPO interview with Stephen Knobel. Jones’s figures: about 450 people in the jail held on immigration matters, and about 6,000 people deported from the Butler County Jail over the preceding 18 to 19 months. He also said, “You can’t deport 20, 25 million people,” and “I don’t even think [Trump’s] deported maybe over a million.”
8. The Daily Beast headline of September 24, 2026, “JD Vance’s Ultra-Trumpy Hometown Sheriff Richard Jones Turns on MAGA,” is the clearest example of the spin. The underlying WCPO quotes acknowledge early execution problems in the second term (“Has it been kind of messed up when they first started this under the second term? Sure they have.” “Did they go about it in the wrong way? Sure they did.”) and the practical limits of mass removal. They do not renounce enforcement, the 287(g) agreement, or Jones’s description of Trump as a real leader. In the same interview he said he likes Trump’s bluntness and what he sees as positive movement in the economy. See also WCPO 9, “Butler County Sheriff Richard Jones On Immigration And Leadership,” September 24, 2026.
9. WCPO 9, “Butler County Sheriff Richard Jones On Immigration And Leadership,” posted September 24, 2026, interviewer Stephen Knobel. The sheriff’s office has also posted weekly National Weather Service outlooks under its own name, including a September 28, 2026 outlook introduced by meteorologist Natalie Fitzpatrick on the office account.
10. Local 12, “‘It is immoral’: Protest urges Butler County sheriff to stop assisting ICE deportations,” September 23, 2026. Demonstrators with Butler County for Immigrant Justice called for an end to the 287(g) agreement outside the Government Center in Hamilton. Jones’s reply, as reported: “The whole system’s broke and won’t be fixed by either party. So, we can’t allow people to come into this country illegally and not know who they are and where they’re at.”
11. Matthew Cupelli, “How a fender bender led to Butler County sheriff, West Chester dispute,” Cincinnati Enquirer, September 26, 2026, updated September 27, 2026. The collision was September 14, 2026. No injuries. Jones said a West Chester policy kept officers from turning an alleged undocumented driver over to ICE. Township officials said that was false. The sheriff’s office arrested the 26-year-old man on September 18. Jones said he was from Mexico, had been in the United States four years, and would likely be deported.
12. Journal-News, “New Butler County Jail lawsuit alleges assault of ICE detainee,” May 19, 2026, and “Internal investigations shows no assault on Butler County Jail detainee,” May 28, 2026. Attorneys for Luis Tenelanda sued Sheriff Richard Jones, Sgt. Corneal Rowe, and the county on May 18, 2026. The office denied the allegations, cited a 2025 internal investigation that found no assault, and declined further comment while litigation was active.
13. Richard K. Jones, They Call Me Jonesy: Let’s Get Real About Saving America (May 18, 2026), 294 pages, ISBN 979-8253821909. In the book he describes Trump as a real leader and returns to the phrase “The America I once knew.”
14. Jungle Jim’s International Market places the Fairfield beginning in 1973, across from Fisher Body, after earlier produce selling out of a truck. James O. “Jungle Jim” Bonaminio, born 1949 in Lorain, Ohio. First store opened in 1975 at about 4,200 square feet. See Jungle Jim’s, “The Jungle Jim Story,” https://junglejims.com/about-us.
15. WLWT, “Butler County sheriff speaks out on deportation of CPS grad, high-profile local crimes involving illegal immigrants,” June 28, 2025. Jones said the office then had ten deputies with ICE-equivalent arrest authority, wanted ten more, and expected to have about fifty. At that point he said Butler County was the only jurisdiction in Ohio with that arrangement, and that the jail was the only ICE holding facility in the Greater Cincinnati area.
ICE, “Delegation of Immigration Authority Section 287(g),” ice.gov, is the practical companion to the local record. For the older national argument Jones walked into, see Julia Preston, New York Times, July 31, 2006, and the Department of Homeland Security Office of Inspector General reviews of 287(g) from 2010 onward. For the county side of the same years, the Journal-News archive on the ICE contract from 2003 through the June 2021 cancellation and the February 2025 reinstatement is the cleanest local paper trail.
Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.
I have been hinting at this for weeks, and I still won’t say exactly what I am doing. I can tell you the shape of it. I have been toying with a Ph.D. for several years, and I think the trigger has finally been pulled. I already know what the doctoral thesis will be. A version of it will live on the blog, because I am not going to make people wait five or six years to hear the argument. A humanities dissertation runs on the order of 80,000 words. That is a long walk. It is also, if you do it right, a bridge between things the academy will not put in the same room.
I am not happy about what has happened to academia. I am not happy that a credential which was supposed to mean rigor has been rendered, in too many departments, into a party card for liberal politics. I think there are a lot of problems with that, and I would like to get on that side of the argument for my own reasons. A Ph.D. is a tool. It is not a personality. It gives you a seat in a fight that otherwise dismisses you as a blogger with a whip and a podcast. I do not want the universities left entirely to people who have already decided the conclusion. Big tent, small tent, ethics, the lack of ethics: this is the same argument I have been making about parties and about sheriffs. If you will not go into the room, you do not get to complain that the room was captured.
The thesis comes out of The Politics of Heaven. Even while I am doing everything else, if I write several books in that line, and if I am involved in aerospace work that makes money and does cool things, none of that changes the strategy. Money is a tool. You do not do the long work to get paid for it. The Politics of Heaven, in the draft I have been editing, is over 200,000 words. The published book will be shorter. Parts of it are clean. I’m combining two bodies of evidence in the same paragraph because few others have read both piles. The politics of heaven, as I am using the phrase, are my speculations built on a very wide reading. Very few people read as much of this material as I do, or as diversely. I put things together in places the guild system of the sciences cannot handle, because the guild system is paid to stay in its lane. There needs to be a bridge. If I am going to write a thesis anyway, I might as well make the bridge the doctorate.
People I trust with a book want an entry. They want to know the information has been through a fight. Academic argument, when it is actually argument and not a loyalty oath, comes across better if you get on their side of the table and make them defend the status quo. I think I have a hook. Less than one percent of the people who encounter it are going to love it. Everyone else will scratch their heads and say they are not ready. That is fine. A lot of what I assert is not laboratory science. It is immersion. It is psychology. It is a lifetime of reading. I make assertions that are not “scientifically grounded” in the sense a journal referee means, and I am not going to pretend otherwise. They are grounded in experience, in a level of ethical attention, and in a concern I am willing to name: the ethical behavior of the spirit world, how it moves against the human race, and how it plots against God’s design. That is the concern. I am not worried about putting the frame of it out here. Somebody might try to steal it. I’m happy to share them and see if anyone can do anything with them. Most people cannot.
The thesis, as I am presuming to pursue it, is Jason Voorhees: why he is scary, and why Yahweh had to save the world from the gods of Canaan. And why those are not two subjects.
A book I saw advertised through Biblical Archaeology Review took the very progressive line that the Palestinians are the indigenous people and that Israel is the invader, the same argument you hear about American Indians. I heard a woman out of Portland, Oregon, the other day, talking about the drug problem on those streets, the cities run by blue mayors, and she concluded that we need to teach kids to do drugs, because the Indians were doing drugs, talking to spirits, going on vision quests. Democrats, in that telling, need this to happen to our young people. Break them away from their parents at twelve and thirteen. Send them on a spirit journey under drug consumption. Let them communicate with the other world. Coyote. Peyote. The vision.
I am writing, among other things, about why you should not do that, and about what you are actually encountering when you go looking for the spirit world on those terms. I talk about three rivers a lot. I talk about the origin stories of the Aztecs. I talk about a claim almost no working archaeologist or anthropologist will yet admit in public, which is that the Noah story has a geographical hook in eastern Turkey that the guild retired, and that some of the people who wrote the retirement papers are themselves retired, and that methods we were told settled the question are being reopened because the ground will not stay closed. I am saying yes to some of those reopenings because I know where the argument is going. For me, proof is not a single carbon date. Proof is accumulated experience and a willingness to read the thing the department will not assign.
So the thesis, in a sentence: Jason Voorhees and how Yahweh saved the human race from the gods of Canaan; the rest of the map is the same type. Indian cultures. Central Mexican cultures. Large parts of South America. If we were allowed to explore the same questions in Russia, China, Afghanistan, and India with the same honesty, we would know more about them too. I hear the argument every week that Buddhism, Zoroastrianism, and the Hindu traditions are older than Christianity, and the related argument that Hindu and Buddhist ideas migrated into the community around Jesus, that John the Baptist was a rebel against orthodox Judaism, that Greek society had already been in those eastern regions for two or three hundred years before the Roman machine arrived, with its gods and its planetary worship and its mystery cults. We would also understand the dolmens of the Jordan Valley better than we do. We would ask a ruder question: why do we have stone chambers in New England, and mound-and-monument landscapes in the northern Great Lakes and the Michigan peninsula, that keep getting explained away as root cellars and colonial oddities. At the same time, the Jordan field is allowed to be religion? Those are good questions. They are not simple. They are the complicated kind of simple, the kind that looks obvious once you stop protecting the departmental border.
Here is the hook I plan to share before November. The thirteenth villain, the one America actually produced, could not have been created anywhere but here. No other artistic culture had the combination. A commercial horror film, made for almost nothing, aimed at teenagers, indifferent to critics’ approval, and then kept alive by the audience for forty-six years. That figure explains something the ancient Near Eastern texts only describe from the other side: why people worshiped the deities of Canaan, why Yahweh was necessary, why the land had to be cleared of rival cults if anyone wanted a garden rather than an altar, why there could not be another god before him, and why human beings keep drifting back to the lesser worship anyway. I will explain more of the operational evidence after Halloween. I cannot discuss that part yet. I can tell you I am obsessed with why Jason Voorhees was invented in American cinema, and why people are still obsessed with him.
I got interested again when I saw how people reacted. My grandkids and my wife play Dead by Daylight on the PlayStation 5 a lot, all the time. I wanted to know why this character was in the room. I remembered him from when I was a teenager. In those years, you watched the movies because you wanted to see kids get killed and you wanted the cheap thrill, and you filed it under science fiction, fantasy, and horror, and you moved on. He did not move on. Then I realized there was a psychological mechanism under the costume, and I immersed myself in it until I had something I could call objective evidence. Enough, I think, for 80,000 words on why Jason Voorhees matters in the art and entertainment of human cultures, and why he had to be invented in America.
The academic position I want to refuse is the one that treats indigenous worship as automatically virtuous. Worship of lesser gods, as against Yahweh, or against what I will call for the thesis an Alpha claim on the divine, is not a heritage to be restored. It is a psychology. It has a shape. It shows up in Canaan. It shows up in the vision-quest argument. It shows up in the woman who thinks the drug policy of a failing city is a sacrament. It shows up, dressed as entertainment, in a hockey mask. If you want to talk about the psychology of goodness in a culture, and about how you defend a big-tent civilization against people who think every altar is equal, you have to be willing to look at the altar people actually kneel at when nobody from the department is watching.
This will be a quiet undertaking. It is not the thing that makes the money. I think it is needed if the human race is going to get a psychological look at itself that is not written by the people who already agree with the Portland sermon. For my part, I jump off the board before the pool is finished filling. A lot of things have to happen on the way down. I have often made the large moves under dangerous circumstances, because that is where the world actually is. You do not find the treasure by doing the same thing everyone else is doing. I think I have found something in Jason Voorhees and the Friday the 13th series: why human beings are so ready to worship an idea, and why a certain kind of academia wants to point everyone toward the indigenous deity and call it liberation. That is why the drug argument keeps coming back. I understand why people feel that way. I do not feel anything close to it. Liberal-minded people, tending to vote Democrat, accommodate the opinion because they have talked themselves into believing every spirit is a friend if it arrives wearing the costume of the oppressed. I have a different reading now of why Jason is revered across cultures and across decades, and why he became a killer in Dead by Daylight not as a memory of the movies but as a current character. I know him from the movies, from the games, and from everything that has cascaded off him. I have watched that cascade go through generations.
I am deep in it. It will not make anyone rich. The information I have learned is more than most people will ever care to know about the character and about the public reaction to him. In November, I will share the details I can’t share now. It is the doctoral idea. To help the academics, I will put it on ground they already understand, and on ground everybody else understands: a horror movie. It is a good comment. It is a big concept. I am going to use it to launch the reasoning about why those older worships were dangerous, why people still practice them, why they are still impactful, and why a society that wants to fix itself has to fix that before it fixes the tax bill.
It will be entertaining. I promise that. Some of the apocalyptic discussions I have had came from real reflection, because I put myself through a considerable amount of discomfort to see the thing from the inside. It is not enough to stand on the dock and throw a theory at the water. You have to go in with the sharks and the snakes and the vipers and see what is actually down there. I would like it to be easier. I want the design of the world to be more accommodating to personal pleasure. Here is the deal. I will get further into this over the coming weeks and months as I work up to it. A thesis, in the ordinary academic calendar, is five or six years of hard work. In another sense, I have already been at the reading for longer than that. I know what the end needs to be. It needs to be this. And it has an academic entrance, which you cannot use unless you have gone down the rabbit hole past Alice, further by a lot. That is what I am talking about. I think I understand Jason Voorhees, the public reaction to him, the fascination, and why the human race turns away from Yahweh and Jesus Christ and finds itself worshiping the old neighbors.
The Jewish people worshiped the calf when Moses took too long coming down with the commandments. The guidance drifted. Even Aaron drifted. He drifted for a reason. What is the reason? I think I have it. I will put it in the books, in the thesis, and in future academic work. I will also put it here, because I am not going to make people wait five or six years. Putting it out helps me. The feedback helps. People send notes. They ask questions I had not framed. I get a better answer, and I refine it. That is the process. It is not always the way I would design it. It has been working.
A dose of reality with a fire under it has been hard. This particular immersion has been out of my comfort zone. It will make for a richer discussion, which is the point of the effort. Job titles are transitory. Acquisitions are transitory. Most of them are built on compliance with human systems. I mean compliance with a cosmic claim. The Bible is not a hint. I think it is part of a larger story we are going to be covering for thousands of years, and that we miraculously captured some of it through prophets and through voices that managed to get a portion written down, and that the portion lasted through purges and reformations and kingdoms and empires to reach us.
I find that survival a miracle. There is a lot more, and when a generation is done with the portion it inherited, it still has to ask questions. It has to cut into the topic with evidence-based trajectories. That is what I am doing. I wish it were easier to get. If it were easy, more people would do it. Very few have the stomach for the fight. I have gone down the rabbit hole. I have seen what is down there. I know a treasure was left behind, and I think it is my task, because I have been given a voice, to bring some of that treasure into the light.
The structural thesis on Jason Voorhees is the door. I think people are going to get a kick out of it. It is going to be fun. If you liked The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business, you’ll know the voice. The subject is different. The standard is not.
NOTES
1. A typical humanities doctoral thesis in the United States and Britain falls somewhere around 80,000 to 100,000 words, excluding bibliography. I am using 80,000 as the working target, not as a university requirement already assigned to me. I am not enrolled in a program as of this writing. The point of saying the number is to mark the scale: this is not a blog post, and it is not a five-year wait for the blog either.
2. The Politics of Heaven is the manuscript I have described elsewhere as completed in draft in 2026, in final edits, and aimed at publication in 2027. The draft I am editing has run past 200,000 words. The published book will be cut down. The thesis is a bridge out of that book, not a substitute for it.
3. Friday the 13th, produced and directed by Sean S. Cunningham, written by Victor Miller, opened in the United States on May 9, 1980. Budget reported under $600,000. Domestic gross about $39.8 million; worldwide about $59.8 million. It was the first independent slasher picked up by a major studio, Paramount. See Friday the 13th (1980 film), Wikipedia, revised 2026; Ryan Gilbey, “Friday the 13th at 40,” The Guardian, May 9, 2020.
4. In the first film, the killer is Pamela Voorhees, Jason’s mother. Jason himself appears at the end as a jump scare. Makeup designer Tom Savini has said the beat was his idea after Carrie: “let’s bring in Jason.” Victor Miller later objected to the sequels making Jason the killer: “Jason was dead from the very beginning. He was a victim, not a villain.” That argument inside the creative team is part of the evidence. The culture did not accept the victim. It promoted the corpse. See Friday the 13th (1980 film), Wikipedia, production history.
5. The hockey mask arrives in Friday the 13th Part III, released August 13, 1982, directed by Steve Miner, the only film in the series released in 3-D. On-set accounts say a Detroit Red Wings goaltender mask belonging to 3-D effects supervisor Martin Jay Sadoff was put on actor Richard Brooker for a lighting test, then enlarged by makeup effects. In Part 2, Jason had worn a sack. The mask is an American industrial object, a piece of sporting armor, not a cult image designed by a priest. That is the point.
6. The franchise then did what Canaanite cults did. It would not stay dead. Sequels, a 2009 reboot, a crossover with A Nightmare on Elm Street, novels, song references from Tupac to Eminem, The Simpsons, and, in 2026, a playable killer. Gilbey notes that Jason became the first fictional character to receive an MTV Lifetime Achievement Award. The culture promoted a murderer of teenagers into an institution.
7. Dead by Daylight, from Behavior Interactive, added Jason as Chapter 40 on June 16, 2026. In the game, he is called The Slasher. The chapter shipped as paid downloadable content at $4.99 or 500 Auric Cells, with a hockey-mask cosmetic and a “Misty Cabin” banner. He joined Michael Myers, Freddy Krueger, Ghostface, and Leatherface on the same roster. My wife and my grandchildren play the game. That is not a footnote to the thesis. That is the transmission mechanism: a character I met as a teenager is now a weekly opponent for children who were not alive for the original film.
8. The Canaanite comparison is the theological half of the thesis, and I am stating it here as my claim, not as a finding already peer-reviewed. The biblical polemic is not subtle. Israel is commanded not to do what the nations did on their high places. Child sacrifice to Molech is forbidden and treated as a capital offense (Leviticus 18:21, 20:2-5; Deuteronomy 12:31; 2 Kings 23:10; Jeremiah 32:35). The contest on Carmel is a direct trial between Yahweh and Baal (1 Kings 18). Josiah’s reform demolishes the high places, the asherim, and the Topheth in the Valley of Hinnom (2 Kings 23). John Day, Molech: A God of Human Sacrifice in the Old Testament (Cambridge, 1989), belongs in the bibliography so the fight is visible. My claim is that the psychological pattern survives the argument about body counts.
9. The golden calf is the control case inside Israel itself. Exodus 32: Aaron builds the calf because the people will not wait for Moses to come down. The text does not treat this as a moment of heritage. It treats it as drift under impatience, including drift by the priest. That is the mechanism I think I can show in the modern material: absence of the harder claim, impatience, a visible substitute, and a leader who accommodates the substitute so the crowd will not leave.
10. The Portland remark is from a broadcast comment I heard, a woman arguing that children should be taught drug use because indigenous vision quests used intoxicants to speak with spirits, set against the open drug scenes of cities run by Democratic mayors. I am not hanging the thesis on her name. I am hanging it on the argument, which is now common: the pre-Christian or non-Christian rite is the authentic one, the parental household is the interruption, and the drug is the sacrament. Standard starting points on the Native American Church and peyote, which is not the same thing as a municipal drug market, include Weston La Barre, The Peyote Cult (1938 and later editions), and Employment Division v. Smith, 494 U.S. 872 (1990).
11. On the Biblical Archaeology Review advertisement and the “Palestinians as indigenous, Israel as invader” line: BAR has long carried a range of politics alongside the archaeology, and the indigenous framing of the Palestinian claim has become a standard academic position in parts of Near Eastern studies since the 1990s, drawing on the same vocabulary used for Native American land claims. I am marking the parallel as my reading of that advertisement and of the wider literature, not as a quotation from a single editor. A fair bibliography has to carry both William G. Dever, Who Were the Early Israelites and Where Did They Come From? (Eerdmans, 2003), and the more minimalist and postcolonial work the department actually assigns.
12. Jordan Valley dolmens are not a rumor. Fields run along the escarpment east of the Jordan, south from the Yarmuk toward the Kerak plateau, with a heavy Early Bronze Age I burial use and a possible late Chalcolithic beginning. See the radiometric dolmen paper in Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports (2023), and David Gilead, “Burial Customs and the Dolmen Problem,” Palestine Exploration Quarterly 100 (1968). James A. Fraser’s Dolmens in the Levant (2018) is the modern synthesis. More than a century of work has still not produced dolmens west of the Jordan south of the Upper Galilee.
13. New England stone chambers are the contested American analog, and I am not going to pretend the guild has conceded the point. The colonial root-cellar explanation is the standard one. A luminescence study of structures in Massachusetts and Rhode Island, published in 2022 in Quaternary Geochronology, reported sediment ages under some structures in the late sixteenth century, before sustained colonial settlement. That is not a Phoenician colony. It is a date that does not fit the root-cellar story cleanly. The thesis does not need the chambers to be dolmens. It needs the question to stay open.
14. The Michigan peninsula and the northern Great Lakes are a different monumental tradition: Late Woodland mounds and earthworks, roughly AD 1200-1600, not Levantine dolmens. Meghan C. L. Howey, Mound Builders and Monument Makers of the Northern Great Lakes, 1200-1600 (University of Arizona Press, 2012), is a careful book. I raise the peninsula because the public is told these are separate phenomena by disciplinary border, while the psychological function, a built place where the dead or the spirit is dealt with outside the household, keeps rhyming. The rhyme is my claim. The distinction in architecture is the academy’s fact. Both go in the thesis.
15. The Durupinar formation near Dogubayazit, eastern Turkey, is the Noah’s Ark claim I am referring to. The geological consensus, including a 1996 paper by Lorence Collins and David Fasold, “Bogus ‘Noah’s Ark’ from Turkey Exposed as a Common Geologic Structure,” is that the boat shape is a natural formation. In 2026, a team led by Cenker Atila of Sivas Cumhuriyet University ran further scans and reported right-angled subsurface anomalies and higher carbon inside the formation than outside it. Mainstream outlets treated the new work as another round of a claim already rejected. I am not asking the reader to call it the Ark. I am asking why a formation that will not stay out of the news is professionally required to be a closed case, while vision-quest pharmacology is professionally required to be an open sacrament.
16. Aztec origin traditions are a separate dossier in The Politics of Heaven. The relevant point for the thesis is the public one: a civilization that built an imperial sacrificial system on a calendar of blood is still routinely taught as a heritage interrupted by Europeans, while the biblical refusal of that kind of altar is taught as the crime. The primary narrative is in the Florentine Codex of Bernardino de Sahagún and in Diego Durán. The archaeological frame is Michael E. Smith, The Aztecs. The moral question is mine.
17. Greek and eastern mystery religion in the centuries before Jesus is not an internet invention. The Hellenistic kingdoms sat on the Levant from Alexander’s campaigns in the late fourth century BC. The claim that Jesus or John the Baptist is a Buddhist or Hindu import is modern. The mainstream counter is still the Jewish context: Second Temple Palestine, the Dead Sea Scrolls, Josephus, and the Gospels. A clean entry is Martin Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism (1974).
18. The ethical claim of the thesis, which will not be popular in a religious-studies faculty, is that the spirit world has a moral direction, and that “indigenous” is not a moral category. A rite can be old and still be a violation. I am using Jason as the modern control because nobody can accuse a Paramount slasher of being a colonial slander against a living tribe. America invented him in New Jersey in 1980, out of a marketing bet on Halloween (1978). The audience then did what audiences have always done with the lesser god. It kept him, masked him, sold him, and handed him to the children.
19. I am withholding, until after Halloween and into November, the field observations from the seasonal work that put me inside the costume and inside the crowd reaction. That material is the part of the evidence I will not sketch in public yet. The thesis does not depend on gossip about a haunt. It depends on the crowd, which I have now watched from both sides of the mask.
20. The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business is the earlier book in which I used a popular American figure to carry an argument about discipline, producers, and the refusal to live by permission. The Jason thesis is the same method on a darker subject. Readers who want the voice can start there. Readers who want the cosmology can start with The Politics of Heaven when it is out.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Collins, Lorence G., and David Fasold. “Bogus ‘Noah’s Ark’ from Turkey Exposed as a Common Geologic Structure.” Journal of Geoscience Education, 1996.
Cunningham, Sean S., director. Friday the 13th. Paramount Pictures, 1980. Screenplay by Victor Miller.
Day, John. Molech: A God of Human Sacrifice in the Old Testament. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989.
Dead by Daylight Wiki. “CHAPTER 40: Jason.” Behavior Interactive release, June 16, 2026.
Dever, William G. Who Were the Early Israelites and Where Did They Come From? Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2003.
Duran, Diego. The History of the Indies of New Spain. Translated by Doris Heyden. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1994.
Employment Division, Department of Human Resources of Oregon v. Smith, 494 U.S. 872 (1990).
Fraser, James A. Dolmens in the Levant. London: Routledge, 2018.
Gilbey, Ryan. “Friday the 13th at 40: the maligned slasher that’s haunted pop culture.” The Guardian, May 9, 2020.
Gilead, David. “Burial Customs and the Dolmen Problem.” Palestine Exploration Quarterly 100, no. 1 (1968): 16-26.
Hengel, Martin. Judaism and Hellenism. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1974.
Howey, Meghan C. L. Mound Builders and Monument Makers of the Northern Great Lakes, 1200-1600. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2012.
La Barre, Weston. The Peyote Cult. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1938.
Mahan, Shannon, and colleagues. Luminescence dating of enigmatic rock structures in New England. Quaternary Geochronology, 2022.
Miner, Steve, director. Friday the 13th Part III. Paramount Pictures, 1982.
Sahagun, Bernardino de. Florentine Codex: General History of the Things of New Spain. Translated by Arthur J. O. Anderson and Charles E. Dibble. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1950-1982.
Smith, Michael E. The Aztecs. 3rd ed. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012.
The Holy Bible. Exodus 32; Leviticus 18 and 20; Deuteronomy 12; 1 Kings 18; 2 Kings 23; Jeremiah 32.
Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.
A Community Night at Miami University’s Innovation Center
On September 21, 2026, we hosted a special community event at Miami University’s Innovation Center on Elm Street in Oxford, Ohio.
We called the evening “Dreams on Elm Street”, a lighthearted nod to the classic 1980s film. But what we’re building at Volynt isn’t the stuff of nightmares. It’s the realization of a dream, one that is taking shape right here in Butler County and has the potential to transform the future of logistics, aviation, and economic development in Ohio.
The turnout exceeded our expectations. The room was filled with Miami University staff, students, local business leaders, elected officials, and community members who wanted to learn more about what Volynt is building and where we’re headed.
We were honored to welcome Senator George Lang, Butler County Auditor Nancy Nix, and Michael Ryan, who is poised to become Butler County’s next commissioner. Their presence reflected the growing enthusiasm for innovation, entrepreneurship, and advanced aerospace development in our region.
Sharing the Vision
I opened the evening by welcoming our guests and providing an overview of the event. From there, our leadership team took the stage.
Our CEO shared Volynt’s long-term vision and mission. Our Chief Technology Officer highlighted the engineering milestones we’ve achieved and the technology behind the Volynt Vyper platform. As Chief Operating Officer, I discussed how Volynt is transforming cutting-edge aviation technology into a scalable and sustainable business. I outlined our operational strategy, manufacturing roadmap, partnerships, and the steps required to move from prototype development to commercial deployment.
The presentations were engaging, the audience was attentive, and the questions that followed demonstrated genuine interest and excitement.
Most importantly, this wasn’t a flashy product launch filled with unrealistic promises. It was an honest conversation about where we are today, what we’ve accomplished, and what the next several years may hold.
From Prototype to Production
Our immediate focus is straightforward.
Over the next six months, our team will complete the full-scale Vyper prototype that was unveiled at the Innovation Center. That aircraft represents years of design work, engineering refinement, and determination.
Once completed, the aircraft will enter an intensive testing phase designed to validate performance, reliability, and operational capabilities.
Looking ahead to 2027, we plan to participate in major industry competitions, build broader recognition within the aerospace community, and begin manufacturing multiple aircraft.
The goals are ambitious, but they are supported by a clear roadmap and a dedicated team committed to execution.
The Drone Revolution Is Already Here
One of the most important messages of the evening was that autonomous aviation is no longer a future concept.
It’s happening today.
Just one day after our event, Dayton-area company Dexa launched a drone delivery service in Kettering. The program delivers food orders from TJ Chumps on East Stroop Road to customers within a several-mile radius across Kettering, Oakwood, and Centerville.
These smaller drones operate as last-mile delivery systems. Flying at approximately 400 feet, they lower food orders safely to customers using a cable-delivery system. Dexa has spent years developing this capability and is helping demonstrate that drone delivery is becoming a practical reality.
Volynt’s mission is different.
While companies like Dexa focus on last-mile delivery, Volynt is developing larger autonomous aircraft designed for middle-mile logistics. Our aircraft are intended to transport meaningful payloads between regional hubs such as Cincinnati/Northern Kentucky International Airport (CVG), Dayton International Airport, Indianapolis, and other distribution centers.
This approach has the potential to reduce transportation bottlenecks, address driver shortages, and create more efficient supply chains.
Whether it’s delivering a meal across town or transporting freight across a region, autonomous aviation is rapidly reshaping how goods move through our economy.
Why Ohio Is Positioned to Lead
Ohio’s aviation legacy is unmatched.
The birthplace of powered flight now has an opportunity to become a leader in autonomous flight.
Few regions are better positioned than Butler County to participate in that transformation.
Our region offers access to multiple airports, including Miami University’s airport, where initial flight operations can be conducted. At the same time, substantial investment continues at Butler County Regional Airport, where significant infrastructure improvements are being planned.
The resources, workforce, educational institutions, and transportation network already exist. What remains is bringing together the innovators, investors, and community leaders who can turn opportunity into reality.
Creating Careers That Stay Close to Home
One topic that resonates deeply with me is talent retention.
I have spoken with countless parents who have made tremendous sacrifices to provide educational opportunities for their children through Miami University, Butler Tech, and the University of Cincinnati. Too often, those graduates leave Ohio because they believe the best opportunities are elsewhere.
That reality creates a challenge for families and communities alike.
One of our long-term goals at Volynt is to help change that story.
We envision creating thousands of high-quality aerospace, engineering, technology, and manufacturing jobs throughout Southern Ohio. We want talented young people to have the option of building exciting, fulfilling careers without leaving their families, communities, and hometowns behind.
Strong Community Support
One of the most encouraging moments of the evening was seeing the level of support from the community.
Michael Ryan delivered an excellent presentation about economic development in Butler County and how innovative companies such as Volynt can contribute to future growth and prosperity.
The participation from Miami University, local leaders, educators, students, business professionals, and community members reinforced something I’ve believed from the beginning:
Innovation succeeds when communities embrace it.
Dreams on Elm Street was more than a company presentation. It was a milestone. It brought together people from different backgrounds and perspectives to discuss a shared vision for the future of our region.
The energy in the room was unmistakable. The conversations were thoughtful. The questions were insightful. The enthusiasm was genuine.
For me, that confirmed that we’re moving in the right direction.
Looking Ahead
Volynt’s journey is still in its early chapters.
There is much work ahead, many challenges to overcome, and numerous milestones still to achieve. But the momentum is real, and the opportunities are significant.
We will continue sharing updates with the community as we progress from prototype development to testing, certification, manufacturing, and beyond.
This is only the beginning.
Thank you to everyone who attended Dreams on Elm Street and supported our mission. Your encouragement and belief in what we’re building means more than you know.
Together, we’re not just dreaming about the future.
We’re building it.
About the Author
Rich Hoffman is Chief Operating Officer of Volynt, where he leads operational strategy, business development, manufacturing planning, and growth initiatives for the company’s autonomous aerospace programs. A longtime Butler County leader and aerospace executive, he is committed to building high-quality technology careers and advancing innovation throughout Southwest Ohio.
Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.
I have watched this movie before. In 2015 and 2016, and again in 2024, the same class of people tried to tell America that Donald Trump’s wealth was a character defect. They said a rich man could not be trusted, that success itself was the indictment, that gold, planes, and golf were proof he was “not like you.” Voters put him in the White House twice anyway, because they understood something the professional scolds never will: independence is an asset. A man who does not need the job is harder to own. That is the lesson Ohio Democrats and a handful of leftover Republican wreckers are now trying to unlearn with Vivek Ramaswamy, and it is why Amy Acton spent Labor Day weekend screaming that you cannot buy Ohio.
She needed a chant. What she got was a gaffe.
The Speech That Sounded Like a Person Running Out of Road
Watch the clip. Acton is at a union picnic with Pete Buttigieg in tow, doing the ritual of the lockdown years: I am a doctor, not a politician, becoming one right in front of your eyes. Then she starts barking that Vivek cannot buy the state, cannot buy Ohio, cannot buy us, cannot buy us, cannot buy us in Ohio, that is the end of this. It is the sort of thing a campaign writes on a whiteboard when the internals look ugly and the only remaining argument is envy. The crowd does not catch fire. She looks like she is trying to start a wave at a funeral.
This is the same Amy Acton Ohio already knows. She ran public health under Mike DeWine when the state was locked down, businesses were smashed, kids were sent home, and “follow the science” became a political religion. She collected awards for it. A lot of Ohioans collected unemployment, missed funerals, and watched their Main Streets die. You can call that public service if you like. I call it the record she has to run on, and it is why the “I’m just like you” routine lands like a lead pipe. She is not just like you. She is the woman who told you to stay home while the people who write the rules kept their salaries.
The wealth attack is even thinner. Vivek flew to watch tennis. He likes tennis. He used to be a ranked junior. He has a court. He went to the U.S. Open and he has been to Paris. Wealthy people do that. Trump never ran from Mar-a-Lago or the golf course; he wore the gold clip and the silk tie and said, yes, I did well, and if you vote for me I will try to make it so you can do well too. That is a producer’s message. Acton’s message is the opposite: he has money, therefore he is illegitimate, therefore hand the keys to the people who want to tax the successful and redistribute the proceeds to the discontented. That is not a governing philosophy. That is a ransom note.
Why Attacking Wealth Is a Loser’s Tell
I have been thinking lately about the Apostle Paul. He was effective in part because he had standing and independence. He was not a ward of the movement. He could travel, argue, and endure because he was not begging the crowd for his next meal. Politics is not the church, but the principle is the same. A candidate who has already won in the private economy does not need Columbus the way a career public-health administrator needs Columbus. Vivek does not need a government job. That is supposed to be a feature. The people yelling “you can’t buy Ohio” are announcing that they cannot raise comparable money and cannot compete on growth, so they will compete on resentment.
David Pepper and the rest of the chorus have been working this line for months: billionaire, private jet, not one of us. Fine. Then explain why Trump’s jets and clubs did not stop two national victories, and why Ohioans who want plants, capital, and jobs might prefer a man who has already built companies to a woman whose signature achievement was closing the state. You can dislike Vivek’s style. You can argue policy. What you cannot do, with a straight face, is pretend that enjoying a tennis match is a civic crime while the alternative is more of the administrative state that already had its turn.
The other half of this farce is intra-Republican sabotage. After a primary, Democrats lock arms around whoever they nominated, even when she sounds like a chalkboard dragged down a stairwell. A slice of the right still wants to pick the scab. Nick Fuentes types, leftover primary rivals, the professional “I told you so” circuit—anyone who would rather be right about a Republican’s flaws than win the state—keep feeding the same clip. They did it to Trump in 2016 and 2024. He won anyway because voters vote their interest when the noise dies down. A good economy and job creators in your state beat a sermon about how the other guy’s plane is too nice.
Then Came the Fair, and the Overnight Conversion of a Shove Into an Assassination Plot
The timing is the tell. After the Labor Day chant made her look unhinged, the campaign needed a new story. Sunday at the Canfield Fair, a 38-year-old local named Patrick Havas pushed through a tent crowd toward Acton with a phone up, as if he were recording or trying to get close enough to be seen. He knocked over older people. Security took him down. After the fact, deputies found two pistols and a Taser-style device on him. He did not draw the guns. He did not fire. He did not brandish. Ohio is a constitutional-carry state. Carrying is not the same thing as attempting murder. The charges reported were disorderly conduct and misdemeanor assault for the people he knocked down. Acton was unhurt. The people who fell were assessed and, according to the sheriff, did not seek further treatment.
That is a bad scene at a fair. It is not a martyrdom. Campaign statements still said an “armed individual lunged” and injured multiple people. National copy followed the verb. By Saturday night into Sunday the lead was written as if Ohio had just watched a political assassination attempt. If there were clean video of a man trying to kill her, it would have been on every screen before supper. What we got instead was language inflation: lunge, attack, armed, threat—while the actual police story is a large man barreling for a better look or a confrontation, knocking seniors like bowling pins, and getting piled on by Highway Patrol.
This attack story is just another Democrat Jussie Smollett story, trying to gain sympathy and voter support through fake news talking points. This is the fullness of the Acton operation: when the speech is a disaster, change the subject to danger. When you cannot raise on growth, raise on fear. When you cannot debate or raise money, accuse the other side of buying the state. Look how many sucker politicians jumped on the bandwagon without knowing all the facts, which again came out looking like Amy Acton is a loser candidate.
What Ohio Actually Chooses When the Cameras Leave
Acton will keep the unions, the people who want the next transfer payment, and the media that still thinks 2020 was her finest hour. She will keep Pepper on the ticket as proof that the old Democratic machinery is still in the room. She will keep calling Vivek rich, which he is, and hoping Ohio has forgotten that successful people are allowed to like tennis, football Saturdays, and a life that is not a permanent campaign stop.
I want a state that recruits producers instead of lecturing them. If a man with a billion dollars in assets spends a few thousand to fly to a match, that is not the scandal. The scandal is a political class that treats his success as the crime and her lockdown résumé as the credential. Trump never apologized for winning. Vivek should not apologize for a court, a jet, or a seat at the Open. The people who need him to grovel are the same people who needed Trump to grovel. They lost that argument twice.
Vote like you want the factories and the payrolls. When things got tough for Amy Acton in 2026 she turned to fake news. Which only made everything worse. She is the lockdown lady and is horrible in every way a politician can be, which we all had a front-row seat to in 2020 when she destroyed Ohio’s economy and told everyone they could be superheroes if only they wore a mask in public. That is the person running for governor in Ohio as a Democrat. A disaster on a good day. On a bad day, she is a fake news agent of destruction and drunkenness.
Notes
1. Acton’s Labor Day-weekend remarks with Buttigieg at the Cincinnati AFL-CIO picnic, including the “you cannot buy this state / you can’t buy us” repetition, circulated widely on September 5–6, 2026. See WLWT coverage of the Hamilton picnic and contemporaneous rally video.
2. Acton served as Ohio Department of Health director under Gov. Mike DeWine beginning in 2019 and became the public face of the state’s COVID restrictions.
3. Criticism of Ramaswamy’s travel and tennis included Acton’s own Labor Day-weekend post attacking a U.S. Open appearance and earlier opinion pieces on a July 4 Paris trip.
4. Ramaswamy’s tennis background (junior player, Cincinnati Open ball boy, regular Open attendee) is part of his public biography and prior campaign videos.
5. Canfield Fair incident, September 6, 2026: Patrick Havas, 38, of Canfield, pushed through the Mahoning County Democratic Party tent, knocked down older attendees, was detained by Ohio State Highway Patrol executive protection; weapons recovered after detention; no brandishing reported; charges reported as disorderly conduct and two counts of misdemeanor assault. Acton uninjured.
6. Constitutional carry in Ohio means possession of a concealed firearm, without more, is not itself an assassination attempt.
7. Public polling through late summer 2026 generally showed a toss-up to slight-Ramaswamy edge depending on the house, which is consistent with a campaign hunting for a reset narrative.
8. Intra-GOP sniping after contested primaries is a recurring feature of the Trump era; Democrats have typically consolidated faster around flawed nominees.
Bibliography
Acton for Governor. Campaign statements and Labor Day / Canfield Fair remarks, September 2026.
Ballotpedia. “Amy Acton.” Candidate biography and office history.
CNN. “Armed man arrested after pushing through crowd toward Ohio Democratic gubernatorial nominee.” September 6, 2026.
Columbus Dispatch. “Armed man arrested after lunging at Amy Acton at Canfield Fair.” September 6, 2026.
Cincinnati Enquirer. Nick Anderson, “Ramaswamy’s Paris trip an example of his disconnect with Ohioans.” July 8, 2026.
HuffPost. “Vivek Ramaswamy Slammed For Leaving Ohio And Attending The U.S. Open.” September 6, 2026.
Mahoning County Sheriff’s Office / Ohio State Highway Patrol statements on the Canfield Fair detention of Patrick Havas, September 6, 2026.
New York Times. “Armed Man Arrested After Charging Toward Democratic Candidate for Ohio Governor.” September 6, 2026.
The Nerd Stash. “‘You Can’t Buy Us’: Ohio Dem Amy Acton Sparks Backlash After Awkward Rally Chant Aimed at Vivek Ramaswamy.” September 6, 2026.
Washington Post. “Armed individual ‘lunged’ at Democrat nominee for Ohio governor, campaign says.” September 6, 2026.
Wikipedia. “2026 Ohio gubernatorial election.” Polling averages and race ratings as of early September 2026.
WLWT. “Pete Buttigieg campaigns for Amy Acton, Greg Landsman at Cincinnati AFL-CIO picnic.” September 6, 2026.
Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.
