Pip: The Overmanwarrior is covering election eve in Ohio, the price of gas, ancient skull cults, and the case for owning a good ratchet — which is either a very broad week or a very honest one.
Mara: Rich Hoffman has been busy. This episode moves through Ohio campaign politics and what’s actually at stake on election day, into the economics of refinery capacity and healthcare costs, and then into the deeper question of how fear functions as a tool of social control. Let’s start with the race for Ohio governor.
Ohio on the Eve: Vivek, Turnout, and the Violence Question
Pip: The core tension in the election-eve post isn’t really about Vivek Ramaswamy versus Amy Acton. It’s about a quieter and more unsettling question: why should people who’ve lost faith in the ballot bother voting at all?
Mara: The post opens at Lori’s Roadhouse in West Chester after Ramaswamy’s final campaign stop, and the message from the stage was simple. As it’s put directly: “The encouragement from the stage was simple: go vote, and call your friends and neighbors to do the same.”
Pip: And then comes the harder conversation — the one that happened off-stage, with people between the cities who are not deeply interested in politics and whose question was: why go vote?
Mara: Right. The concern isn’t Republican turnout math, though that’s addressed too — the argument is that Republicans far outnumber Democrats in Ohio if they show up. The deeper worry is people who’ve already concluded the system is broken enough that violence feels more logical than voting.
Mara: The healthcare piece connects here — a Ramaswamy administration, it’s argued, could give Republicans a concrete governing story by applying SpaceX-style cost reduction to cancer treatment, making the ballot feel like it produces something tangible rather than just holding the line.
Pip: So the ask is: vote before you feel you have to do something worse. That’s a more honest get-out-the-vote message than most.
Mara: And the closing line lands the stakes plainly — voting is described as the most peaceful way to maintain representative government, and the alternative some people are already contemplating is treated as a real and present danger, not a rhetorical flourish.
Pip: The refinery question has the same structure underneath it — a constraint that policy created, and a cost ordinary people pay every time they fill up.
Herbie at the Pump: Refinery Constraints and the Cost of Protected Systems
Pip: Gas prices stay high even when crude supply isn’t the problem — so what is the actual bottleneck, and who built it?
Mara: The anchor here is Eliyahu Goldratt’s Theory of Constraints, applied directly to American fuel markets. The argument is stated plainly: “In American fuel markets right now, refining capacity is Herbie. We have enough crude. We do not have enough slack in the plants that process it, and the policy environment that created that condition has been running for decades.”
Pip: So the constraint isn’t geology — it’s the regulatory and capital environment that made building new refineries a losing bet for fifty years.
Mara: The numbers make that concrete. In 1982 the U.S. had 301 operable refineries. As of January 2026, roughly 130 remain. Capacity barely grew because the industry consolidated into fewer, larger plants. And utilization has been running above 93 percent, hitting over 95 percent for most of the summer of 2026 — the highest sustained rate since 1998. There’s almost no buffer left.
Pip: No slack in the system at all.
Mara: Which is why California illustrates the extreme case. Phillips 66 and Valero have both closed or are closing major West Coast plants — removing several hundred thousand barrels per day of capacity — because the regulatory stack made continued operation less profitable than shutting down. California regular was near $5.89 while the national average sat around $4.27.
Mara: The piece “Don’t Squander the SpaceX Gift” draws the same line into healthcare — hospitals billing $722 for an IV push on a medication billed separately, a cost-plus culture as entrenched in medicine as it once was in aerospace, and the argument that competitive models will eventually force the same reckoning that SpaceX forced on rockets.
Pip: The upshot is that the constraint in both cases was engineered by policy, which means it can be changed by policy — but only if someone’s willing to admit that’s what happened. That’s where the culture question comes in.
Fear as Software: Control, the Haunt, and the Politics of Heaven
Pip: This is the widest segment — it starts with Jason Voorhees at Kings Island and ends somewhere near ancient Canaanite skull cults, which is either a long walk or a very short one depending on your priors.
Mara: The post “The Politics of Fear” frames the whole project explicitly. It describes the argument as: “non-human intelligence — whether framed as demons, interdimensional entities, or residual ‘software’ written into human cognition — operates primarily through fear, peer pressure, and mythic narratives.”
Pip: So fear isn’t just an emotion — it’s a control mechanism, and the haunted house is a laboratory for watching it work in real time.
Mara: That’s the method. Working as Jason Voorhees in the Kings Island Blood Reign maze across roughly 22 operating nights gave a large sample of human behavior under controlled terror. The observation is that guests who knew exactly where Jason was still jumped — and that the bounded certainty of the scare itself provided relief from more diffuse everyday fears.
Pip: And the gendered responses under that pressure are treated as data, not anecdote — mapped onto older patterns of appeasement and status-seeking under conditions of uncertainty.
Mara: The companion piece, “Jason at Kings Island and the Rules of the Haunted House,” draws the political parallel directly: some guests, once they understood the rules protected them absolutely, became rambunctious and tested the boundary. The argument is that the same asymmetry operates when a group uses a host culture’s free-exercise rules as a shield while its own foundational norms don’t reciprocate those protections.
Pip: The rules can be used against the people who wrote them — and naming that asymmetry is treated as the necessary first move.
Mara: Then “The Tool Belt Life” comes at the same problem from the ground up. The administrative state, the argument goes, trains people to manage decline rather than fix things — and the correction starts with people who still know how to put a tool belt on. The happiest periods described are the ones spent in machine shops and gunsmithing bays, where the problem is visible and the feedback is immediate.
Pip: Calloused hands as a counter-narrative to institutional capture. The fear segment and the tool belt piece are making the same point from opposite ends — one about what controls people, one about what frees them.
Mara: And both connect back to the ballot. If you understand the mechanism — whether it’s a refinery bottleneck, a billing regime, or a social control system — you can address the actual constraint instead of yelling at the wrong variable.
Pip: The thread across all of this is the same: find the real bottleneck, name it honestly, and don’t let the rules be used to prevent you from doing that.
Mara: Whether it’s refinery capacity, cancer treatment costs, or the question of who shows up to vote — the argument is that the constraint was built, which means it can be dismantled. Next episode we’ll see what comes after election day.
Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.
I just returned from Lori’s Roadhouse in West Chester, Ohio, after Vivek Ramaswamy’s last campaign stop before the election. A number of Ohio officeholders came out to speak alongside him. The speech was long—longer than ideal for people already heading out to vote—so I will condense the essence of what I heard and what I discussed with people there and afterward.[1]
Lori’s Roadhouse continues to do great things for these kinds of events. The place was packed with signs and energy in a way Amy Acton could never have matched. You will not see that kind of coverage on the news or on Fox, but the basics are clear. The encouragement from the stage was simple: go vote, and call your friends and neighbors to do the same. That is the message I am giving my readers and viewers right now.
I have watched Vivek grow into this role over the years. He was right when he noted in his speech that the campaign launched just a few miles from Lori’s Roadhouse—at the business I ran. I was proud he chose that location, and it was bittersweet to see the campaign season come full circle there. The owners are good people, and every event held there has been excellent. The crowd was energetic, and Vivek appeared in a way many people had not seen before.
The Numbers Game and Republican Advantage in Ohio
This election is a numbers game. If Republicans show up even moderately, they far outnumber Democrats in Ohio. That is why Democrats know they have to stretch every process. Amy Acton is a disaster; I have said so from the beginning. She is the lockdown lady, a horrible candidate who simply does not have the goods down the stretch.[2]
In the numbers, Vivek is well ahead in the places that matter. Acton is not performing well in the counties she needs to overcome him, and those counties will not deliver the numbers required on Election Day. From conversations with people who know the internals the media does not report, the race is well in hand for Republicans if turnout materializes. That also means strength for other races on the ticket.
It is much scarier for Democrats heading into this election than for Republicans. There are simply more Republicans. But if people sit on their hands, representation can still be lost. Do not take anything for granted.
Conversations That Reveal a Dangerous Frustration
The part that concerns me most is what I heard today from people who are not deeply interested in politics—people who live between the cities, who do not know many Democrats, do not want to work with them, and have no desire to break bread with them. Their question to me was: why go vote?
Voting is the most peaceful way to maintain representative government. Their illusion is that nothing will improve until people grab guns, take violence into the streets, and reclaim the country from radicals. George Soros and others have funded efforts that damage Western civilization; evil is at work.[3] But on this election eve in 2026, I believe the best way to maintain self-government is still to vote—not to turn to violence.
Most of the people I spoke with, especially those between the cities, think it has to come to violence before they get their country back. If Democrats thought January 6 was terrible, that was mild compared with what some of these people are thinking. I try to tell them that violence can be avoided by voting. Their response is often that it will be cheated anyway, so who cares.
What’s at Stake: Civility Over Violence
What is at stake is civility itself. If you want a civil society, go vote before you feel you have to grab the guns and take it back with bloodshed the way the Revolution once required. It is yours to hold; you simply have to get up and go. You have to do it at presidential-level turnout.
After the event at Lori’s Roadhouse and the conversations I had, the picture looks strong for Republicans in Ohio if people show up. Republicans way outnumber Democrats, but if you stay home, the other side will represent you because they are the ones voting. Voting is easy. Maintaining self-government through legislative means is far better than the alternatives.
I talked to more than one person today who alluded to having a shell full of ammunition ready to “take care of” the Marxists and communists. That is not a good sign. Giving up on self-rule through the ballot is not a good thing. The other side wants people of Western civilization to abandon peaceful means. Do not give that to them.
A Personal Call to Action
I am telling everyone who watches me, reads me, or listens to me: to maintain civility and protect Western civilization, just get up and go vote. Vote for Republicans, not Democrats. Vote down tax increases. Vote for Vivek Ramaswamy. Things will be much better in Ohio with him as governor, and better in the wider world.
I remember when I first saw the campaign signs—very techie—when he was putting up the art at my business for the rally that opened his governor’s race. I am happy to see it come full circle, and I will be happy to see him as governor of Ohio.
A few months ago I saw Vivek walk into a little restaurant with almost no security. We had a nice personal conversation, and few people reacted. At Lori’s Roadhouse it was governor-level security, a Secret Service-style entourage, and a posse that made it hard to get close. It was strange, but it is exciting. I think he is going to win—but only if people show up.
Do not leave it to other people to decide for you. Vote like your life depends on it, because in a lot of ways it does. We do not want a society that turns to violence in order to maintain self-government. Go vote for the 2026 election.
Footnotes
[1] The event was held at Lori’s Roadhouse in West Chester Township, Butler County, Ohio. Local coverage and posts confirmed the rally timing on the final day of campaigning.
[2] Public polling averages in late October and early November 2026 generally showed Amy Acton with a narrow lead (roughly 2–7 points depending on the pollster), though some surveys were tighter or showed Ramaswamy ahead. Ohio does not have formal party registration; affiliation is determined by primary ballot choice. Early-voting data showed Democrats returning a higher share of ballots than Republicans through late October, with unaffiliated voters forming a large bloc. The author’s assessment relies on claimed internal numbers and county-level expectations not reflected in the public averages.
[3] References to funding of progressive causes and election-related efforts by George Soros and associated networks appear widely in conservative commentary and investigative reporting on philanthropy and political spending.
Bibliography for Further Reading
Ramaswamy, Vivek. Woke, Inc.: Inside Corporate America’s Social Justice Scam. Center Street, 2021.
Ramaswamy, Vivek. Nation of Victims: Identity Politics, the Death of Merit, and the Path Back to Excellence. Center Street, 2022.
Ramaswamy, Vivek. Capitalist Punishment: How Wall Street Is Using Your Money to Create a Country You Didn’t Vote For. HarperCollins, 2023.
Ramaswamy, Vivek. Truths: The Future of America First. Simon & Schuster, 2024.
Hoffman, Rich. The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business. (Author’s work on leadership, individual responsibility, and practical strategy.)
Green, Donald P., and Alan S. Gerber. Get Out the Vote: How to Increase Voter Turnout. 4th ed. Brookings Institution Press, 2019.
Hill, David. American Voter Turnout: An Institutional Perspective. Westview Press, 2006.
Rolfe, Meredith. Voter Turnout: A Social Theory of Political Participation. Cambridge University Press, 2012.
Derber, Charles, et al. Turnout!: Mobilizing Voters in an Emergency. Routledge, 2020.
Levitsky, Steven, and Daniel Ziblatt. How Democracies Die. Crown, 2018.
Mayer, Jane. Dark Money: The Hidden History of the Billionaires Behind the Rise of the Radical Right. Doubleday, 2016.
Caplan, Bryan. The Myth of the Rational Voter: Why Democracies Choose Bad Policies. Princeton University Press, 2007.
Achen, Christopher H., and Larry M. Bartels. Democracy for Realists: Why Elections Do Not Produce Responsive Government. Princeton University Press, 2016.
Brennan, Jason. Against Democracy. Princeton University Press, 2016.
Tocqueville, Alexis de. Democracy in America. (Multiple editions; foundational on American civic habits and self-government.)
Madison, James, Alexander Hamilton, and John Jay. The Federalist Papers. (Especially essays on factions, republican government, and the dangers of majority tyranny.)
Locke, John. Second Treatise of Government. (On consent, property, and the right to alter or abolish government.)
Federalist Society publications and reports on election integrity and originalism, 2020–2026.
Heritage Foundation Election Integrity Project reports, 2024–2026.
Ohio Secretary of State voter registration and early-voting dashboards (2026 cycle data).
RealClearPolitics, Ballotpedia, and multi-state election trackers for the 2026 Ohio gubernatorial race (polling averages, candidate profiles, and historical context).
Local Ohio reporting from the Cincinnati Enquirer, Columbus Dispatch, and Butler County sources on campaign events and county-level dynamics.
Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.
I write this for leadership people. Everyday readers can come along. I am glad when they do. But I am not aiming at a general audience that wants a latte and a soft ending. I am aiming at the people who have to make payroll, keep promises after a friend dies, and decide whether the universe still contains free will or only the appearance of it. In the age of disclosure you must understand the politics of heaven.[1] That sentence is not a slogan I printed on a mug. It is the working title of the book I have been writing, and it is the only frame I have found that can hold Milton, a pickle on a workbench, a farting office pirate, the Holy Spirit, and the rivals who do not want any of that named.[2]
People have been kind about the AI conversations I have been having in public. I appreciate that. I think those conversations are one useful tool in a much older war. Human beings built tools because the rules of the fight have been lopsided against our race for a very long time. Through art, theology, and the various sciences we have tried to identify the problem and answer it. Artificial intelligence is one more hammer in that toolbox. I do not worship the hammer. I use it.
WHAT PEOPLE KEEP TELLING ME ABOUT PARADISE LOST
The feedback I have been getting on The Politics of Heaven keeps rhyming with the same book. People who have read it tell me it reminds them of John Milton’s Paradise Lost. Some of them say that as a compliment. Some of them say it as a warning. A traditional publisher hears “this is like Paradise Lost” and starts calculating how many buyers in a secular market want a twelve-book blank-verse argument about the Fall, pride, and the architecture of existence.[3] I think the comparison is a good thing. I also think the mechanisms of trade publishing have been too entrenched for a book this heavy-handed to walk in the front door without being asked to lose twenty pounds and smile more.[49]
I picked up a copy at my Barnes & Noble at Bridgewater Falls. It was the kind of edition that sits off the ordinary shelf, the one with the art that makes you hold the object like it still believes language can carry glory. I bought it because so many people had already put Milton’s name next to mine, and I wanted the poem in my hands while I decided what I believed about the Holy Spirit’s role in a blind man’s work.[33]
Milton’s poem is the famous English account of the Fall in the garden. It is also more than that. It is an attempt to “justify the ways of God to men.”[4] That is an insane sentence if you say it out loud in 2026. It is also the only sentence large enough for the problem. If you will not justify the ways of God, you will justify the ways of the house flipper, the compliance officer, the cartel in the sewer, or the spirit that does not want the garden mentioned at all.
MILTON WAS BLIND, DEFEATED, AND STILL WROTE THE ARCHITECTURE OF EXISTENCE
John Milton was completely blind when he composed Paradise Lost. He dictated it. He had already given his eyes to pamphlets and state papers for a republic that collapsed under him. After the Restoration he was a politically defeated man, lucky to keep his head.[5][6][7] People who write books like this have usually gone over the deep end a little. They are not sipping lattes on a yacht in a distant luxury destination. The work comes out of the school of hard knocks. The harder the knocks, the more some readers feel the heat in the page.
A lot of people say Milton was inspired by the Holy Spirit. I tend to agree. I also want to challenge the bubble version of that claim. The bubble version says the Spirit lives in a giant empty room with no rivals, no politics, no competing wills, and no interest in using ugly tools. That is not the Bible I read. That is not the world I have watched. And that is not the Milton I hear when Satan wakes up in a lake of fire and starts giving speeches that still recruit undergraduates.[8][9]
Milton revised the poem from ten books to twelve so it would stand next to Virgil.[3][59] That is not a decorating choice. That is a man who believed the English language could carry an epic the way Latin carried Rome. He gave English the word pandemonium for the capital of Hell.[34] He made Satan so persuasive in the early books that William Blake said Milton was of the Devil’s party without knowing it, and Shelley treated Satan as a moral being superior to the God Milton depicts.[8][9] I think Blake and Shelley were usefully wrong. They felt the heat and then baptized it. Milton made Satan alluring on purpose so the reader would feel the temptation and then watch the costume shrink. The fallen archangel ends as a serpent on his belly. The revolutionary becomes a reptile. That is not an accident of taste. That is a diagnosis.[10][11][36]
“The mind is its own place, and in itself / Can make a Heav’n of Hell, a Hell of Heav’n.” — Paradise Lost 1.254–255
Stanley Fish argued that the poem first seduces you and then convicts you. You sympathize with the charismatic rebel. Then you watch pride eat him from the inside. “Which way I fly is Hell; myself am Hell.”[11][36] That is not liberty. That is self-imprisonment with better speeches. I have sat across the hall from men who thought they were running a revolution because they had a fresh coat of paint and a compliance binder. Same energy. Smaller stage.
SUFFICIENT TO HAVE STOOD, THOUGH FREE TO FALL
The human half of the poem is where Milton gets modern. In Genesis the Fall is brief. In Paradise Lost it is a long, agonizing process of psychological manipulation and domestic drama.[13] Eve wants to work alone to prove her strength. Adam lets her. The serpent does not have to invent vanity. He only has to aim it. Milton’s God says the pair were “sufficient to have stood, though free to fall.”[12] If they had been puppets, their obedience would have meant nothing. Love that cannot refuse is not love. It is programming.
Eve reaches for knowledge and status. Adam is not deceived the same way. He chooses to fall because he cannot bear separation from her. That is a very expensive sentence. It means the first man preferred a human relationship to a divine command, and then had to live inside the wreck of both. The shame arrives. The blame arrives. Love turns into lust and then into argument. They only find their way back by reconciling with each other and then with God. The ending is not a crushed defeat. Michael shows them a vision of the future, the Messiah, the long road of redemption. They leave Eden hand in hand, wandering steps and slow.[42] Milton turned a story of loss into a story of potential. That is why Mary Shelley’s Creature reads the poem and cannot decide whether he is Adam or Satan.[14] That is why Pullman tried to flip the whole machine and call the Fall a graduation.[15]
C. S. Lewis warned readers not to confuse Satan’s charisma with Milton’s allegiance.[16] I agree with Lewis on the hierarchy. I do not agree that hierarchy settles the political question I keep asking. Milton wrote after his earthly republic failed. He had served Cromwell. He had argued that kings could be tried.[48] Then the king came back. The poem is doing more than Sunday school. It is a defeated revolutionary trying to understand authority, liberty, order, and why a just cause can still lose on Tuesday. Orlando Reade has traced how later revolutionaries kept stealing the poem for their own wars.[35] I am not stealing it for a party. I am using it as a map of a fight that did not end in 1660 and did not end in Eden.
WAS THE HOLY SPIRIT ALONE IN THE ROOM?
If you believe the Holy Spirit drove Milton’s hand, you already believe the Spirit works in history through damaged people. Good. Then do not stop the sentence halfway. Who said the Spirit was the only intelligence in the room? The Bible does not say that. Paul says we wrestle not against flesh and blood but against principalities and powers.[17] Psalm 82 is a courtroom, not a lullaby.[18] Daniel watches territorial princes delay an angel.[19] Revelation puts a war in heaven before it puts a cradle in Bethlehem.[43]
My book follows those breadcrumbs across a long stretch of time. I think The Politics of Heaven will be a series, not a pamphlet. The first volume has to identify the crumbs before it can feed you the loaf. I am not claiming I sit on an ivory throne and watch galaxies turn. I am claiming that a lot of respectable theology prefers a lonely God because a lonely God is easier to manage. A God with rivals requires politics. Politics requires sides. Sides require tools. Tools get splinters.
They loved a certain plastic Jesus in the 1960s when they needed him to bless a hippie lifestyle with loveless sex and primal behavior embraced as virtue. They did not want the message. They still do not want the God of creation to finish what He started. The hatred of Jesus that walks around in polite clothes is not a personality quirk. It is a tell. If there were no competing spirits, the tell would not be so consistent, so old, and so allergic to the actual claims of the text.
I have been shown things on purpose so I can talk like this. That sounds silly until you have lived inside a twenty-year stretch that felt almost ordinary and then watched the ordinary catch fire after you finished a manuscript. Since I completed The Politics of Heaven I have had nothing but trouble. Weird family friction. Job change. Time-sucking nonsense. I do not think that is a coincidence, and I also do not think coincidence is a Christian doctrine. If the elements I identified wanted to stay hidden in the order of our culture, they would prefer I write a nice book about leadership habits and leave heaven out of it.
PICKLE RICK IS NOT A JOKE. IT IS A METHOD.
On my fiftieth birthday my kids gave me a Pickle Rick figure. It used to sit on my desk at work. I do not talk about Rick and Morty as much as I watch it. It is my favorite show, and the grandpa is the character my family thinks I resemble.[20][21][58] I will take the comparison. Rick is the smartest being in that universe. He does not want to go to family therapy. So he turns himself into a pickle on the workbench to challenge himself: if I remove my own tools, can I still win?
The family leaves. It rains. A cat knocks him off the bench. He has no arms and no legs. He is a mouth and a pair of eyes. He rolls into the sewer. He bites the heads off rats, hijacks their biology, builds himself a filthy little warrior body, conquers the sewer, knocks over a drug cartel, and still ends up in therapy on time. He does not escape the appointment. He survives the condition. That is the part my family recognized. That is the part I recognized.
When I say I am going through something, Pickle Rick is the cleanest picture I have. I did not want to stay in a chair I no longer believed in. I also did not want to pretend I was above the fight. So I put myself in a hard spot on purpose. I wanted to measure how the universe responds when the old furniture gets carried out and the new owners start talking about compliance. I wanted to know whether God protects His tools or just uses them up. I wanted to know whether free will exists or whether the only choice a hammer gets is which nail it hits first.
People hear “I turned myself into a pickle” and think I am being cute. I am not being cute. I am describing a method. If hardship is coming anyway, you can at least choose the shape of it. Rick chose the pickle to dodge therapy and accidentally ran a graduate seminar in survival. I chose a season of stripped tools to see what was left when the title, the office, and the illusion of being indispensable were gone. The show is filthy. The theology is not. The theology is: do not confuse comfort with calling, and do not confuse a workbench with a grave.[47]
THE HAMMER OF GOD AND THE QUESTION I RESENT
I have said for a while that I feel like the hammer of the Holy Spirit. I do not always want the job. When I try not to be it, the reminder comes back in the grain of things: in the biological world of Earth, you are My hammer. I had about twenty years when day-to-day life was pretty good. Then the weather changed. I wrote the book. The book named a structure. The structure pushed back.
Here is the part that makes me mad, and I am not going to baptize the anger so it sounds pious. If God made the universe, why does He need a hammer that talks back? Why this tool? Why not a better one? The head of a hammer after a carpenter has been on a roof all day is not a glamorous object. Nobody envies the steel. They envy the house. I look at the pain that followed the manuscript and I ask the obvious question: why can’t You do a cleaner job of running Your own shop, God?
The answer that keeps coming back is the one I like least. You were not created for your own enjoyment. You may taste wine. You may love a grandchild’s chicken nugget day. Those are real pleasures. They are not the purpose. They are incentives and mercies inside an assignment. If you buy a hamster a wheel and a salt block, the hamster has pleasures. The hamster does not own the living room.[39]
Read the garden that way and a lot of sentimental religion falls over. We were put in Eden as stewards, image-bearers, a living toolset meant to extend heaven’s order into earth. The wrath in the garden is not the tantrum of a needy parent. It is the fury of a craftsman whose instrument started taking orders from the competition.[39] I view the human race as a way of copying God’s work on earth as it is in heaven. I think we were made the way we now make AI: as combat capacity against elements that do not love the garden. The disaster was not that we were tools. The disaster was that we were easily seduced off the task. That is Paradise Lost in one paragraph.
Isaiah can call Assyria a rod in the Lord’s hand and still hold Assyria responsible.[45] Paul can call a thorn a messenger and still plead three times for it to leave.[44] Hebrews can call hardship evidence of sonship rather than abandonment.[37] None of that makes the hammer feel better at 2 a.m. It does keep the hammer from lying about the job.
WE WERE NOT CREATED FOR OUR OWN PLEASURE
We do not exist for our own pleasure. We are given the opportunity to experience pleasure through taste and the rest of the senses. A good meal is not a sin. A good day with grandchildren is not a bribe I have to refuse. But we are not promised a comfortable life as the point of the contract. Pleasure is used to incentivize the right thing. It is not the right thing.
If you read the Bible as a prosperity brochure you will hate this essay, and you will hate Milton, and you will hate half the Psalms. The theme is not “God wants you on a yacht.” The theme is that suffering is in the plot because the plot is a war, not a spa.[38] Remove the suffering and you do not get a better book. You get a brochure. Satan suffers. Milton suffers. Christ suffers. The people who tell you the Holy Spirit only produces serenity have not read the sources they quote. Suffering is the key theme of life, but why?
I resent the binary when it is put crudely: suffer or serve. I have spent a career arguing about limited government, competent companies, and whether a shop can hit a number without lying. Those are debates with room in them. Then you get told the deeper game does not offer the same menu. You can choose a method of pain. You cannot choose a universe with no pain and still tell the truth about evil. I do not like those two options. I am not required to like them. I am required not to pretend a third option exists just because I have a personality.
BUSINESS FLIPPERS, COMPLIANCE AS A COSTUME, AND WHY I LEFT
I was a high-level senior executive at a very good company. I put a lot of love into that place for a long time. The owner passed away. I had made promises. Some members of that world I liked. Loyalty is a real thing. It is also how a man stays in a room after the room has changed species.
New buyers arrived. A new management group set up across the hall. I was the old furniture. They put up with me for the politics of the transition. I did not like their furniture either. I have used the house-flipper analogy for context. You have seen the type in every neighborhood. They buy a tired house, lay cheap carpet, spray a smell that means “new,” and sell at the top of the market. The same rot is still in the joists. There is a corporate version of that man. He distresses a business, especially a business coming out of COVID, puts a coat of process on it, talks about compliance, and tries to ride someone else’s years of work to an exit.[41]
I have sympathy for what a political and regulatory vise can do to a company. I have watched FirstEnergy’s public wreck and recognized the pattern of a firm pushed toward the brink by forces that are not all on the shop floor.[40] I have also watched incompetent men use “the last guys cut corners” as a story that excuses their inability to sell. The turtle calls the rabbit a criminal because the turtle cannot run. Then the turtle staffs the building with people who are good at hiding inside rules they did not write. Compliance becomes a costume for ineptitude. That costume works until the payroll has to be borrowed and the people who used to make the place go start asking for a door.
There was a man across from me I will not decorate. He was a low character kind of person. The kind of person who would whistle at a girl on the sidewalk and call it charm. Not biblically inclined. He sat there and farted through the day like the air belonged to him. Pirates used to be a romance my oldest daughter and I could share. I do not like pirates as much as I used to. These were pirates who wanted to steal wealth other people had built, and when they could not find the well they blamed the previous management for having known where the water was.
I made it easy for them to want me gone, and I was glad to go. They paid me a lot of money to leave. I took it. I wanted that message in the air. I know what it costs to perform at a certain level. I know what happens to a payroll when you replace operators with flippers. I am not going to let them loaf off my work and then baptize their slowness as virtue.
WHAT I TOLD THE PEOPLE WHO WANT THEIR JOBS BACK
Since I left, the place has struggled to hit the numbers they thought would be easy. People who used to work with me have been asking if I can give them a job. I told them the truth. I am not quite ready. Give me a month. Give me two. I am Pickle Rick right now. That means I am on the workbench without the old tools, testing what I can survive, and I am not going to hire a rescue party before I have a body again.
I did what I could for employees while I was there. I am not obligated to become the emergency exit for every person the new owners disappoint. I also know how this works. When you are the person who can still hit a number, every frightened staffer wants to climb onto your back. If you let them do it during the pickle phase, you never find out whether you can crawl through the sewer on your own. I will keep them in mind. I will not pretend I am already staffed for a company I have not rebuilt.
This is why I talk about swinging for the fences. I want there to be free will in the universe. I am testing the market to see if it exists. I suspect the deeper layer does not offer as much of it as American speeches claim. I still act as if a man can choose his method. God protects His tools from being eradicated because He still wants them in the box. That is not the same thing as promising the tool a beach.
JONATHAN EDWARDS, AI, AND THE SCHOOL OF AFFLICTION
One of the useful things about these machines is that if a dead man left a large enough paper trail, you can have a conversation that stays inside his mind instead of your fan fiction. Jonathan Edwards left that kind of trail.[22][23][52] I wanted Edwards and I wanted the Holy Spirit in the same room as Milton. I wanted to ask whether the Spirit acted alone when a blind, politically ruined man wrote the English language’s most ambitious poem, or whether competing spirits were trying to interrupt the work.
Edwards, as the machine rendered him from his actual body of writing, would not give me the lonely-bubble theory. He would give me spiritual warfare. Satan as the adversary. Affliction as the school. The resurrection as public victory rather than a mood.[24][54] When I pressed him on hope versus conviction, the distinction mattered. Hope can be a wish. Conviction says providence already governs the story and the empty tomb is not a pep talk. Milton did not write Paradise Lost as optimism. He wrote it as a claim about the government of all things.
I told Edwards—this will sound comic, and I meant it—that he ought to watch some Rick and Morty. The principle is older than Adult Swim. Hardship comes. A man may choose a posture inside it. Fire purifies gold. Affliction strips the earthly props so a man has to lean on God or collapse.[25][26] Milton’s blindness did not merely add atmosphere. It took away the last ordinary supports. My pickle season is a cruder picture of the same school. I do not like the school. I have stopped pretending I am only visiting.
Edwards would say our choice does not dethrone providence. I can live with that sentence if I am allowed the other half of it: providence does not make the flipper innocent, and it does not make the hammer mute. Augustine already knew the two cities grow in the same field.[27] Father Schall already knew heaven and hell have political consequences on earth.[28] I am not inventing a subject. I am refusing to keep it in the seminary basement while the shop floor gets looted.
SATAN’S RHETORIC AND THE RIVALS OF YAHWEH
Milton understood something Hollywood keeps cheapening. Evil is not only a cartoon villain. Evil is a rhetoric. It sounds like liberty. It sounds like injured merit. It sounds like “who wrote these rules?” It recruits the part of you that is tired of being a tool. Then it builds a capital named Pandemonium and calls the construction project freedom.
I do not think Yahweh, the Son, and the Spirit are alone in a big empty universe. I think the biblical writers already told us there is a contested field. I think some of what the age of disclosure is circling—UAP, non-human intelligence, the old folklore Jacques Vallée and John Keel tried to drag into the modern conversation—will not make sense if you insist that the only two categories are “space aliens” and “nothing.”[29][30][46] I like Keel. I like the older investigators who refused to flatten every light in the sky into either a sermon or a saucer. My book is an effort to put a political order back on the spirit side of the ledger. If heaven has politics, disclosure is not a press conference. It is a jurisdiction fight.
God may be the creator of this frame and still not be the mascot of the way we prefer to imagine Him. Scale is grotesque. Quantum and cosmic sizes make our arguments look like ants debating a cathedral. That does not make the ants imaginary. It makes their pride funny and their assignment still binding. I have used the image of cells in a body, worlds inside worlds, not because I want a new cult, but because the lonely-monarch model cannot explain the evidence the Bible itself keeps putting on the table.
NOAH’S ARK, THE GARDEN, AND THE BREADCRUMBS
I said on the podcast I would get to a wonderful and contested piece of news out of Turkey. I will not oversell it. The Durupınar Formation near Mount Ararat has been a boat-shaped argument since 1959. In 2026 an international team under Prof. Cenker Atila spent a field season there with radar, mapping, pottery fragments, and something like a thousand soil samples. Enthusiasts hear ark. Geologists hear hill. I hear a breadcrumb.[31][32]
I do not need a tourist ticket to believe Genesis. I also do not think it is an accident that the old stories keep growing physical arguments at the edge of respectable attention. The garden, the flood, the tower, the temple, the empty tomb—these are not self-help metaphors. They are claims about a contested earth. If you flatten them into Sunday-school felt boards, you will not understand why naming them in a book might make a man’s ordinary life get louder.[53]
AI AS A TOOL IN A LOPSIDED WAR
I said at the start that AI is a tool mankind created to fight a battle whose rules have been lopsided against us. I mean that. The people who want the tool banned and the people who want the tool worshiped are both useful to the wrong side. One leaves you unarmed. The other puts a new idol on the workbench and calls it a colleague. I use the machine the way I use a press or a spreadsheet. I do not let it baptize itself.
Talking to a reconstructed Jonathan Edwards is not necromancy. It is literacy plus memory. If the paper trail is thick enough, the conversation can be more honest than a living panel that only knows three quotations. That is one more way to steal fire back. The rivals of God have always preferred a dark information environment. Flood the zone with noise, mock the old books, keep Milton on the exam and out of the bloodstream. Then act surprised when a generation cannot tell a rebel from a savior.
I am not the Holy Spirit. I am not Milton. I am not Edwards. I am a man from Ohio who ran things, wrote things, and got tired of watching low-character people call their appetite a strategy.[57] If it is presumptuous to say I have been driven in a way that rhymes with the old driven men, the alternative is worse: that nothing is driving anyone and the sewer is all there is. I have looked at the sewer. I do not believe it is all there is.
FINDING PARADISE AGAIN IS THE WORK
The point is not to mourn a lost garden as if the story ended at the gate. Milton did not end there. Michael’s vision runs forward. The Messiah is not a footnote. Adam and Eve walk out together. The human story begins in motion, not in a museum of regret.[42]
Bringing paradise back under God’s glory, in the only sense a mortal can mean that sentence, means you have to fight the local characters. My way of fighting is not a costume and not a rant. It is refusal. I will not let pirates live off my numbers. I will not let compliance theater hide a dead sales curve. I will not let a secular publishing mood decide whether heaven is allowed to have politics. I will not let a lonely-Spirit theology talk me out of the war the Bible itself describes.
If you are selected to be a tool, you do the job. You can complain on the way. I have. Complaining is not the same as laying the hammer down. The strain in a man’s voice when he says this stuff is not unbelief. It is the sound of someone who expected fairness to be the same thing as purpose and found out it isn’t.
CHICK-FIL-A, GRANDCHILDREN, AND WHY THE SUFFERING IS WORTH IT
I do not want to leave this where the dark would prefer it to end. A Saturday afternoon at Bridgewater Falls, Paradise Lost in the bag, grandchildren in the car, chicken nuggets from Chick-fil-A on the way home—that day made a lot of the rest of it worth carrying. I am not a monk. I am not a masochist. I am a grandfather who still thinks a good small day is part of the evidence. Pleasure is not the purpose. Pleasure is still a witness that the garden was real and that the world, even now, is not only sewer.
I am going to pickle Rick all the way through this stretch and see how it turns out. I think I know how it turns out. I think I am inclined to climb, and I think I am not permitted to choose my own demise even when I am angry at the assignment. That is either grace or a leash. On most days I can live with both words.
NOTES FOR LEADERS
If you lead anything—a company, a shop, a family, a church, a town—I would leave you with a short list, not a mood.
Do not confuse a fresh coat of paint with a resurrection. Flippers can smell like a new house. The joists still know.
Do not let compliance become your personality. Rules are tools. When they become a hiding place for people who cannot sell, build, or keep a promise, the rules have been captured.
Do not outsource your backbone to a publisher, a platform, or a committee. Heavy books have always had a hard time in soft rooms. That is not a verdict on the book.
Do not treat AI as either a god or a demon. Treat it as a tool in a fight that started before the tool existed.
Do not accept the lonely-Spirit model just because it is tidier. Read the war passages. Read Milton without becoming Satan’s intern. Read Edwards without becoming a museum.
Do not waste a pickle season. If you are going to be stripped of ordinary tools, learn what you still are. Then come back and hire the people who were worth hiring—on your terms, not on their panic.
In the age of disclosure, the press conference is the least important part of the event. The important part is whether you have a politics big enough for heaven, hell, the shop floor, and the garden that still has a gate. I wrote The Politics of Heaven because I got tired of watching serious people discuss power as if the only actors were human. They are not. They never were.
FOOTNOTES
[1] Dan Farah, dir., The Age of Disclosure (Farah Films, 2025), premiered at SXSW March 9, 2025; theatrical and Amazon Prime Video release November 21, 2025. The film presents testimony from more than thirty current and former U.S. officials concerning UAP and alleged non-human craft recovery programs.
[3] John Milton, Paradise Lost (1667; rev. 12-book edition, 1674). Milton recast the original ten-book poem to mirror Virgil’s Aeneid.
[4] Milton, Paradise Lost 1.1–26. The invocation addresses both a heavenly Muse and the Spirit that “from the first / Wast present, and with mighty wings outspread / Dove-like satst brooding on the vast Abyss.” Most Christian readers identify that Spirit with the Holy Spirit.
[5] William Riley Parker, Milton: A Biography, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968); Barbara K. Lewalski, The Life of John Milton (Oxford: Blackwell, 2000).
[6] Milton went completely blind by 1652. Paradise Lost was dictated to amanuenses, including his daughters. See Milton, Second Defence of the English People (1654), on blindness as inward sight rather than curse.
[7] Milton served the Commonwealth as Secretary for Foreign Tongues under the Council of State. After the Restoration of 1660 he was briefly imprisoned and narrowly escaped worse punishment as a defender of regicide.
[8] William Blake, The Marriage of Heaven and Hell (c. 1790–93): “The reason Milton wrote in fetters when he wrote of Angels & God, and at liberty when of Devils & Hell, is because he was a true Poet and of the Devil’s party without knowing it.”
[9] Percy Bysshe Shelley, A Defence of Poetry (written 1821; published 1840); and the preface to Prometheus Unbound (1820).
[10] Milton, Paradise Lost 1.254–255: “The mind is its own place, and in itself / Can make a Heav’n of Hell, a Hell of Heav’n.” And 1.263: “Better to reign in Hell, than serve in Heav’n.”
[11] Milton, Paradise Lost 4.75: “Which way I fly is Hell; myself am Hell.”
[12] Milton, Paradise Lost 3.98–99: “I made him just and right, / Sufficient to have stood, though free to fall.”
[13] Genesis 3; compare Milton’s long domestic and psychological treatment of the Fall in Books 9–10 with the brevity of the biblical narrative.
[14] Mary Shelley, Frankenstein; or, The Modern Prometheus (1818). The Creature finds a copy of Paradise Lost and identifies with both Adam and Satan.
[15] Philip Pullman, His Dark Materials (1995–2000), an explicit inversion of Milton in which the “Fall” is treated as the birth of consciousness.
[16] C. S. Lewis, A Preface to Paradise Lost (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1942). Lewis argues that Romantic sympathy for Satan misreads Milton’s hierarchical cosmos.
[17] Ephesians 6:12: “For we wrestle not against flesh and blood, but against principalities, against powers, against the rulers of the darkness of this world, against spiritual wickedness in high places.” (KJV)
[18] Psalm 82; Deuteronomy 32:8–9 (Dead Sea Scrolls / LXX reading); Michael S. Heiser, The Unseen Realm (Bellingham, WA: Lexham Press, 2015).
[19] Daniel 10:13, 20–21, on the “prince of Persia” and the “prince of Grecia” as territorial spiritual powers opposed to Michael.
[20] “Pickle Rick,” Rick and Morty, season 3, episode 3, written by Jessica Gao, directed by Anthony Chun, first broadcast Adult Swim, August 6, 2017.
[21] The figurine described is the popular Pickle Rick merchandising line associated with Adult Swim / Cartoon Network’s Rick and Morty.
[22] Jonathan Edwards, A Treatise Concerning Religious Affections (1746); Freedom of the Will (1754); “Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God” (1741).
[23] Thomas Nelson, The Jonathan Edwards Study Bible: NKJV, general editor Matthew Everhard (Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 2026).
[24] Edwards, “Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God,” preached at Enfield, Connecticut, July 8, 1741.
[25] Job 23:10; 1 Peter 1:6–7; Malachi 3:2–3 on affliction as refinement.
[26] Romans 8:28; Edwards’s doctrine of providence as meticulous, not merely general.
[27] Augustine, The City of God, Books XIV–XIX, on the interwoven cities of God and man.
[28] James V. Schall, S.J., The Politics of Heaven and Hell (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1984; Ignatius Press reprint).
[29] John A. Keel, The Mothman Prophecies (New York: Saturday Review Press, 1975); Operation Trojan Horse (1970). Keel treated many “UFO” events as interdimensional and folkloric rather than simply extraterrestrial.
[30] Jacques Vallée, Passport to Magonia (Chicago: Henry Regnery, 1969); Dimensions (1988); Wonders in the Sky (2009).
[31] The Durupınar Formation near Doğubayazıt, Ağrı Province, Turkey, identified in 1959 by Capt. İlhan Durupınar. 2026 field season led by Prof. Cenker Atila, Sivas Cumhuriyet University, with Noah’s Ark Scans and Bakhtar Research radar work. Pottery fragments and roughly 1,000 soil samples were reported; identification as Noah’s Ark remains unproven and is disputed by many geologists.
[32] Genesis 6–9; 2 Peter 2:5; Hebrews 11:7.
[33] Barnes & Noble Collectible Editions and related illustrated reprints of Paradise Lost; the Bridgewater Falls location is the Barnes & Noble at Bridgewater Falls, Miami Township / Monroe, Ohio.
[34] Milton coined or popularized “pandemonium” (Paradise Lost 1.756) as the capital of Hell.
[35] Orlando Reade, What in Me Is Dark: The Revolutionary Afterlife of Paradise Lost (London: Jonathan Cape / Princeton University Press, 2024).
[36] Stanley Fish, Surprised by Sin: The Reader in Paradise Lost (1967; 2nd ed. Harvard University Press, 1997). Fish argues Milton first seduces the reader into Satan’s rhetoric and then convicts the reader.
[37] Hebrews 12:5–11 on discipline as evidence of sonship, not abandonment.
[38] Matthew 10:34–39; Luke 12:49–53. The Gospels do not present discipleship as a yacht.
[39] Colossians 1:16; John 1:1–3; Genesis 1:26–28 on human beings as image-bearing stewards, not pets in a luxury habitat.
[40] FirstEnergy Corp. entered Chapter 11 in 2023 amid the Ohio House Bill 6 scandal and related investigations; the case is cited here as a public example of how a large enterprise can be pushed into financial peril by politics, regulation, and internal failure—not as a claim about the author’s employment.
[41] On “house flipper” private-equity and roll-up patterns in middle-market manufacturing after COVID-19, see general reporting in The Wall Street Journal and Private Equity International, 2021–2025.
[42] Milton, Paradise Lost 12.641–649: Adam and Eve leave Eden “hand in hand with wand’ring steps and slow.”
[43] Revelation 12:7–12; the war in heaven as the larger frame Milton dramatizes in Books 5–6.
[44] 2 Corinthians 12:7–10; Paul’s thorn and strength in weakness.
[45] Isaiah 10:5, 15 on Assyria as the rod and axe in the Lord’s hand—an instrument that still remains accountable.
[46] The phrase “age of disclosure” is used both as the title of Farah’s 2025 film and, more broadly, for the post-2017 public UAP turn that followed the New York Times AATIP reporting and the creation of AARO.
[47] Helene Wecker and others have noted the afterlife of Milton’s Satan in modern anti-hero culture; the point here is cultural, not a claim that Adult Swim intended a Milton commentary.
[48] Cromwell’s government and Milton’s political prose: Areopagitica (1644); The Tenure of Kings and Magistrates (1649); Eikonoklastes (1649).
[49] On traditional publishing’s risk aversion toward heavy theological-political manuscripts, see industry reporting in Publishers Weekly and the decline of midlist nonfiction lists after 2010.
[50] Gordon Campbell and Thomas N. Corns, John Milton: Life, Work, and Thought (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008).
[52] Jonathan Edwards, A Faithful Narrative of the Surprising Work of God (1737); A History of the Work of Redemption (posthumous).
[53] G. K. Beale, The Temple and the Church’s Mission (Downers Grove, IL: IVP Academic, 2004).
[54] N. T. Wright, Surprised by Hope (New York: HarperOne, 2008), on resurrection as public victory rather than private optimism.
[55] C. S. Lewis, The Screwtape Letters (1942), on bureaucratic evil and the unspectacular methods of spiritual opposition.
[56] Solzhenitsyn, The Gulag Archipelago (1973–78), on ideology as a lie that requires human instruments.
[57] Middletown / Warren and Butler Counties, Ohio, as the geographic frame of the author’s public writing and business life.
[58] Adult Swim / Williams Street, Rick and Morty created by Justin Roiland and Dan Harmon (2013– ).
[59] Virgil, Aeneid, trans. Robert Fagles (New York: Viking, 2006). Milton’s twelve-book revision deliberately courts comparison with Rome’s national epic.
[60] Homer, Iliad and Odyssey. Milton places himself in the line of blind bards: “blind Thamyris and blind Maeonides” (Paradise Lost 3.35).
BIBLIOGRAPHY AND FURTHER READING
This list is longer than a polite essay needs. That is the point. If you are going to argue about heaven’s politics you should know the shelf, not three quotations.
Scripture and Classical Theology
The Holy Bible. King James Version; New King James Version. Augustine of Hippo. The City of God. Especially Books XIV–XIX. Beale, G. K. The Temple and the Church’s Mission. Downers Grove, IL: IVP Academic, 2004. Heiser, Michael S. The Unseen Realm: Recovering the Supernatural Worldview of the Bible. Bellingham, WA: Lexham Press, 2015. Heiser, Michael S. Reversing Hermon. Crane, MO: Defender, 2017. Lewis, C. S. The Screwtape Letters. London: Geoffrey Bles, 1942. Lewis, C. S. The Great Divorce. London: Geoffrey Bles, 1945. Schall, James V. The Politics of Heaven and Hell: Christian Themes from Classical, Medieval, and Modern Political Philosophy. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1984. Wright, N. T. Surprised by Hope. New York: HarperOne, 2008. Wright, N. T. Paul and the Faithfulness of God. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2013.
Milton and the Afterlife of Paradise Lost
Milton, John. Paradise Lost. 1667. Revised twelve-book edition, 1674. Milton, John. Areopagitica. 1644. Milton, John. The Tenure of Kings and Magistrates. 1649. Milton, John. Second Defence of the English People. 1654. Campbell, Gordon, and Thomas N. Corns. John Milton: Life, Work, and Thought. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008. Fish, Stanley. Surprised by Sin: The Reader in Paradise Lost. 1967. 2nd ed. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997. Fowler, Alastair, ed. Milton: Paradise Lost. 2nd ed. London: Longman, 1998. Lewis, C. S. A Preface to Paradise Lost. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1942. Lewalski, Barbara K. The Life of John Milton. Oxford: Blackwell, 2000. Parker, William Riley. Milton: A Biography. 2 vols. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968. Quint, David. “Things Invisible to Mortal Sight”: Light, Vision, and the Unity of Book 3 of Paradise Lost. Modern Language Quarterly 71, no. 3 (2010). Reade, Orlando. What in Me Is Dark: The Revolutionary Afterlife of Paradise Lost. London: Jonathan Cape, 2024. Blake, William. The Marriage of Heaven and Hell. c. 1790–93. Including Blake’s later watercolors for Paradise Lost. Shelley, Percy Bysshe. A Defence of Poetry. Written 1821; published 1840.
Edwards, Awakening, and Providence
Edwards, Jonathan. A Faithful Narrative of the Surprising Work of God. 1737. Edwards, Jonathan. “Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God.” Sermon preached at Enfield, Connecticut, July 8, 1741. Edwards, Jonathan. A Treatise Concerning Religious Affections. 1746. Edwards, Jonathan. Freedom of the Will. 1754. WJE vol. 1. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1957. Edwards, Jonathan. A History of the Work of Redemption. Posthumous. Everhard, Matthew, gen. ed. The Jonathan Edwards Study Bible: NKJV. Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 2026. Marsden, George M. Jonathan Edwards: A Life. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003. McClymond, Michael J., and Gerald R. McDermott. The Theology of Jonathan Edwards. New York: Oxford University Press, 2012.
Spiritual Warfare, Unseen Realm, and Disclosure
Farah, Dan, dir. The Age of Disclosure. Farah Films, 2025. SXSW premiere March 9, 2025; Prime Video November 21, 2025. Keel, John A. Operation Trojan Horse. New York: Putnam, 1970. Keel, John A. The Mothman Prophecies. New York: Saturday Review Press, 1975. Vallée, Jacques. Passport to Magonia. Chicago: Henry Regnery, 1969. Vallée, Jacques. Dimensions: A Casebook of Alien Contact. Chicago: Contemporary Books, 1988. Vallée, Jacques, and Chris Aubeck. Wonders in the Sky. New York: Tarcher/Penguin, 2009. Elizondo, Luis. Forthcoming and prior public testimony associated with AATIP and the disclosure debate, 2017–2026. New York Times. Helene Cooper, Leslie Kean, and Ralph Blumenthal. “Glowing Auras and ‘Black Money’: The Pentagon’s Mysterious U.F.O. Program.” December 16, 2017. Atila, Cenker, and collaborators. 2026 Durupınar Formation field season reporting, Sivas Cumhuriyet University / Noah’s Ark Scans / Bakhtar Research radar deployment. Identification of the formation as Noah’s Ark remains unproven.
Literature, Myth, and Modern Retellings
Homer. Iliad and Odyssey. Virgil. Aeneid. Trans. Robert Fagles. New York: Viking, 2006. Shelley, Mary. Frankenstein; or, The Modern Prometheus. 1818. Pullman, Philip. His Dark Materials. 3 vols. 1995–2000. Gao, Jessica, writer. “Pickle Rick.” Rick and Morty, season 3, episode 3. Adult Swim, August 6, 2017. Harmon, Dan, and Justin Roiland, creators. Rick and Morty. Adult Swim, 2013– . Solzhenitsyn, Aleksandr. The Gulag Archipelago. 1973–1978.
Business, Power, and the Shop Floor
Reporting on post-COVID middle-market acquisitions, add-on roll-ups, and operational distress. The Wall Street Journal; Private Equity International, 2021–2025. Public record of FirstEnergy Corp. restructuring and the Ohio House Bill 6 investigations, 2020–2024. Hoffman, Rich. The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business. Prior volume in the author’s leadership line.
The Author’s Related Work
Hoffman, Rich. The Politics of Heaven. Forthcoming. Working essays serialized at richhoffmanbooks.com and overmanwarrior.wordpress.com. Hoffman, Rich. “Why I Had an AI Conversation with Jonathan Edwards.” 2026. Hoffman, Rich. “Is God an Idiot: I don’t want to serve a king; I want allies who want to fight and defeat a vast evil.” 2026. Hoffman, Rich. “The Twenty-Dollar Jar I Left on My Desk.” 2026. Hoffman, Rich. “Joseph’s Cup: What a Coffee-Shop Sign Showed Me About How Evil Actually Works.” 2026.
Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.
I have been living inside a new Bible. Not a novelty Bible. Not one of those thin inspirational editions that treat Scripture like a greeting card. The Jonathan Edwards Study Bible, New King James Version, edited by Dr. Matthew Everhard and published by Thomas Nelson in August of 2026. I cannot say enough about it. The notes are Edwards. The sermons sit next to the text. The Resolutions are there. The miscellany system is explained so a man can actually work the way Edwards worked. Every time I pick up a different Bible, I change perspective a little. This one changed it a lot.
I was going through it, and I couldn’t help thinking about a miracle that doesn’t get preached the way it should. Not only the crucifixion. Not only the empty tomb. The miracle that Christianity emerged at all. That the word got out. That a Jewish movement in a backwater of the Roman Empire became the operating system of Western civilization. I want to talk about Christianity as a military and commercial endeavor—not instead of the spiritual, but as the way the spiritual actually conquered. What benefit did Christianity bring to the race and to civilization? Magnificent. And I keep thinking, reading Edwards, how many movements rose and fell that we will never know about because the writing did not survive, or it is still buried in the desert waiting to be discovered. We know Christianity because it was documented, scaled, and defended by men who understood value.
King Charles, the Quran, and Knowing Where You Are
I saw King Charles in England talking about the holy book of the Quran, how we have to respect it, all that progressive mantra that is designed to undo Western civilization. You need to know where you are. You need to know your own nation’s history. I have read the Quran for years. I cannot say there is anything in any version I’ve read that has the spiritual and intellectual merit I get from Edwards. Edwards is a good writer. He is a great mind under pressure. He is the kind of intelligence that contemplates large ideas and then puts them into a form a civilization can use. If you want to know what the United States began as—a Christian nation in the serious sense, not the slogan sense—this Bible is the right tool.
Somebody asked me if I was working for the publisher because I have been pushing this volume so hard. I am not. I want them to make money. Scholars spent years, decades of work behind them, putting Edwards next to the text so a man in 2026 can buy it on the open market and think. How do you make a living long enough to produce something intelligent? How do you buy a hamburger and still have thousands of hours left to put a mind like Edwards in one place? That question is not small. It is the same question Paul answered with a needle and goat hair.
Paul Was a Businessman. That is why we still have Christianity.
My favorite book in the Bible is Ephesians. Paul wrote it. I think a lot of people confuse Paul with John. John wrote Revelation. John is the one who survived—tradition says they tried to boil him and he lived, and then he wrote. They killed Paul in Rome, most likely sometime between 64 and 67. People mix the two up. They should not. John is the seer. Paul is the scaler.
Paul came in late. He was against Jesus, and then he was for Jesus. Many people in the world might find themselves in that place. He was a Pharisee, educated, and a tentmaker. The original disciples, when they were still following Jesus around Galilee, were mostly fishermen. Dirt poor. I tend to see that first circle as an early form of communal living—they held things in common, lived off shared provision, and took care of their own. Historians generally see the Jerusalem church in Acts as voluntary generosity inside a tight, persecuted community, not a formal communist system. It was “we take care of our own,” not a political ideology. And it did not last as a model. It could not scale.
Paul’s idea came from a businessman. Because of Paul, we still have Christianity today. That is not a slight against Peter or James or John. It is an observation about how movements survive. The dramatic turn—from hunting the church to becoming its biggest champion after the Damascus Road—matters. His background as a tentmaker and an educated Pharisee gave him a different toolkit than the original disciples. He could travel. He could talk to Gentiles. He could write letters that functioned as operating manuals. Without the missionary journeys and without letters like Ephesians, Christianity might have stayed a small Jewish sect. He brought structure, theology, and a scalable vision.
Financial Independence Is Not a Side Note. It Is the Strategy.
The part of Paul that made him effective with people initially against the movement is the part churches don’t like to talk about on Sunday. He did not have to live off a handout. He could be bold, even if he went a little over the edge, because he was financially independent enough from his trade to go against the grain and reshape a movement. That personal independence—having a trade, having a bank account from business days—gave him latitude. Everybody else emphasized martyrdom. Martyrdom is remembered. Martyrdom does not stay around long enough, or hold enough social influence, to make people listen after the body is gone. They were easily disposed of, crucified, written into history as a memento. It takes more than that to make a movement work.
Paul knew how to scale ideas. Ephesians is the proof. He supported himself while traveling and preaching, so he wasn’t as vulnerable to local pressure or to needing one house to feed him. That freedom let him be bolder in the message and push boundaries without worrying about immediate survival. The other apostles were deeply rooted in the Jewish context. Paul was building something that could outlast any single leader. The shift from “follow me to death” to “this truth can transform anyone, anywhere” is the difference between a local witness and a civilization.
If Paul had never converted, I think the movement would have fizzled. The Roman world was full of rebellions and religious groups we have never even heard of. Without his organizational skill and his ability to take the message beyond Jewish circles, Christianity likely stays small, localized, and eventually fades like the rest. His conversion and his strategic vision gave him a unique angle on the bigger picture. I wonder how many political efforts to overthrow or outlast Rome rose and fell that we will never know about. Paul would have been one of them if he had stayed Saul.
Ephesians 6:12 and the Politics of Heaven
My favorite verse is Ephesians 6:12. I love that line because it is a truth revealed to a mind under tremendous pressure, telling the grim reality of the human race. “For we do not wrestle against flesh and blood, but against principalities, against powers, against the rulers of the darkness of this age, against spiritual hosts of wickedness in the heavenly places.” Paul is preaching monotheism against the tides of the day, against a Roman world that had many gods, and he comes up with the idea that the secret rulers of existence are not the men in front of you. Thank goodness he had the creative nerve to write it that way.
I recognize that verse because I’ve learned it the hard way. The true reality of the universe is that good people end up hurting each other while chasing things that don’t matter, and the reason isn’t always the name on the driver’s license. It is the entities behind the people. Our mistake is stopping at Tim or Bob or Bill. I don’t remember names the way other people want me to. I care about the principalities that climb into bodies and drive them. The flesh-and-blood parts—whose nose looks like the father, whose hair color came from the great-grandfather—mean little to me. The politics of the principality does.
I have a granddaughter a few years old. I watch her walk, run, pick things up, touch the world, learn who is important and who is not. Those bonds will go through her entire life—parents, uncles, cousins, grandparents—even when she is forty or fifty. She is writing those meetings into her experience as she learns. We all go through that. But what was the human being before the human being? What is a person’s spiritual essence before it manifests in flesh and blood? What is the politics of that principality? That is the kind of thing I think about. A personality there is not rooted only in genetic material. We are not always what we are as defined by the human experience. We are what we are whether it manifests or not.
When Does the Principality Enter the World?
People want a clean answer on conception, quickening, birth. I think the principalities are already at work when a mother and father find themselves wanting to form a union to produce a child. They either will themselves into the world or wield the world toward its demise. Human beings create political systems that reflect that dependency because we learned to become flesh, and we rarely see the principal active behind the desire. We are stuck seeing the physical side. The human experience starts to feel like actors on a stage, with invisible directors.
That is why the incarnation is such a radical move. God of the universe taking form as a human being, the Spirit moving through people—if you only watch flesh, it looks strange. If you watch principalities, it looks like the only way to break through hidden influences and meet us in the middle of the mess. Human beings are not the whole problem. The forces that drive the human being are. If you measure your value only by how much you sacrifice yourself to other human beings, you can feed the wrong powers and call it virtue. I have an awful lot of friends in that place. To be nice, I will put my wife in that category. She is a person who will sacrifice as a mother, as a wife, as a community member, so that something good can happen. A lot of people judge their value in the world by what they are willing to give up. Hidden power resides behind the efforts of everything we interact with. You have to know what you are serving.
Paul and the Apostles Did Not Get Along. That Is Why It Worked.
Christianity did not spread as a locked-arm kumbaya. Paul fought the original apostles. The clashes were open. Peter was vocal. The question of Gentiles, purity, who is in and who is out—those were not polite committee meetings. It is amazing Christianity even made it. The Jerusalem circle wanted purity. Keep the impure out. Paul wanted scale. Include the nations. If the purity party had won clean, there would have been no movement that could leave Judea. There would have been no Edwards. There would have been no Washington. There would have been no Lincoln. Christianity does not break out of being a Jewish sect without Paul’s vision for the Gentile world.
I mentioned Nancy Nix in the video because that is how this works in real life. I was at Fort Necessity, walking around the bookstore outside the theater, and she called. She represents Republican politics in my community in Butler County, Ohio. We do not talk every five seconds. We talk a good deal. We think alike about a lot of things. She was having a particular problem—kids not playing well in the sandbox, twenty-five people in a room with twenty-five backgrounds and twenty-five ideas of right and wrong, and you have to point them in one direction. That is the same problem Paul had. How do you bring people together and make a movement voters, or believers, can actually trust? Real movements are made in that mess. Not by people who only keep the circle pure. By people who can stand the friction and still build.
Fort Necessity, Mount Vernon, Ford’s Theatre, Gettysburg
If Paul met Jesus on the road to Damascus, my wife and I had Fort Necessity on a wrong turn. We were headed toward Washington. We took a wrong turn onto the National Road with the camper. Hard to turn a camper around in the mountains. We were too far in to go back, so we kept going and drove right by Necessity. I pulled into the big parking lot to turn around. I went back into the camper for a Mello Yello. She said we were already an hour and a half off schedule; we were here- why not go into the museum? So we did. March or April 2026. Cool. Not crowded. A Wednesday afternoon, and we had the place to ourselves. I walked the ground where a young George Washington learned what command costs.
A few months later the Washington movie came out, and we went to see it. I was already thinking about what made Washington Washington. The Great Awakening—the idea of a people who could stand up against the mother country—was coming out of churches. Edwards was in the air those men breathed. Then the same year I got to Mount Vernon, to the grave where Washington and Martha overlook the Potomac, into the house, into the room. I have been interested in the influence on his day-to-day life. Edwards is one of those influences. I was thinking about Edwards before this Bible existed. Then this is the year they put the Study Bible together. That is not an accident in my calendar.
A couple of days after Necessity, my friend Nancy called while I was in that library. A couple of days after that, my wife and I were in Gettysburg. We had already been in Washington. We took a whole day for Ford’s Theatre. I stood at the door of the box Booth walked through to shoot Lincoln in the back of the head. I had been at the White House that morning. Assassination attempts on Trump were in my head—the Butler, Pennsylvania picture, blood down the face. I was ready to leave and get a sandwich. My wife wanted to go across the street to see where Lincoln had died. We had made friends with a tour guide, a Park Service man who gives the presentation on stage. He saw we were abnormally interested. He took us to the Petersen House, to the room where Lincoln died. A little chair sat by the bed. I sat there a long time. No ghosts. A good museum. A man who works that room every day and understood where I was.
I sat there thinking what Lincoln was thinking as he bled out. I think he was thinking about the creation of the United States. I think he was thinking about the men who had already given their lives. I think the moral language in his pocket went back through the Awakening to Edwards. Then we spent days on the Gettysburg field with the RV. Maps. Day one, day two, day three. Temperature. What the soldiers felt like. I had this overwhelming thought that Edwards—the sermons, the memos of the Awakening in a man’s kit—helped Union soldiers hold together long enough to win, and Lincoln put everything on that hold. Day three. Cemetery Ridge. A republic built on Christian values against an aristocracy that still wanted Europe’s old arrangement. That does not happen without a moral backbone. That backbone does not happen without Edwards. Edwards does not happen in the form that made America without a Christianity that could already scale. That Christianity does not happen without Paul.
Trump Is a Lot Like Paul
A lot of people in the political circles I run in are asking what we are supposed to be doing. Trump has been in the White House. He has held Bibles. He has tried to bring old tradition back into the public eye. I don’t know that Trump is “into it” the way a seminary man is. He is a businessman. In many ways, Trump is a lot like Paul. We were given a second chance because a man with a messy former life and a real business ability sat Christians and conservatives down at a table of political power they would not have had otherwise. Charlie Kirk and a lot of others got a larger platform because of that. Things are better because of it. It does not always come in the package you would have designed on a Sunday morning. Paul did not either.
Both used a practical scaling mindset. Neither arrived as the saint the purity party wanted. Both made the movement larger than the room that wanted to keep it small. That is the comparison. I catch some of that same spirit in Edwards—the hope in the sermons that God would walk with a people onto the battlefields of life and that justice would be served. There are always difficulties. A remnant will always rather dismantle what was built than build on it. I am saying no. We need to build on what we built here and continue it productively.
The Second Great Awakening Will Not Come From Washington
We always focus on Washington and Franklin and Jefferson and Adams. What made them? The first Great Awakening made the moral weather they walked through. A Second Great Awakening will not come from the Trump administration as a program. The administration can facilitate space. It cannot preach it. It has to come from churches and Bibles and men who will talk in public. Putting this Edwards Bible together helps people recover the first so we can form another.
What does a modern awakening look like? A lot of people despise AI. They do not like Elon Musk. They think we are headed for Age of Ultron, Tony Stark trying to fix the world and creating new problems. I am having a public conversation with a human-created intelligence on purpose. That does not mean we end up the villain. I think the next awakening is going to use the technology we created to serve the old fire—real-time reference, real-time argument, people able to spy on a serious conversation from their own house at whatever hour they can stand it. Churches on Sunday give you the names and the memorize-the-event version. They do not give you the psychology of why the thing worked. That is why this conversation matters.
The biggest threat to the legacy is not a missile. It is an anti-business movement aimed at the root of what Paul brought into Christianity: a sense of value, then that value carried into a relationship with the everlasting, with the principalities beyond flesh and blood. When people attack business and capital in Western culture, they are often attacking the mechanism that let Christianity endure long enough to shape law, ethics, and institutions. Paul’s business mindset did not just help Christianity. It shaped the DNA of a civilization that understood productivity and serving others as spiritual work. That came from a tentmaker who refused to live only on other people’s tables.
What I Want People to Take From This
Paul is why Christianity is a world force and not a forgotten Judean faction. Edwards is a large reason we have an America that could produce Washington and Lincoln. Washington and Lincoln are why a republic is left to defend.
I don’t think Jesus would say, “Take joy in melting their faces.” I think Jesus would do the thing that got Him in trouble: preach anyway, against the warnings, against the purity party, against the empire. Paul took that and made it travel. Edwards took that and made it American. We are due to take it again.
In the age of disclosure, you must understand the politics of heaven. Start with Paul. Start with Edwards.
Notes
1. The Jonathan Edwards Study Bible: Experience Abiding Joy in Christ (NKJV), general editor Dr. Matthew Everhard (Thomas Nelson, August 18, 2026). Study notes drawn from Edwards’s works; includes the Resolutions, an introduction to the Miscellanies note-taking system, and essays on Edwards’s theology and the First Great Awakening. Works of Jonathan Edwards are freely available at edwards.yale.edu.
2. Acts 18:2–3 identifies Paul, Aquila, and Priscilla as tentmakers (Greek skēnopoios). Cilicia, Paul’s home region, was known for cilicium, goat-hair cloth used in tents. Paul sometimes refused congregational support so the gospel would not look like a sales pitch (1 Corinthians 9; 1 Thessalonians 2:9; Acts 20:33–35).
3. Acts 2:44–45 and 4:32–35 describe voluntary sharing in the Jerusalem church. Most historians treat this as emergency generosity in a persecuted minority, not a transferable political economy. The model does not govern later Pauline congregations.
4. Ephesians 6:12 (NKJV): “For we do not wrestle against flesh and blood, but against principalities, against powers, against the rulers of the darkness of this age, against spiritual hosts of wickedness in the heavenly places.” Parallel language appears in Ephesians 1:21, 3:10; Colossians 1:16, 2:15; Romans 8:38; 1 Corinthians 15:24.
5. Early tradition places Paul’s martyrdom in Rome under Nero, commonly dated 64–67. The New Testament does not narrate the death. John of Patmos, associated by church tradition with the apostle John, is the figure tied to Revelation and to survival of attempted execution.
6. Conflicts over Gentile inclusion are recorded in Acts 15 and Galatians 2. Paul’s public confrontation with Peter at Antioch is one of the clearest internal fractures in the earliest movement.
7. Jonathan Edwards (1703–1758), pastor at Northampton, author of A Faithful Narrative of the Surprising Work of God (1737) and the Enfield sermon “Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God” (1741). The First Great Awakening (roughly 1734–1745) created the first intercolonial religious public in British America.
8. Fort Necessity National Battlefield, Farmington, Pennsylvania, marks Washington’s 1754 defeat in the opening of the French and Indian War. Mount Vernon; Ford’s Theatre and the Petersen House in Washington, D.C.; Gettysburg National Military Park.
9. Mark A. Noll, America’s God: From Jonathan Edwards to Abraham Lincoln (Oxford University Press, 2002), traces the theological line from the Awakening through the early republic and the Civil War era. Influence is cultural and moral, not a claim that Edwards sat in Lincoln’s cabinet.
10. The comparison of Trump to Paul is analogical: a commercially formed outsider who enlarges a religious-political coalition the purity faction would have kept small. It is not a claim of apostleship.
Bibliography
The Holy Bible, New King James Version. Nashville: Thomas Nelson.
The Jonathan Edwards Study Bible: Experience Abiding Joy in Christ (NKJV). Edited by Matthew Everhard. Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 2026.
Edwards, Jonathan. A Faithful Narrative of the Surprising Work of God. 1737.
Edwards, Jonathan. A Treatise Concerning Religious Affections. 1746.
Edwards, Jonathan. “Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God.” Enfield, Connecticut, July 8, 1741.
Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.
I have watched this movie before. In 2015 and 2016, and again in 2024, the same class of people tried to tell America that Donald Trump’s wealth was a character defect. They said a rich man could not be trusted, that success itself was the indictment, that gold, planes, and golf were proof he was “not like you.” Voters put him in the White House twice anyway, because they understood something the professional scolds never will: independence is an asset. A man who does not need the job is harder to own. That is the lesson Ohio Democrats and a handful of leftover Republican wreckers are now trying to unlearn with Vivek Ramaswamy, and it is why Amy Acton spent Labor Day weekend screaming that you cannot buy Ohio.
She needed a chant. What she got was a gaffe.
The Speech That Sounded Like a Person Running Out of Road
Watch the clip. Acton is at a union picnic with Pete Buttigieg in tow, doing the ritual of the lockdown years: I am a doctor, not a politician, becoming one right in front of your eyes. Then she starts barking that Vivek cannot buy the state, cannot buy Ohio, cannot buy us, cannot buy us, cannot buy us in Ohio, that is the end of this. It is the sort of thing a campaign writes on a whiteboard when the internals look ugly and the only remaining argument is envy. The crowd does not catch fire. She looks like she is trying to start a wave at a funeral.
This is the same Amy Acton Ohio already knows. She ran public health under Mike DeWine when the state was locked down, businesses were smashed, kids were sent home, and “follow the science” became a political religion. She collected awards for it. A lot of Ohioans collected unemployment, missed funerals, and watched their Main Streets die. You can call that public service if you like. I call it the record she has to run on, and it is why the “I’m just like you” routine lands like a lead pipe. She is not just like you. She is the woman who told you to stay home while the people who write the rules kept their salaries.
The wealth attack is even thinner. Vivek flew to watch tennis. He likes tennis. He used to be a ranked junior. He has a court. He went to the U.S. Open and he has been to Paris. Wealthy people do that. Trump never ran from Mar-a-Lago or the golf course; he wore the gold clip and the silk tie and said, yes, I did well, and if you vote for me I will try to make it so you can do well too. That is a producer’s message. Acton’s message is the opposite: he has money, therefore he is illegitimate, therefore hand the keys to the people who want to tax the successful and redistribute the proceeds to the discontented. That is not a governing philosophy. That is a ransom note.
Why Attacking Wealth Is a Loser’s Tell
I have been thinking lately about the Apostle Paul. He was effective in part because he had standing and independence. He was not a ward of the movement. He could travel, argue, and endure because he was not begging the crowd for his next meal. Politics is not the church, but the principle is the same. A candidate who has already won in the private economy does not need Columbus the way a career public-health administrator needs Columbus. Vivek does not need a government job. That is supposed to be a feature. The people yelling “you can’t buy Ohio” are announcing that they cannot raise comparable money and cannot compete on growth, so they will compete on resentment.
David Pepper and the rest of the chorus have been working this line for months: billionaire, private jet, not one of us. Fine. Then explain why Trump’s jets and clubs did not stop two national victories, and why Ohioans who want plants, capital, and jobs might prefer a man who has already built companies to a woman whose signature achievement was closing the state. You can dislike Vivek’s style. You can argue policy. What you cannot do, with a straight face, is pretend that enjoying a tennis match is a civic crime while the alternative is more of the administrative state that already had its turn.
The other half of this farce is intra-Republican sabotage. After a primary, Democrats lock arms around whoever they nominated, even when she sounds like a chalkboard dragged down a stairwell. A slice of the right still wants to pick the scab. Nick Fuentes types, leftover primary rivals, the professional “I told you so” circuit—anyone who would rather be right about a Republican’s flaws than win the state—keep feeding the same clip. They did it to Trump in 2016 and 2024. He won anyway because voters vote their interest when the noise dies down. A good economy and job creators in your state beat a sermon about how the other guy’s plane is too nice.
Then Came the Fair, and the Overnight Conversion of a Shove Into an Assassination Plot
The timing is the tell. After the Labor Day chant made her look unhinged, the campaign needed a new story. Sunday at the Canfield Fair, a 38-year-old local named Patrick Havas pushed through a tent crowd toward Acton with a phone up, as if he were recording or trying to get close enough to be seen. He knocked over older people. Security took him down. After the fact, deputies found two pistols and a Taser-style device on him. He did not draw the guns. He did not fire. He did not brandish. Ohio is a constitutional-carry state. Carrying is not the same thing as attempting murder. The charges reported were disorderly conduct and misdemeanor assault for the people he knocked down. Acton was unhurt. The people who fell were assessed and, according to the sheriff, did not seek further treatment.
That is a bad scene at a fair. It is not a martyrdom. Campaign statements still said an “armed individual lunged” and injured multiple people. National copy followed the verb. By Saturday night into Sunday the lead was written as if Ohio had just watched a political assassination attempt. If there were clean video of a man trying to kill her, it would have been on every screen before supper. What we got instead was language inflation: lunge, attack, armed, threat—while the actual police story is a large man barreling for a better look or a confrontation, knocking seniors like bowling pins, and getting piled on by Highway Patrol.
This attack story is just another Democrat Jussie Smollett story, trying to gain sympathy and voter support through fake news talking points. This is the fullness of the Acton operation: when the speech is a disaster, change the subject to danger. When you cannot raise on growth, raise on fear. When you cannot debate or raise money, accuse the other side of buying the state. Look how many sucker politicians jumped on the bandwagon without knowing all the facts, which again came out looking like Amy Acton is a loser candidate.
What Ohio Actually Chooses When the Cameras Leave
Acton will keep the unions, the people who want the next transfer payment, and the media that still thinks 2020 was her finest hour. She will keep Pepper on the ticket as proof that the old Democratic machinery is still in the room. She will keep calling Vivek rich, which he is, and hoping Ohio has forgotten that successful people are allowed to like tennis, football Saturdays, and a life that is not a permanent campaign stop.
I want a state that recruits producers instead of lecturing them. If a man with a billion dollars in assets spends a few thousand to fly to a match, that is not the scandal. The scandal is a political class that treats his success as the crime and her lockdown résumé as the credential. Trump never apologized for winning. Vivek should not apologize for a court, a jet, or a seat at the Open. The people who need him to grovel are the same people who needed Trump to grovel. They lost that argument twice.
Vote like you want the factories and the payrolls. When things got tough for Amy Acton in 2026 she turned to fake news. Which only made everything worse. She is the lockdown lady and is horrible in every way a politician can be, which we all had a front-row seat to in 2020 when she destroyed Ohio’s economy and told everyone they could be superheroes if only they wore a mask in public. That is the person running for governor in Ohio as a Democrat. A disaster on a good day. On a bad day, she is a fake news agent of destruction and drunkenness.
Notes
1. Acton’s Labor Day-weekend remarks with Buttigieg at the Cincinnati AFL-CIO picnic, including the “you cannot buy this state / you can’t buy us” repetition, circulated widely on September 5–6, 2026. See WLWT coverage of the Hamilton picnic and contemporaneous rally video.
2. Acton served as Ohio Department of Health director under Gov. Mike DeWine beginning in 2019 and became the public face of the state’s COVID restrictions.
3. Criticism of Ramaswamy’s travel and tennis included Acton’s own Labor Day-weekend post attacking a U.S. Open appearance and earlier opinion pieces on a July 4 Paris trip.
4. Ramaswamy’s tennis background (junior player, Cincinnati Open ball boy, regular Open attendee) is part of his public biography and prior campaign videos.
5. Canfield Fair incident, September 6, 2026: Patrick Havas, 38, of Canfield, pushed through the Mahoning County Democratic Party tent, knocked down older attendees, was detained by Ohio State Highway Patrol executive protection; weapons recovered after detention; no brandishing reported; charges reported as disorderly conduct and two counts of misdemeanor assault. Acton uninjured.
6. Constitutional carry in Ohio means possession of a concealed firearm, without more, is not itself an assassination attempt.
7. Public polling through late summer 2026 generally showed a toss-up to slight-Ramaswamy edge depending on the house, which is consistent with a campaign hunting for a reset narrative.
8. Intra-GOP sniping after contested primaries is a recurring feature of the Trump era; Democrats have typically consolidated faster around flawed nominees.
Bibliography
Acton for Governor. Campaign statements and Labor Day / Canfield Fair remarks, September 2026.
Ballotpedia. “Amy Acton.” Candidate biography and office history.
CNN. “Armed man arrested after pushing through crowd toward Ohio Democratic gubernatorial nominee.” September 6, 2026.
Columbus Dispatch. “Armed man arrested after lunging at Amy Acton at Canfield Fair.” September 6, 2026.
Cincinnati Enquirer. Nick Anderson, “Ramaswamy’s Paris trip an example of his disconnect with Ohioans.” July 8, 2026.
HuffPost. “Vivek Ramaswamy Slammed For Leaving Ohio And Attending The U.S. Open.” September 6, 2026.
Mahoning County Sheriff’s Office / Ohio State Highway Patrol statements on the Canfield Fair detention of Patrick Havas, September 6, 2026.
New York Times. “Armed Man Arrested After Charging Toward Democratic Candidate for Ohio Governor.” September 6, 2026.
The Nerd Stash. “‘You Can’t Buy Us’: Ohio Dem Amy Acton Sparks Backlash After Awkward Rally Chant Aimed at Vivek Ramaswamy.” September 6, 2026.
Washington Post. “Armed individual ‘lunged’ at Democrat nominee for Ohio governor, campaign says.” September 6, 2026.
Wikipedia. “2026 Ohio gubernatorial election.” Polling averages and race ratings as of early September 2026.
WLWT. “Pete Buttigieg campaigns for Amy Acton, Greg Landsman at Cincinnati AFL-CIO picnic.” September 6, 2026.
Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.
Pip: The Overmanwarrior has thoughts on party unity, and they are not delivered quietly.
Mara: Rich Hoffman’s recent writing zeroes in on one question: when does a county GOP chair’s public posture stop building the team and start doing the opposition’s work for them? Let’s start with the wine metaphor — and why it matters eight weeks before a midterm.
Don’t Sour the Wine: Lectures, Loyalty, and the Midterm Math
Mara: The post opens with a genuine acknowledgment that chairing a county party is hard, thankless work — and then pivots to a specific warning about what happens when the chairman’s message lands in print.
Pip: The Journal-News ran the new Butler County GOP chair’s priorities, and the quote that crystallized everything is this one: “The Republicans that are in office need to learn to cut spending and cut taxes, and I have not been seeing that happen, and it displeases me.”
Mara: That sentence is the spine of the argument. Once it’s in the paper, it belongs to every Democrat, every fence-sitter, and every volunteer quietly deciding whether this job is worth the abuse.
Pip: And the timing is the real problem. Democrats don’t have to beat Republicans if Republicans brand their own officeholders as failures eight weeks before Election Day. Kathy Wyenandt — cited here as the visible face of the Butler County Democratic Party — doesn’t need a majority tomorrow. She needs Republicans to do her turnout work for her.
Mara: The post draws a sharp distinction between the substance and the delivery. Cutting spending, reducing waste, watching the schools — those aren’t radical asks in a Republican county. The argument is tone, timing, venue, and target.
Pip: There’s a fast-food manager analogy in here that earns its keep. Barking works on teenagers folding boxes. It does not work on people you’re asking to put their name on a ballot, absorb the hate mail, and run again in two years.
Mara: The post also invokes David Kern — a Liberty Township trustee for 32 years who briefly chaired this same county party and, by the post’s account, discovered the hard way that herding quarreling Republicans is a different sport than fighting Democrats. That history, the argument goes, is sitting right there for anyone who wants to read it instead of repeating it.
Pip: And then there’s the Nicodemus point, which is doing real work. Nicodemus loved the message and still had to remain a functioning member of the priesthood. Serious politics is not a purity cult.
Mara: The post is direct about the arithmetic: the absolutist slice of the party is estimated well under 40 percent of Butler County Republicans, with the rest on the fence or transactional. Lecture the 60 percent as if they’re the problem, and you meet them later on the other side of the aisle — or at home on the couch.
Pip: The advice at the end is genuinely constructive. Bring the concerns to a closed session. Make the case. Help officeholders find the money and the coalition. Then go to the paper together.
Mara: The closing line lands the whole thing plainly: “Lecturing your own officeholders in the newspaper is how you do the Democrats’ work for them.”
Pip: Build the tent, inspect the team in private, cheer them in public. That’s the whole craft in one sentence.
Mara: The question of who gets to call themselves a team player — and who decides — isn’t going away before November. More on that next time.
Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.
Pip: The Overmanwarrior has a long memory and a short tolerance for school boards that treat a paid-off debt like a personal tragedy.
Mara: Rich Hoffman has one subject this episode: Lakota Local School District is back on the November ballot, and the case against it runs from enrollment projections to property-tax philosophy to who actually pays when apartments fill up.
Pip: Let’s start with the ballot itself and what the district is calling a non-increase.
No New Taxes, No Relief: Lakota Is Back on the Ballot
Mara: The core tension here is definitional — the district says this bond is not a tax increase, and the post argues that framing erases something real: the relief homeowners were about to receive.
Pip: The setup is precise. The Lakota Board voted on June 9, 2026, to place a bond before voters, and here is the sentence that does the most work: “You have been making a mortgage payment to the school district. The mortgage is almost paid off. Instead of celebrating the payoff, they want you to sign a new note for thirty-seven more years and call the signing a favor.”
Mara: The upshot is that a $223 million bond at 2.20 mills, timed to replace an expiring bond, keeps the bill identical — which means the cut you were owed never arrives. Collections begin in 2028, first due in 2029, right as the old debt dies.
Pip: And the $77-per-$100,000 headline is doing a lot of costume work. Liberty Township median sales run in the low-to-mid-500s. At $530,000, that’s roughly $408 a year — closer to a television than a rounding error, to borrow the post’s own framing.
Mara: The post also goes after the enrollment story the campaign depends on. District slides from September 2025 projected 19,074 students by 2033. But FutureThink, the consultants the district itself hired, delivered a March 2026 study showing 2025-26 enrollment at 16,913 and a ten-year path drifting toward the mid-sixteen thousands — not racing toward nineteen thousand.
Pip: So the spike that justifies a thirty-seven-year note may not be arriving on schedule.
Mara: There’s also the 2025 context. Last November’s package failed 60.81 percent to 39.19 percent — a $506.4 million bond plus a permanent-improvement levy. The post calls Phase One the same philosophy in a smaller first bite, and notes that Lakota’s general-fund operation already runs near $226 million annually for one suburban district.
Pip: The apartment argument ties it together: renters use the schools, one landlord sits on the tax duplicate, and the longtime homeowner gets the invoice. The post credits Liberty Township trustee Todd Minniear for understanding that math — his vote against adding apartments near Liberty Center is why Ford’s Garage exists instead of another stack of balconies.
Mara: The recommendation is direct: vote no on November 3. A failed bond means the old millage still expires, which is a tax cut in 2029. The post frames that outcome not as deprivation but as the reward the community already earned.
Pip: Which raises the question of what comes next — because the post is clear that a no vote is not the end of the conversation, just the beginning of a harder one about living inside $226 million.
Mara: The through-line is straightforward: a community that has been paying for decades is being asked to keep paying, and the argument for doing so depends on projections that the district’s own consultants don’t fully support.
Pip: November 3 is the answer, and then — if history holds — there will be another question in 2027. The ballot is apparently a perennial.
Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.
Pip: The Overmanwarrior is back from a summer of traveling, and he has opinions about Butler County Republicans — which, honestly, tracks.
Mara: Rich Hoffman’s latest post is a deep dive into local party politics: why big-tent coalition building beats purity factions, and what revenge politics actually costs a majority party. Let’s start with the case he makes for keeping the team together.
Why Winning Requires a Big Tent, Not a Pure Faction
Pip: The core argument here is about what actually threatens a Republican stronghold like Butler County — and the answer isn’t Democrats. It’s Republicans who’d rather be righteous than win.
Mara: He sets it up directly, writing: “The opposite impulse — the desire to purge and purify until only the purest remain — is how majorities become minorities. Democrats understand this. Their only realistic path in Butler County is to encourage Republicans to fight each other, thereby opening up the general-election map.”
Pip: So the threat isn’t a strong opposing party. It’s internal score-settling dressed up as principle — and that framing is doing a lot of work in this piece.
Mara: It is. He traces the pattern: people who lost primaries or lost influence start feeding narratives to the Journal-News, labeling solid conservatives RINOs, and undermining officeholders who actually won their races. He calls it “revenge dressed up as principle.”
Pip: Which brings us to the people he’s actually defending. Nancy Nix is the headline — he credits her with fiscal discipline across two county offices, reducing staff sizes as both Treasurer and Auditor, running things in the black, and providing behind-the-scenes organizational infrastructure that he says runs through networks reaching the White House.
Mara: He’s equally direct about George Lang, describing decades of door-knocking and event work — and one very vivid moment at a 2015 Trump event at the Savannah Center where Lang physically removed a protester heading toward Trump. The point being: that’s not armchair commentary, that’s someone who showed up before it was popular.
Pip: Michael Ryan gets a mention too — he won the May 2026 Republican primary for county commissioner with roughly 72 percent of the vote, and the post treats that primary result as decisive and worth defending, not relitigating.
Mara: Sheriff Richard Jones rounds out the slate. He wants the Sheriff’s Office to carry what he calls a “Mayberry” standard — competent, present, community-rooted. The post draws a line between that standard and the intra-party court drama that’s been distracting from actual public safety work.
Pip: And the West Chester trustee and school board fights are the cautionary tale — Republicans fractured, Democrats and soft candidates benefited, and the lesson apparently hasn’t fully landed yet at the county level.
Mara: His bottom line is blunt: Butler County stays a Republican stronghold only if the party acts like one — which means defending the people voters already chose in the primary, sitting across the table from people you don’t fully agree with, and still leaving the room as a team.
Pip: The alternative, he says, is handing Democrats the only gift they actually need.
Mara: The through-line is pretty clear — coalition discipline isn’t compromise, it’s the mechanism that keeps a majority a majority.
Pip: And apparently that argument needs re-litigating every few years, which suggests the lesson is harder to hold than it is to learn.
Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.
Pip: Welcome to The Overmanwarrior, where the polls say it’s a toss-up and Rich Hoffman says the polls are lying to you — again.
Mara: Rich Hoffman has been tracking the 2026 midterm landscape closely, and the central argument running through his recent work is that the published numbers in Ohio, Texas, and Wisconsin are systematically understating Republican support.
Pip: Let’s start with why those poll averages keep getting it wrong, and what Wisconsin just proved about the problem.
Why the 2026 Midterm Polls Are Still Misleading
Mara: The core tension here is between what the published averages show and what the underlying partisan lean of these states actually suggests. Ohio went Republican by eleven points in 2024. Texas by fourteen. Yet the polling has both states looking like toss-ups.
Pip: And then Wisconsin handed everyone a very loud data point. The Democratic primary had Francesca Hong leading David Crowley by double digits — sometimes twenty points — right up until election night.
Mara: The post is direct about what happened: “One late survey had her at 44 percent to Crowley’s 22 percent.” Crowley won by less than half a percentage point. Hong received roughly what the final polls projected for her. The entire error was on Crowley’s side.
Pip: So the polls captured the progressive candidate’s floor perfectly and missed everyone else entirely. That’s not a rounding error.
Mara: The explanation offered is non-response bias. Conservative, rural, and Trump-aligned voters are less likely to answer a survey. The people who do respond skew toward Democrats and toward the more engaged, activist end of the electorate. Pollsters try to correct for this with demographic weighting, but the corrections are imperfect when the harder-to-reach population is systematically absent from the sample.
Pip: There’s also a commercial layer worth naming — close races sell advertising, and campaigns keep spending when the horse race looks competitive.
Mara: Right. The argument is that a seven- or eight-point underlying Republican advantage, published as a two-point race, generates more television and digital spending than a blowout narrative would. The incentive structure rewards the appearance of competitiveness.
Mara: In Ohio, the governor’s race between Vivek Ramaswamy and Amy Acton sits near a statistical tie in the aggregates, with Ramaswamy at 47.0 and Acton at 46.2 in one weighted average. The Senate special between Jon Husted and Sherrod Brown shows a similarly compressed margin, with individual polls bouncing between a small Husted lead and a small Brown lead. In Texas, the Emerson College survey from August ninth and tenth had Ken Paxton at 47 and James Talarico at 46 among likely voters.
Pip: Three states, same pattern. The post’s read is that if the election were held today, Republicans would win these races by closer to seven or eight points — not by a fraction.
Mara: And the Wisconsin primary is the evidence that the measurement problem hasn’t been solved. Late-deciding and previously undecided voters broke hard against the more radical option, and the models missed it entirely because those voters weren’t in the sample.
Pip: Election night geography in Ohio compounds the illusion — early returns from Columbus and urban centers can show a temporary Democratic lead before the suburban and rural counties report.
Mara: The post flags that directly: if rural voters don’t respond to the poll, they won’t be counted in the averages either. The same population that’s hard to reach by phone is the one that shows up late on election night and moves the final margin.
Pip: Which brings us to what actually happens when November arrives and those voters show up.
Mara: The through-line is a gap between measurement and reality — and the argument that Wisconsin made that gap visible in a way that’s hard to dismiss.
Pip: Watch what the hard-to-reach voters actually do when the ballots are counted. Not what the people who answer the phone say in August.
Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.
I have been watching the midterm landscape closely in mid-August 2026. Three months out from Election Day, the polling averages in several key races look tighter than the underlying partisan lean of these states would suggest. Ohio’s governor’s race between Vivek Ramaswamy and Amy Acton sits near a toss-up. The special Senate election between Jon Husted and Sherrod Brown is competitive. In Texas, Ken Paxton and James Talarico are essentially deadlocked in recent surveys. Then came the Wisconsin Democratic primary, where the polls were off by roughly 20 points in the direction favoring the more progressive candidate.
I have said for a long time that a meaningful portion of the modern polling industry carries systematic bias against Republicans. Conservatives and Trump voters are less likely to pick up the phone or complete a survey. Pollsters still lean on models and samples that over-weight the people who do answer—disproportionately Democrats and people more inclined to engage with survey-takers. On top of that sits a commercial incentive: close races generate more advertising dollars. Campaigns with money to spend feel pressure to keep spending when the horse race looks competitive. Wisconsin just provided another public demonstration of how badly these models can fail when late undecideds and turnout dynamics break in one direction.
I do not think the actual underlying margins in Ohio or Texas are as tight as the published averages. I think several points in these surveys understate Republicans, and if the election were held today, the Republican candidates would win more comfortably than the current numbers imply. That is not complacency. It is pattern recognition from 2016 forward, reinforced by the Wisconsin result and by what I see on the ground and on platforms where people actually speak freely.
Wisconsin Democratic Primary 2026: The 20-Point Polling Collapse of Francesca Hong
The clearest recent data point is Wisconsin. Polls consistently showed Democratic Socialist State Representative Francesca Hong leading Milwaukee County Executive David Crowley by double digits—sometimes by around 20 points. One late survey had her at 44 percent to Crowley’s 22 percent. Another earlier reading put her near 38 percent with Crowley in single digits and a large undecided bloc.
On primary night Crowley won by less than half a percentage point. Hong received roughly the share the final polls had projected for her—around 39 percent. The entire error was on Crowley’s side. Late-deciding and previously undecided voters broke hard against the more radical option. Primaries are harder to model than generals because turnout is lower and more volatile, and Wisconsin’s open primary added another layer of uncertainty. Still, the scale of the miss is striking. The models captured the progressive candidate’s floor but completely missed the late surge to the more traditional Democrat.
I was not surprised. There is a recurring temptation inside media and polling circles to treat energized progressive or socialist factions as larger than they are. College campuses, activist networks, and highly engaged online progressive voters are easy to reach and happy to talk to pollsters. The broader primary electorate is less so. When the actual voters showed up, the socialist ceiling was exposed. The same pattern has appeared in other recent cycles, in which early surveys elevate a hard-left candidate and then the candidate underperforms once undecideds and lower-propensity voters enter the picture.
Current Ohio Governor Polls: Vivek Ramaswamy vs Amy Acton in Mid-August 2026
In Ohio, the governor’s race is officially an open seat. Aggregates in mid-August put Vivek Ramaswamy and former state health director Amy Acton essentially even, or with Ramaswamy ahead by less than a point. One recent weighted average had Ramaswamy at 47.0 percent and Acton at 46.2 percent. Individual surveys have bounced: some Democratic-leaning pollsters have shown Acton up two or three points; others have shown a tie or a small Republican edge.
Ohio is not a pure 50-50 state. Donald Trump carried it by roughly eleven points in 2024. The underlying Republican structural advantage has been visible for several cycles. A race this close in the averages, this far out, is therefore anomalous on its face. Acton’s association with COVID-era restrictions remains a live liability with a large share of the electorate that still remembers the lockdowns and school closures. Ramaswamy’s profile is national and polarizing, which creates some friction among independents and moderates, but the state’s recent presidential and statewide results do not suggest a natural environment for a Democratic win.
Ohio Senate Race Polling: Jon Husted vs Sherrod Brown
The special Senate election is similarly compressed. Jon Husted, appointed after JD Vance’s elevation, faces former Senator Sherrod Brown. Aggregates in early August showed Husted ahead by roughly two to three points in some trackers, while other windows had Brown with a small edge or a statistical tie. A New York Times/Siena survey had Husted at 50–47. An AARP-sponsored poll earlier in the summer had Brown up three. The race is competitive on paper.
Brown is a known quantity with residual personal brand strength among some working-class and older voters. Yet Ohio has continued moving right relative to the national environment. A race that looks this tight three months out again sits uncomfortably against the state’s recent performance. If nonresponse systematically suppresses Republican numbers, the published margins understate Husted’s true position.
Texas US Senate Polls 2026: Ken Paxton vs James Talarico Dead Heat
In Texas, the pattern repeats. The latest Emerson College survey (August 9–10) had Attorney General Ken Paxton at 47 percent and state Representative James Talarico at 46 percent among likely voters. Other recent polls have shown similar dead heats or small leads for either side.
Texas is not a purple state. Trump won it by roughly fourteen points in 2024. Paxton is a polarizing figure with a long history of legal and political battles, which creates openings for a skilled Democratic challenger. Talarico has run a disciplined campaign and benefits from the same non-response dynamics that compress Republican leads elsewhere. Still, a race this close in a state with Texas’s underlying Republican baseline is another data point that looks softer for the GOP than the fundamentals imply.
The Persistent Problem of Republican Non-Response Bias in Modern Polling
The common thread is non-response. I am on every list. Campaigns and pollsters call and text constantly. I rarely answer. I vote in every primary and every general election, but I do not have time for a fifteen-minute questionnaire from someone I do not know. Many people in my circle operate the same way. Conservatives, older voters, rural voters, and Trump-aligned voters have lower cooperation rates with traditional survey methods. Cell-phone-only households, caller-ID screening, and general distrust of institutions make the problem worse than it was in the landline era.
Democrats and more progressive voters, by contrast, remain relatively easy to reach and willing to engage. The result is a sample that is tilted before any weighting is applied. Pollsters attempt to correct with demographic targets, education weights, and recalled vote, but the corrections are imperfect. When the underlying population of interest—likely Republican voters—has systematically lower response rates, the adjusted numbers still lag. This is not a new observation. It has been discussed after 2016, 2020, and 2022. Wisconsin’s primary is simply the latest high-profile reminder that the models can still break when late movement occurs among the harder-to-reach.
Media and Pollster Incentives to Keep Races Looking Close
There is also a commercial layer. Close races sell. Media companies and the consultants who live off campaign advertising benefit when the horse race stays competitive. Republican candidates and committees have raised substantial sums. Those dollars flow more readily when the published polls suggest the outcome is in doubt. A seven- or eight-point underlying Republican advantage, when published as a two-point race, generates more television, digital, and direct-mail spending than a blowout narrative would. I am not claiming a grand conspiracy in every survey. I am saying the incentive structure rewards the appearance of competitiveness, and the sampling problems make that appearance easier to produce.
Why Platforms Like X Offer a Clearer Picture Than Traditional Surveys
This is where platforms that still allow relatively unfiltered speech become useful. People say things online under their own names or consistent pseudonyms that they will not say to a stranger on the phone. Sentiment on X, when read carefully and at scale, has often been a better leading indicator of Republican energy than the published telephone and online panel averages. AI systems that can process large volumes of public posts provide another check on the traditional samples. They are not perfect—online populations are not identical to the electorate—but they are less constrained by the cooperation-rate problem that plagues live interviewers and many opt-in panels.
What a Real Election Day Would Show Right Now in These States
If the election were held in the middle of August 2026, I believe the Republican candidates in these races would win by larger margins than the current averages indicate—closer to the seven- or eight-point range in Ohio and a clearer, more comfortable win for Paxton in Texas. That is not a prediction locked in stone for November. Turnout, national mood, candidate performance, and late events still matter. Campaigns cannot rest on structural advantages. But the idea that these races are true toss-ups or that Texas is on the verge of flipping requires accepting that the polling error has suddenly vanished. Wisconsin suggests it has not.
Election Night Dynamics in Ohio: Urban Early Returns vs Rural Reality
Ohio’s geography still shapes how results appear on election night. Early returns from the Columbus area and other urban centers can create a temporary Democratic lead. As the suburban and rural counties between the cities report, the numbers swing back. That pattern has been consistent. Watching the first 15 or 30 minutes of returns without understanding the sequence can cause unnecessary panic. The same logic applies to interpreting summer polls that over-sample the easier-to-reach urban and college populations. And if surveys do not account for this real estate trend, their outlook will not be accurate. If rural people don’t respond to the poll, they won’t be counted.
I have been around these fights long enough to recognize the difference between a genuine shift in the electorate and a measurement problem. The Wisconsin primary was a measurement problem with real consequences for the models. The compressed margins in Ohio and Texas look like the same problem applied to general-election contests in states that have been moving toward Republicans. Non-response among the very voters who decide these races remains the central issue. Until the industry solves the cooperation-rate gap, or until alternative signals from freer platforms are weighted more heavily, the published numbers will continue to understate the Republican side. Plan accordingly.
Footnotes
1. Aggregated Ohio governor polling as of mid-August 2026 from Pollsmax and concurrent trackers showing Ramaswamy 47.0 / Acton 46.2 and recent individual surveys (NYT/Siena, Tulchin, AARP/Fabrizio, etc.).
2. Wisconsin primary result: David Crowley approximately 39.8 percent, Francesca Hong approximately 39.3 percent; pre-election surveys consistently showed Hong leads of 15–20+ points.
3. Ohio Senate aggregates and individual polls (Pollsmax, NYT/Siena, AARP, Beacon/Shaw) place the race within a few points either way.
5. Discussion of non-response bias and primary modeling difficulties drawn from post-election analyses of the Wisconsin results and longer-standing literature on declining survey cooperation rates among conservatives.
6. 2024 presidential margins: Ohio approximately R+11, Texas approximately R+14, Wisconsin narrow Republican win.
Bibliography for Further Reading
• Pollsmax, RealClearPolitics, 270toWin, and Decision Desk HQ aggregate pages for 2026 Ohio governor, Ohio Senate special, and Texas Senate.
• Emerson College Polling releases on Texas, August 2026.
• Contemporary reporting and post-mortems on the Wisconsin Democratic gubernatorial primary (Axios, New York Times, Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, Marquette Law School Poll commentary).
• Historical analyses of non-response bias in U.S. political polling after the 2016, 2020, and 2022 cycles.
• Public statements and data releases from the campaigns of Vivek Ramaswamy, Jon Husted, Ken Paxton, Amy Acton, Sherrod Brown, and James Talarico.
• Academic and industry papers on declining telephone survey response rates and the challenges of weighting for partisan non-response.
The numbers will keep coming. Watch what the hard-to-reach voters actually do when the ballots are counted, not onlywhat the people who answer the phone say in August.
Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.
