Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.
Every once in a while, life hands you one of those small, perfect weeks with family — the kind that doesn’t need a grand destination or a complicated itinerary to feel meaningful. Recently, we packed up the RV and took a short family trip to The Wilds in central Ohio. It wasn’t far from home, and it wasn’t meant to be anything elaborate. But it turned into exactly the kind of experience that reminds you why family time matters and why stepping away from the noise is sometimes the best thing you can do.
My daughter put together a fantastic video from the trip, capturing the highlights in a way only she can. A few of my grandkids are featured in it, running around, laughing, exploring, and just being kids. Watching them in that setting—surrounded by open sky, quiet water, and the wide, rolling landscape—reminded me how grounding these moments can be. We spend so much of our lives dealing with big issues, heavy conversations, and responsibilities that stack up day after day. But weeks like this show the other side of life, the part that keeps you centered.
If you’ve followed my writing for any length of time, you know I spend a lot of time talking about sovereignty, community, history, politics, and the deeper questions that shape our world. Those topics matter, and they deserve the attention we give them. But it’s just as important to share the lighter moments—the real life that happens between all the big ideas. This trip was a perfect example of that balance. It wasn’t a grand expedition; it was simply a family outing, close to home, filled with the kind of memories that last longer than most of the headlines we chase. As I have said, I have spent most of 2026 on the road like this. Sometimes it’s just my wife and I. Sometimes, like this, it’s family, some of our family. Sometimes it’s all my family. I like RV travel because it lets me take my office with me. I write books, I do consulting, and I can do all that work from anywhere in the world with a TEAMS call. I never know where I’m going to be, so that’s why I do all the videos these days from the kitchen in my RV. It has good power and a comfortable, studio-like setting. Sometimes the internet isn’t great at our campgrounds, but that can be solved with Starlink, which I’ll likely do next year.
The World of Everywhere and Anything
RV camping has a way of slowing everything down. There’s something about being on the road, even for a short distance, that shifts your mindset. You’re not rushing. You’re not checking your phone every five minutes. You’re not thinking about the next meeting or the next project. You’re just present. The video my daughter made captures that feeling beautifully — the simplicity, the quiet, the laughter, the sense of being together without distraction. It’s a glimpse into how we travel, unwind, and stay connected as a family.
The Wilds itself is a unique place. Wide open spaces, wildlife roaming in the distance, and a sense of calm that settles in as soon as you arrive. It’s the kind of environment that encourages reflection without forcing it. You breathe a little deeper. You listen a little more. You notice things you might overlook in the rush of everyday life. And when your kids and grandkids surround you, those moments become even more meaningful.
It was a short trip, but it was packed with fun and full of the kind of small joys that make life feel full. These are the moments that remind us that life isn’t just about the big battles or the big ideas — it’s also about the quiet weekends, the shared meals, the kids running around, and the chance to breathe for a minute. It’s about remembering that the world is bigger than our worries and that the people closest to us are the ones who make the journey worthwhile.
So I’m sharing this little slice of our life not because it’s dramatic or extraordinary, but because it’s real. It’s honest. It’s the kind of thing we all need more of. And I think you’ll enjoy seeing that side of our world — the family side, the simple side, the part that keeps everything else in perspective.
Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.
Pip: The Overmanwarrior has a talent for asking the question that makes a comfortable consensus squirm — and this time the question is about who was actually first.
Mara: Rich Hoffman digs into the Cherokee’s own oral tradition about a people who came before them in the southern Appalachians, and follows that thread into archaeology, rock art, and what the word “indigenous” is actually doing when we deploy it politically.
Pip: Let’s start with the moon-eyed people and the timeline they complicate.
The Moon-Eyed People and the Stolen-Land Clock
Mara: The core tension here is about where we freeze the historical frame — and who benefits when we freeze it at 1492 rather than looking at what the Cherokee themselves say about the mountains before they arrived.
Pip: The post sets it up directly: “when the Cherokee first came into the country they now inhabit, they found it possessed by certain moon-eyed people who could not see in the daytime, and they expelled them.” That is Benjamin Smith Barton in 1797, reporting what he was told by someone connected to the Cherokee.
Mara: What that means in practice is that the Cherokee, by their own account, displaced a prior people — which means the word “indigenous,” applied to the Cherokee in the Smokies, is already doing selective work. Someone else held the ridge first.
Pip: The moon-eyed people as described are small, pale, often bearded, light-sensitive — cave-dwellers who came out at night. Fort Mountain in north Georgia still has a wandering stone wall nobody has definitively attributed, and the park marker names them as possible builders. The Lost Sea in Craighead Caverns, the largest underground lake in the country, has Cherokee artifacts and a Pleistocene jaguar in the same system — a place that was a world before it became a tourist dock.
Mara: The post is careful here. The highly specific portrait — pale, bearded, giant light-sensitive eyes, full-moon battle — is thickest in late-eighteenth and nineteenth-century print, written by Euro-American men. Living Cherokee tradition also has the Yunwi Tsunsdi, the Little People of the rocks and caves, and some cultural workers say the pale-bearded version is not central to tribal history. The honest framing the post offers is that the Cherokee world contains stories of earlier people in the mountains, and the 1797 English sentence is one channel — not a DNA report.
Pip: Right, and the post extends the geography — the Cherokee County Historical Museum in Murphy, North Carolina, has a flat-faced stone figure with oversized crescent eyes that visitors identify with the moon-eyed people, and Three Rivers in New Mexico has more than twenty thousand Jornada Mogollon petroglyphs, many of them goggle-eyed masks. The post does not claim those are portraits of Appalachian cave-dwellers; it refuses to use distance as a veto on the question.
Mara: And the deeper archaeology reinforces the problem with a fixed 1492 clock. The Windover people of Florida buried their dead seven to eight thousand years ago — brain tissue and fiber still readable. The Old Copper Complex around Lake Superior was working native copper as early as the ninth millennium before the present.
Pip: So the political use of “indigenous” to mean the nations of 1500 is, as the post puts it, not doing archaeology — it is choosing a photograph.
Mara: The post is equally direct about the Trail of Tears: it was terrible, the removal was real, the Cherokee have a right to that grief. The argument is not that the later wrong didn’t happen. It is that one removal is allowed to organize a nation’s shame while the earlier one is treated as a campfire story too thin to count — and that asymmetry tracks usefulness, not evidence quality.
Pip: A question that has been sitting in the back of the room, it turns out, while the drums were going.
Mara: The closing test the post applies is worth stating plainly: if “indigenous” means first on the ground, the Cherokee fail their own story in the Smokies. If it means a 1492 diplomatic stamp, it is not deep history. If it means a moral title against the United States, it is a legal brief, not anthropology — and briefs pick their plaintiffs. They do not fund caves.
Pip: The moon-eyed question does not close when you leave the Smokies — it just gets quieter, which is a different thing.
Mara: Who was standing on any ridge before the people we memorialized is a question the dirt keeps answering whether the grant office is listening or not.
Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.
I have watched this movie before. In 2015 and 2016, and again in 2024, the same class of people tried to tell America that Donald Trump’s wealth was a character defect. They said a rich man could not be trusted, that success itself was the indictment, that gold, planes, and golf were proof he was “not like you.” Voters put him in the White House twice anyway, because they understood something the professional scolds never will: independence is an asset. A man who does not need the job is harder to own. That is the lesson Ohio Democrats and a handful of leftover Republican wreckers are now trying to unlearn with Vivek Ramaswamy, and it is why Amy Acton spent Labor Day weekend screaming that you cannot buy Ohio.
She needed a chant. What she got was a gaffe.
The Speech That Sounded Like a Person Running Out of Road
Watch the clip. Acton is at a union picnic with Pete Buttigieg in tow, doing the ritual of the lockdown years: I am a doctor, not a politician, becoming one right in front of your eyes. Then she starts barking that Vivek cannot buy the state, cannot buy Ohio, cannot buy us, cannot buy us, cannot buy us in Ohio, that is the end of this. It is the sort of thing a campaign writes on a whiteboard when the internals look ugly and the only remaining argument is envy. The crowd does not catch fire. She looks like she is trying to start a wave at a funeral.
This is the same Amy Acton Ohio already knows. She ran public health under Mike DeWine when the state was locked down, businesses were smashed, kids were sent home, and “follow the science” became a political religion. She collected awards for it. A lot of Ohioans collected unemployment, missed funerals, and watched their Main Streets die. You can call that public service if you like. I call it the record she has to run on, and it is why the “I’m just like you” routine lands like a lead pipe. She is not just like you. She is the woman who told you to stay home while the people who write the rules kept their salaries.
The wealth attack is even thinner. Vivek flew to watch tennis. He likes tennis. He used to be a ranked junior. He has a court. He went to the U.S. Open and he has been to Paris. Wealthy people do that. Trump never ran from Mar-a-Lago or the golf course; he wore the gold clip and the silk tie and said, yes, I did well, and if you vote for me I will try to make it so you can do well too. That is a producer’s message. Acton’s message is the opposite: he has money, therefore he is illegitimate, therefore hand the keys to the people who want to tax the successful and redistribute the proceeds to the discontented. That is not a governing philosophy. That is a ransom note.
Why Attacking Wealth Is a Loser’s Tell
I have been thinking lately about the Apostle Paul. He was effective in part because he had standing and independence. He was not a ward of the movement. He could travel, argue, and endure because he was not begging the crowd for his next meal. Politics is not the church, but the principle is the same. A candidate who has already won in the private economy does not need Columbus the way a career public-health administrator needs Columbus. Vivek does not need a government job. That is supposed to be a feature. The people yelling “you can’t buy Ohio” are announcing that they cannot raise comparable money and cannot compete on growth, so they will compete on resentment.
David Pepper and the rest of the chorus have been working this line for months: billionaire, private jet, not one of us. Fine. Then explain why Trump’s jets and clubs did not stop two national victories, and why Ohioans who want plants, capital, and jobs might prefer a man who has already built companies to a woman whose signature achievement was closing the state. You can dislike Vivek’s style. You can argue policy. What you cannot do, with a straight face, is pretend that enjoying a tennis match is a civic crime while the alternative is more of the administrative state that already had its turn.
The other half of this farce is intra-Republican sabotage. After a primary, Democrats lock arms around whoever they nominated, even when she sounds like a chalkboard dragged down a stairwell. A slice of the right still wants to pick the scab. Nick Fuentes types, leftover primary rivals, the professional “I told you so” circuit—anyone who would rather be right about a Republican’s flaws than win the state—keep feeding the same clip. They did it to Trump in 2016 and 2024. He won anyway because voters vote their interest when the noise dies down. A good economy and job creators in your state beat a sermon about how the other guy’s plane is too nice.
Then Came the Fair, and the Overnight Conversion of a Shove Into an Assassination Plot
The timing is the tell. After the Labor Day chant made her look unhinged, the campaign needed a new story. Sunday at the Canfield Fair, a 38-year-old local named Patrick Havas pushed through a tent crowd toward Acton with a phone up, as if he were recording or trying to get close enough to be seen. He knocked over older people. Security took him down. After the fact, deputies found two pistols and a Taser-style device on him. He did not draw the guns. He did not fire. He did not brandish. Ohio is a constitutional-carry state. Carrying is not the same thing as attempting murder. The charges reported were disorderly conduct and misdemeanor assault for the people he knocked down. Acton was unhurt. The people who fell were assessed and, according to the sheriff, did not seek further treatment.
That is a bad scene at a fair. It is not a martyrdom. Campaign statements still said an “armed individual lunged” and injured multiple people. National copy followed the verb. By Saturday night into Sunday the lead was written as if Ohio had just watched a political assassination attempt. If there were clean video of a man trying to kill her, it would have been on every screen before supper. What we got instead was language inflation: lunge, attack, armed, threat—while the actual police story is a large man barreling for a better look or a confrontation, knocking seniors like bowling pins, and getting piled on by Highway Patrol.
This attack story is just another Democrat Jussie Smollett story, trying to gain sympathy and voter support through fake news talking points. This is the fullness of the Acton operation: when the speech is a disaster, change the subject to danger. When you cannot raise on growth, raise on fear. When you cannot debate or raise money, accuse the other side of buying the state. Look how many sucker politicians jumped on the bandwagon without knowing all the facts, which again came out looking like Amy Acton is a loser candidate.
What Ohio Actually Chooses When the Cameras Leave
Acton will keep the unions, the people who want the next transfer payment, and the media that still thinks 2020 was her finest hour. She will keep Pepper on the ticket as proof that the old Democratic machinery is still in the room. She will keep calling Vivek rich, which he is, and hoping Ohio has forgotten that successful people are allowed to like tennis, football Saturdays, and a life that is not a permanent campaign stop.
I want a state that recruits producers instead of lecturing them. If a man with a billion dollars in assets spends a few thousand to fly to a match, that is not the scandal. The scandal is a political class that treats his success as the crime and her lockdown résumé as the credential. Trump never apologized for winning. Vivek should not apologize for a court, a jet, or a seat at the Open. The people who need him to grovel are the same people who needed Trump to grovel. They lost that argument twice.
Vote like you want the factories and the payrolls. When things got tough for Amy Acton in 2026 she turned to fake news. Which only made everything worse. She is the lockdown lady and is horrible in every way a politician can be, which we all had a front-row seat to in 2020 when she destroyed Ohio’s economy and told everyone they could be superheroes if only they wore a mask in public. That is the person running for governor in Ohio as a Democrat. A disaster on a good day. On a bad day, she is a fake news agent of destruction and drunkenness.
Notes
1. Acton’s Labor Day-weekend remarks with Buttigieg at the Cincinnati AFL-CIO picnic, including the “you cannot buy this state / you can’t buy us” repetition, circulated widely on September 5–6, 2026. See WLWT coverage of the Hamilton picnic and contemporaneous rally video.
2. Acton served as Ohio Department of Health director under Gov. Mike DeWine beginning in 2019 and became the public face of the state’s COVID restrictions.
3. Criticism of Ramaswamy’s travel and tennis included Acton’s own Labor Day-weekend post attacking a U.S. Open appearance and earlier opinion pieces on a July 4 Paris trip.
4. Ramaswamy’s tennis background (junior player, Cincinnati Open ball boy, regular Open attendee) is part of his public biography and prior campaign videos.
5. Canfield Fair incident, September 6, 2026: Patrick Havas, 38, of Canfield, pushed through the Mahoning County Democratic Party tent, knocked down older attendees, was detained by Ohio State Highway Patrol executive protection; weapons recovered after detention; no brandishing reported; charges reported as disorderly conduct and two counts of misdemeanor assault. Acton uninjured.
6. Constitutional carry in Ohio means possession of a concealed firearm, without more, is not itself an assassination attempt.
7. Public polling through late summer 2026 generally showed a toss-up to slight-Ramaswamy edge depending on the house, which is consistent with a campaign hunting for a reset narrative.
8. Intra-GOP sniping after contested primaries is a recurring feature of the Trump era; Democrats have typically consolidated faster around flawed nominees.
Bibliography
Acton for Governor. Campaign statements and Labor Day / Canfield Fair remarks, September 2026.
Ballotpedia. “Amy Acton.” Candidate biography and office history.
CNN. “Armed man arrested after pushing through crowd toward Ohio Democratic gubernatorial nominee.” September 6, 2026.
Columbus Dispatch. “Armed man arrested after lunging at Amy Acton at Canfield Fair.” September 6, 2026.
Cincinnati Enquirer. Nick Anderson, “Ramaswamy’s Paris trip an example of his disconnect with Ohioans.” July 8, 2026.
HuffPost. “Vivek Ramaswamy Slammed For Leaving Ohio And Attending The U.S. Open.” September 6, 2026.
Mahoning County Sheriff’s Office / Ohio State Highway Patrol statements on the Canfield Fair detention of Patrick Havas, September 6, 2026.
New York Times. “Armed Man Arrested After Charging Toward Democratic Candidate for Ohio Governor.” September 6, 2026.
The Nerd Stash. “‘You Can’t Buy Us’: Ohio Dem Amy Acton Sparks Backlash After Awkward Rally Chant Aimed at Vivek Ramaswamy.” September 6, 2026.
Washington Post. “Armed individual ‘lunged’ at Democrat nominee for Ohio governor, campaign says.” September 6, 2026.
Wikipedia. “2026 Ohio gubernatorial election.” Polling averages and race ratings as of early September 2026.
WLWT. “Pete Buttigieg campaigns for Amy Acton, Greg Landsman at Cincinnati AFL-CIO picnic.” September 6, 2026.
Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.
Pip: The Overmanwarrior is a show that refuses the easy road — no local gossip, no algorithm-friendly takes, just a man and a copper pit older than the pyramids’ reputation, asking whether the whole story of this continent needs to be rewritten.
Mara: Rich Hoffman’s recent work covers a lot of ground — Trump’s renaming of Lake Ontario, the deep prehistory of the Great Lakes, the Copper Scroll, and what the word “indigenous” is actually doing in a political argument. Let’s start with the lake, the copper, and why the naming fight is really about something much older.
Lake America and the Copper That Built the Ancient World
Pip: The segment opens with a provocation: Trump signed an executive order on August 27th renaming Lake Ontario as Lake America, and the argument here is that the outrage that followed is actually the point — that names are how institutions teach a public what to value and what to be ashamed of.
Mara: The post frames the whole project this way: “I am trying to encourage people to come down the rabbit hole and take whatever treasure they can carry back out.” That’s the method — not a seminar, not a grievance catalog, but a sustained question about what the naming fight is actually downstream of.
Pip: And what it’s downstream of, the argument goes, is an institutional habit of treating the founding of the United States as the continent’s original sin — where every pre-Columbian name becomes untouchable and every American assertion becomes an act of erasure.
Mara: Canada’s prime minister said the lake is called Ontario “today and forever.” New York’s governor said the state wouldn’t use the new name. The legal reality is narrow — Washington can rename what Washington prints, it cannot rename what Toronto says — but that gap is exactly why a name becomes a weapon.
Pip: The copper is where this gets genuinely interesting. The Old Copper Complex of the Upper Great Lakes — Isle Royale, the Keweenaw Peninsula — shows prehistoric pits worked by hunter-gatherers dating into the ninth millennium before the present. More than a thousand pits on Isle Royale alone. That is not a weekend hobby.
Mara: The post is careful here. Two things it calls firm: Archaic people of the Upper Great Lakes worked native copper very early, with some dates rivaling the oldest copper work in the Old World, and the metal is so pure it can be hammered without smelting. The leap — walking that copper across the Atlantic to Solomon’s Temple — is flagged as a leap that still needs isotope evidence.
Pip: Then there’s the Windover site in Florida — a pond cemetery near Titusville where a backhoe in 1982 pulled up human bone dating seven to eight thousand years before the present. Brain tissue. Woven fiber. A readable last meal. A civilization of burial custom standing on this peninsula while the Near East was still becoming Egypt.
Mara: The Moon-eyed people tradition rounds out the prehistory argument. Cherokee oral memory, as recorded by early settlers, described finding and displacing a pale, light-shy people already living in the southern Appalachians. The point isn’t to convict a ghost — it’s that if the Cherokee displaced someone, they were the latest people of that ridge, not the first.
Pip: Which is exactly the human story from the Levant to the Andes — and exactly what the political use of “indigenous” tries to freeze out of the frame. The Copper Scroll enters as a related question: not where did the Temple treasure go, but where did the metal economy that made such a list thinkable come from in the first place.
Mara: The post asks whether the ancient Near East’s enormous copper hunger has been fully inventoried. Timna and the Arabah are on the map; recent radiocarbon work has restored a tenth-century industrial peak there. Lake Superior is the name the textbooks treat as a category error. The argument is that asking the question is scholarship — treating the crossing as proven is not.
Pip: So “Lake America” is doing a lot of work for four syllables. It’s not cartography — it’s a forced discussion about whether the United States is allowed to name its own waters without first clearing the claim through a political story that starts in 1492 and ignores every copper pit that came before.
Mara: The post puts it plainly: the copper miners of Superior, the burial people of Windover, the builders on the dry bay floor — those are indigenous facts. The political slogan that uses “indigenous” to unmake the United States is, the argument goes, not a fact. It is a maneuver.
Pip: And if the question of who names a lake connects to who gets to name the country itself, then the next question is what other forces — beyond the political — might have an interest in keeping that shame in place.
Mara: The thread running through all of this is the same question applied at different scales — are we getting what we want from the story we’ve been handed, whether that story is about a lake, a copper pit, or a national identity?
Pip: Follow the copper. Follow the names. That’s the assignment — and something tells me the rabbit hole goes considerably deeper than the bottom of Lake Superior.
Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.
Pip: Ohio is ranked 42nd in the country, and somehow that is also proof it is doing great — welcome to The Overmanwarrior.
Mara: Rich Hoffman digs into exactly that tension this week, looking at competing state rankings, what they actually measure, and what the 2026 Ohio gubernatorial race has to do with all of it. Let’s start with the rankings fight itself.
Two Scorecards, One State
Pip: The central question here is which ranking tells you something real about Ohio — because two major outlets looked at the same state in the same year and reached opposite conclusions.
Mara: The U.S. News number lands first in the piece, and the setup is direct: “Ohio ranked first in infrastructure and first in cost of doing business” — that is CNBC’s America’s Top States for Business, released in July, putting Ohio at number one overall for the first time.
Pip: So the same state that CNBC ranks first for business climate, U.S. News ranks 42nd overall — a drop from 38th the year before and 36th the year before that. The upshot is that methodology determines the verdict before a single data point is entered.
Mara: That is exactly the argument. U.S. News weights education at roughly 15.8 percent and healthcare at 15.5 percent — the two heaviest categories. Ohio’s weakest scores were natural environment at 43rd and economy at 38th, with healthcare at 36th. Its strongest were opportunity at 18th and fiscal stability at 28th.
Pip: Fiscal stability in the top third, opportunity in the top fifth — those are not the numbers of a state in collapse. They are the numbers of a state that refuses to optimize for the scorecard.
Mara: And the piece makes the case that the scorecard itself is the issue. The U.S. News methodology rewards pre-K enrollment rates, higher-education access, and public-health indicators — inputs rather than outcomes. Ohio is running nearly 1.8 billion dollars above revenue projections for fiscal year 2026 and is actively working on property-tax relief. That surplus does not show up as a gold star in the U.S. News model.
Pip: Meanwhile, Amy Acton is the Democratic nominee for governor, and her record as health director in 2020 — Ohio was the first state to close schools statewide — is now squarely part of the campaign conversation. Rankings that surface now are not arriving in a vacuum.
Mara: The piece is clear that the political timing matters. Democrats need a story that Republican stewardship has failed. A ranking that penalizes limited-government priorities and drops Ohio four spots in two years is a useful data point — if you do not look at what the ranking actually measures.
Pip: Utah has sat at number one in U.S. News for four straight years, which tells you something about whose model wins that particular game. The question for Ohio voters is which game they think they are playing.
Mara: And that hands directly to the broader stakes — what fiscal discipline actually looks like when the ledgers are in the black, and who gets credit for it.
Mara: The core tension here is real: two credible outlets, opposite conclusions, and an election coming. Which metrics you trust says a lot about what you think a state is for.
Pip: Ohio’s books are balanced. The argument is about whether that counts. Worth watching how that plays out as the gubernatorial race heats up.
Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact him directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of President Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know, and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.
Yes, George, you need to watch this video. I had to finish our discussion from lunch. I had a good lunch with Senator George Lang the other day. Nothing formal, nothing staged for the cameras, just two guys who have known each other a long time sitting outside at a place we both like, talking the way we always end up talking when the politics finally take a back seat. People assume that every time I sit down with a senator or a sheriff or a treasurer around here, it is some closed-door strategy session. It is not. George and I share a long-standing interest in ancient history, the kind of deep, layered history that most people in public life never get the chance to dig into. He likes that I run into the stranger corners of it. I like that he actually reads the books I recommend and asks the kind of questions that keep the conversation alive long after the plates are cleared.
We ran out of time that day. Rain started coming down hard while we were still outside, and I had only gotten started on the things I wanted to walk him through. So I am continuing the conversation here the same way I would if he were still sitting across from me and the rest of you were at the next table over. Nothing confidential. Nothing I would not say in front of anyone. Just the thoughts that were already in motion when we had to pack it up.
I updated him on where The Politics of Heaven stands, my next book. The manuscript is finished. The first full draft has been through enough eyes that the early feedback keeps coming back in the same surprising way. More than one reader, including people who know the publishing world, has said the same thing: this book reminds them of The Immortality Key. That 2020 book from St. Martin’s Press by Brian Muraresku, the one Graham Hancock helped put on the map. I told George that I had already decided to go back through The Immortality Key carefully, not because I think I borrowed from it, but because the comparison keeps arriving uninvited and I want to be precise about where the overlap ends and where my own line of inquiry begins. Publication is a relationship, like any other. You do not jump straight into sharing an apartment. You get dinner. You talk. You figure out whether the trust is real. That process takes time, and patience is part of the work.
What pushed me back into The Immortality Key was the same impulse that had me reading Sharon and Derek Gilbert’s Veneration in the early hours before that lunch. Timothy Alberino had been discussing related material on Joe Rogan, and the conversation turned to the older Near Eastern material that most people never hear about. The Gilberts work from a biblical frame, and they do it with real attention to the primary texts. I respect that. Their book digs into the cult of the Rephaim, those dead aristocratic warrior kings whose spirits the living kings of the Late Bronze Age still summoned by name. The Ugaritic tablet known as KTU 1.161 records the liturgy. The dead are called up. Food and drink are set for them. The living king anchors his own right to rule in a line that stretches back into a mythic age of heroes. The meal is not polite remembrance. It is consultation. It is power.
That is the system the biblical writers were confronting. When the scouts came back from Canaan and said they felt like grasshoppers beside the people living there, they were describing more than physical size. They were describing a culture that still fed and consulted the spirits of the giants who had once ruled. Og of Bashan, the last of the remnant of the Rephaim, still had an iron bedstead measured in cubits that made the point for anyone who needed numbers. The physical and spiritual threats were the same. The command to wipe the system out was not simple land hunger. It was an attempt to close the door that the cult of the dead kept trying to hold open.
Mount Hermon sits at the center of that geography. In the Book of Enoch it is the place where the Watchers came down. In the older Canaanite material it is the mountain of assembly, the seat of the divine council that opposed Yahweh. When Jesus took his disciples to the region of Caesarea Philippi at the foot of that mountain and said the gates of hell would not prevail, he was standing on the front porch of the old cult and issuing a direct challenge. The Gilberts make that geography impossible to ignore once you have seen it.
I have been reading this material with one eye on the Near East and the other on the ground under my own feet. The Wheel of the Giants, Gilgal Refaim, sits up in the Golan Heights, a massive set of concentric stone circles that some call the Stonehenge of the East. It belongs to the same broad horizon of ritual architecture that appears along the Jordan and then, in different forms, moves westward. At the same time, over here in the Ohio Valley, the Hopewell people were raising enormous ceremonial centers with the same intensity of purpose. The Milford Works, the great earthworks near the confluence of the Little Miami and the East Fork, the alignments at Newark, the mounds that once stood all through what is now Butler County and Warren County and on up the Scioto. These were not random piles of dirt. They were places where the living gathered to deal with the dead and whatever else they believed could be reached through the right rituals and alignments.
I keep coming back to the Windover site just west of Titusville, a few miles from the Kennedy Space Center. Seven to eight thousand years old. Bodies preserved in peat with brain tissue still intact. Textiles more sophisticated than anything the standard story allows for at that early stage. Directional burial practices. A people who do not fit neatly into the later tribal identities we project backward. Some of the individuals were tall by the standards of the time. The site sits in a region that later becomes part of the same trade networks that moved copper out of the Lake Superior mines and into the wider world just as the Bronze Age was taking shape. The usual explanations for exotic materials found in these contexts grow more strained the longer you look at them. Bananas and turmeric proteins in elite Near Eastern burials. Advanced textiles and possible African or Mediterranean contacts at Windover. The copper that left the Upper Peninsula in quantities that still have not been fully accounted for. At some point, the assumption that the oceans were closed until Columbus made his journey starts to look like a real leap of faith.
The Loveland Frogmen sightings sit right in the middle of this local landscape. 1955, then 1972, later reports still in the same general corridor. Small, grayish, bipedal figures near the water, not far from the old Hopewell ceremonial centers. I am not claiming they are the same entities the Ugaritic kings were feeding under the palace benches. I am saying that when you map the places where people once worked hard to open contact with the dead, and then you look at the places where anomalous encounters keep showing up in the modern record, the overlap is hard to ignore. Point Pleasant and the Mothman. The poltergeist activity that still gets reported in houses built over older burial grounds. The same pattern appears in other parts of the world whenever the old ritual centers are disturbed or left alone long enough for whatever was once invited to keep answering.
I told George that the deeper I go into this material, the clearer it becomes that the biblical story is not a late invention dropped into an empty landscape. It is a record of conflict in a world already thick with competing claims about who had the right to rule and whose spirits still held authority. The non-human intelligences that show up in the older texts, the ones that later get called demons or Watchers or the shades of the Rephaim, did not disappear when the last physical giant was killed. The cult changed its methods. Psychedelics appear to have been one of the technologies that kept the door open. Muraresku’s work on the ritual use of those substances in the ancient Mediterranean and their possible survival into early Christian practice is part of the same larger picture. If you want to understand why a culture builds a certain kind of religion, you have to understand what it was taking and what it thought it was talking to while it was under the influence.
My own book takes the next step. It treats the entire span from the deep pre-biblical period to the present as a single continuous political and spiritual struggle. The copper, the earthworks, the burial practices, the later attempts to rebury or reclassify the evidence, the modern fascination with ascended masters and ancient aliens and celebrity necromancy, all of it belongs to the same long contest. The entities that once sat at the banquet tables under the palace floors in Ugarit are still trying to claim a seat at the table. The question is whether we keep setting places for them.
I am not interested in scaring people. I am interested in making the pattern visible so that the next time someone tries to sell a new version of the old system we recognize it for what it is. The Gilberts do that work from one angle. Muraresku does it from another. Alberino keeps pushing the conversation into the open. I am simply adding the North American material and the long view that comes from living in a place where the mounds are still under the subdivisions, and the river valleys still remember older traffic.
Notes:
¹ Brian C. Muraresku, The Immortality Key: The Secret History of the Religion with No Name (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2020). Foreword by Graham Hancock.
² Sharon K. Gilbert and Derek P. Gilbert, Veneration: Unveiling the Ancient Realms of Demonic Kings and Satan’s Battle Plan for Armageddon (Crane, MO: Defender, 2020).
³ KTU 1.161 (Ugaritic funerary liturgy), standard edition in Manfried Dietrich, Oswald Loretz, and Joaquín Sanmartín, The Cuneiform Alphabetic Texts from Ugarit, Ras Ibn Hani and Other Places (Münster: Ugarit-Verlag, 2013). See also Baruch A. Levine and Jean-Michel de Tarragon, “Dead Kings and Rephaim: The Patrons of the Ugaritic Dynasty,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 104 (1984): 649–659.
⁴ On Gilgal Refaim / Rujm el-Hiri see Yonathan Mizrachi et al., recent satellite survey work published in PLOS ONE (2026) documenting additional circular structures in the Golan; earlier discussions in Yonathan Paz and others on Early Bronze Age ritual landscapes.
⁵ Glen H. Doran, ed., Windover: Multidisciplinary Investigations of an Early Archaic Florida Cemetery (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2002). See also subsequent DNA and textile studies confirming the site’s uniqueness within the Archaic Southeast.
⁶ On Hopewell ceremonial centers, alignments, and ritual feasting, see Bradley T. Lepper, Ohio Archaeology (Wilmington, OH: Orange Frazer Press, various editions) and the UNESCO World Heritage documentation for the Hopewell Ceremonial Earthworks. For the Milford Works specifically, nineteenth-century surveys by Squier and Davis remain foundational.
⁷ Book of Enoch (1 Enoch) 6–16 on the descent of the Watchers at Mount Hermon; standard translation by R. H. Charles or George W. E. Nickelsburg and James C. VanderKam.
⁸ Timothy Alberino’s appearance on The Joe Rogan Experience #2530 (July 2026) discusses the Rephaim, the kispum rites, and the continued occult utility of giant remains in modern contexts.
Bibliography for further reading
Alberino, Timothy. Various lectures and the special edition of The Book of Enoch with commentary (2026).
Byers, A. Martin. Sacred Games, Death, and Renewal in the Ancient Eastern Woodlands. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 2011.
Charles, R. H., trans. The Book of Enoch. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1912 (and later editions).
Doran, Glen H., ed. Windover. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2002.
Gilbert, Derek P., and Sharon K. Gilbert. Veneration. Crane, MO: Defender, 2020.
———. The Great Inception. Crane, MO: Defender, 2017.
Hancock, Graham. America Before. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2019.
Heiser, Michael S. The Unseen Realm. Bellingham, WA: Lexham Press, 2015.
Lepper, Bradley T. Ohio Archaeology. Wilmington, OH: Orange Frazer Press.
Muraresku, Brian C. The Immortality Key. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2020.
Nickelsburg, George W. E., and James C. VanderKam. 1 Enoch: The Hermeneia Translation. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2012.
Pardee, Dennis. Ritual and Cult at Ugarit. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2002.
Squier, Ephraim G., and Edwin H. Davis. Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi Valley. Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1848 (reprint editions widely available).
Vallée, Jacques. Passport to Magonia. Chicago: Henry Regnery, 1969 (and later editions).
Additional primary Near Eastern texts are available in The Context of Scripture, ed—William W. Hallo (Leiden: Brill), and in the standard Ugaritic editions cited above.
Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.
I’ve spent a good portion of my life learning that once you step into the arena and attach your name to a cause—especially one that challenges the comfortable consensus—there is no clean exit. The fight doesn’t end when the election is over or the levy fails. It follows you. It lingers in the background of every new opportunity, every conversation with agents or publishers, every attempt to build something larger than the immediate battle. People ask me why I keep doing it, why I take the hits, why I don’t just pivot to safer topics that corporate gatekeepers find more palatable. The honest answer is that I never figured out how to look at myself in the mirror, knowing I had walked away from what was right to make life easier. And the longer I’ve stayed in this game, the more I’ve seen how that very decision—to speak plainly and sign my name to it—becomes a lifelong tax on everything else I try to do.
Take the book I’m working on now, The Politics of Heaven. It’s a serious work, the kind that walks through biblical history, spiritual warfare, giants, ancient conspiracies, divine rebellion, and the population agendas that echo across time. I see it as mainstream in ambition—something that could sit on the front tables at Barnes & Noble alongside the big New York releases. Top-level readers who’ve seen the manuscript are excited. They tell me it has that weight. But then the conversation turns, as it always does. “You have some really strong opinions,” they say. “You’re in Ohio, very Republican, very MAGA, very Trump.” The subtext is clear: that baggage makes the project riskier in their world. It’s the same script I heard in 2012 when Tail of the Dragon came out. The book was ready; Hollywood producers were circling; relationships I had built over years in the industry were lining up interviews and options; and then the school board wars detonated everything.
Back then, Lakota was pushing its third levy attempt. I had already poured myself into fighting the first two. I went on WLW radio in Cincinnati multiple times a week, debated on air, did television hits, and wrote pieces that got national pickup in education circles. I called things exactly as I saw them. One line that still follows me everywhere was about the “latte-sipping prostitutes with asses the size of car tires and diamond rings to match.” It was raw, it was honest, and it captured the disconnect between the comfortable insiders pushing tax increases and the families getting squeezed. That phrase became a rallying cry for many people tired of the same old levy machine, but it also painted a target on my back. The corporate media, the teachers’ union allies, the local establishment—they treated it like a declaration of war. And in many ways it was. What followed was an early version of the cancel culture and personal destruction playbook that later got refined against Trump and anyone else who wouldn’t bend the knee.
They went after my reputation, my associations, my ability to make a living outside the fight. WLW started feeling pressure. Hosts and producers who had me on regularly faced heat. Some got demoted, some moved to worse slots, some disappeared from the rotation. The Cincinnati Enquirer and its allies ran over-the-top hit pieces. Corporate types listened to the complaints and quietly distanced themselves. Friends I thought were solid partners in the broader movement pulled away fast when the personal cost rose. It was brutal. I watched people I had stood shoulder to shoulder with suddenly find reasons to create distance. The playbook was clear: isolate the loudest voice, make the price of association too high, and watch the support evaporate. It was personal destruction sold as politics, and it worked on many people. But I kept going. I still helped organize, still spoke out, still put my name on it even when the professional repercussions mounted.
The timing couldn’t have been worse for Tail of the Dragon. The book was built on my deep love of the Smoky Mountains, the Tail of the Dragon road itself, and the culture of freedom and self-reliance it represented. I had spent years building Hollywood contacts precisely so I could get that story out wider. Producers were interested. There was talk of it becoming the next big action-adventure property in the vein of the Fast and the Furious franchise, which was dominating at the time. I had relationships with directors, big-name talent, people who could option material and move it forward. Zuri Hall interviewed me for a television segment promoting the book. She was excellent—sharp, professional—and that clip still holds up more than a decade later. From there, she went on to Access Hollywood, where she covered major projects like The Mandalorian, interviewing Steven Spielberg, John Favreau, Pedro Pascal, and others. Seeing her recently doing disclosure-related interviews brought it all back. That was the kind of platform I was building in 2012, and it was working—until the school levy fight made me radioactive to the very people I needed for the book’s success.
I lost money. I lost momentum. Opportunities that were lining up dried up almost overnight. The same networks that had been friendly suddenly found reasons to pass. The blocklisting was real. Google’s algorithm, YouTube recommendations, social media reach—all of it seemed tuned against anyone who wouldn’t play the game. I’ve been called the “algorithm king” in some circles because I built the Overmanwarrior handle in a way that bypasses some of it—if you search for it, you find me—but that took years of fighting uphill. The platforming, the shadow-banning, the quiet corporate decisions to sideline voices—it was all there in 2012, well before it became a national conversation during Trump’s rise. And I felt it personally. I had cashed in media chips I had built over years of honest work, only to see them spent defending a local school district from another tax grab. The people who benefited from those fights—the families who kept their money, the taxpayers who got a breather—rarely understood the full cost to the guy whose name was out front.
That’s the part most people miss. Once you put your name on it, the fight never really ends. Levies get defeated, but the machine keeps grinding. In 2013, another attempt came, and we fought it again. By then, some of the RINOs who had gone along with the earlier efforts had learned, or at least pretended to learn. We later stood together on other issues. But the personal toll lingered. I remember sitting in an office with one of the key organizers—a good friend, a successful person—around Christmas 2012 after the second levy fight. Snow was falling. He looked at me and asked, in essence, how many more of these I had in me. Could someone else step up as the public face? Could I hand off the platform I had built to promote my book and chase the Hollywood opportunities that were slipping away? The answer, unfortunately, was no. Nobody else wanted to take the heat. The same dynamic plays out everywhere good people stay silent: the fear of being labeled, blocked, or professionally damaged keeps them on the sidelines. So I stayed in it. I kept speaking. I kept signing my name—Rich Hoffman—at the bottom of every piece.
And I paid for it. Millions of dollars in potential earnings walked away because I wouldn’t bend. I’ve had opportunities at the top of the entertainment pyramid that most people would kill for. I’ve sat in catering tents with A-list talent, producers, and executives during projects where big checks were being written. I warned people early about what Facebook was doing—how they were paying influencers to migrate audiences from MySpace, collecting data, building a machine that would later be weaponized for censorship. I saw it firsthand in 2008-era Hollywood events. But when it came time to choose between protecting my community from endless tax increases and chasing the next big Hollywood deal, I chose the community. I chose truth as a weapon. I said what needed to be said, even when it hurt feelings, even when it cost alliances, even when it made me the villain in the corporate media narrative. That “latte-sipping prostitute” line earned me political credibility that has helped in Butler County and across Ohio for years, but it also became a permanent asterisk next to my name in certain circles.
People who weren’t there like to lecture me now about being a sellout, a Rhino, too close to establishment Republicans, too supportive of Israel or the military, whatever the current purity test requires. They have no idea. They weren’t in the room when the pressure was applied. They didn’t watch producers and agents pull back because a local Ohio writer had “strong opinions.” They didn’t see the friends who ran away when the media heat got too high. A few people stood by me when it counted—prominent politicians on the rise at the time, folks in the Overman Warrior’s network who met behind the scenes and didn’t flinch. I remember them. I don’t forget loyalty in hard times. But they were the exception. Most ran for cover. That’s human nature when the machine turns its focus on you. And the machine never forgets either. It’s why the same tactics that were used on me in 2012 got perfected later against Trump, against parents at school boards, against anyone who challenges the narrative.
I’ve thought a lot about why this happens. Part of it is spiritual. I see these battles through the lens of The Politics of Heaven—the same forces of control, deception, and spiritual warfare that have played out across history. The grind is designed to wear you down so that good people self-censor. Why risk your career, your book deals, your family’s stability when staying quiet is so much easier? I understand the temptation. I’ve felt the exhaustion after more than a dozen years of this. But I also know that once you compromise on the small things, the big things become impossible to defend. I’ve watched public education fights, tax fights, cultural fights. The levies at Lakota haven’t passed another big one since we stood firm, but the pressure never went away. The same two-tier systems, the same institutional failures I saw up close as a Butler County grand jury foreman, the same media manipulation—it all continues. And every time I try to launch something new—like this book, which could reach a much wider audience—the old fights are dragged out again as reasons to hesitate.
The personal destruction element is what stays with me most. It wasn’t just politics. It was an attempt to destroy my ability to operate in the world I had built. I will never forgive the people who orchestrated that, particularly elements tied to the local paper and the broader machine that amplified it. Trump talks about never forgetting those who came after him, and I feel the same way. Once the shot is taken, it can’t be taken back. But here’s what I also know: living bigger than the attacks helps. I’ve built a life and a body of work that stands on its own. I’ve raised a family, worked in aerospace at executive levels, traveled with my wife to NASA, Blue Origin, SpaceX, the Museum of the Bible, and Gettysburg. I launch model rockets with my grandson in the rain and teach him resilience. I write thousands of words in the evenings after long days because the ideas matter more than the comfort of silence. And I still put my name—Rich Hoffman—on everything.
That’s the trade-off. You cash in chips of influence to fight for what’s right, and you hope the broader impact outweighs the personal cost. In the Lakota fights, we gave many people a blueprint for resisting tax increases. My platform helped teach others how to fight. The “latte” line became a cultural touchstone in local politics. Influence built there has carried into other Butler County races, school issues, and beyond. But every new project carries a shadow. Agents and publishers for The Politics of Heaven want sample interviews, and I can point to strong ones—like the Zuri Hall segment—but the first thing they see is the conservative, Trump-aligned, outspoken record. It scares some of them. That’s the cost. I could soften the edges, distance myself from past fights, chase the New York Times centerpiece dream without the baggage. But that would betray everything I’ve stood for. I won’t do it.
I’ve given up millions in potential earnings over the years to look in the mirror and know I fought honestly. I turned away from magnificent opportunities in entertainment because ethics mattered more. I walked away from gigs that would have been life-changing financially because I wouldn’t lend my name or credibility to things I knew were wrong. And I’d do it again. The fighters who step up never get to hand off the baton cleanly. The battles linger because the underlying problems—government overreach, cultural decay, spiritual forces at work—don’t go away. They adapt. They wait for new levies, new mandates, new cultural pressures. Good people who could speak get ground down by the personal price until they stay quiet. That’s how the system maintains control.
When people write me now and accuse me of being part of the problem because I support certain policies or work with imperfect allies, I shake my head. They have no idea what it costs to stay in the fight for sixteen years and counting. They weren’t there when the media was hammering me daily, when radio doors closed, when Hollywood interest evaporated. They don’t see the family time traded, the book sales impacted, the quiet blacklisting that still affects reach. But I can live with it. I have integrity intact. I have authority that comes from having skin in the game. And I have the satisfaction of knowing that when I sign my name to something, it means something because I’ve paid the price for it.
The Politics of Heaven will come out one way or another. It may not get the easy mainstream rollout some books enjoy, but it will reach the people who need it. I’ll keep doing the interviews, building the platform, speaking plainly. I’ll keep putting my name next to the truth even when it costs. Because in the end, that’s what separates those who merely complain from those who actually stand. The grind is real. The personal destruction is real. The lingering shadow of old fights is real. But so is the reward of looking back and knowing you never sold out. I sleep fine at night. I look my grandchildren in the eye and teach them to do the same. And I’ll keep writing, keep fighting, keep signing Rich Hoffman to every word.
That’s the cost. And I’d pay it again. And in many ways, I still am.
1. Personal observations from the 2012 media cycle and subsequent blocklisting patterns, cross-referenced with broader studies on algorithmic suppression post-2010.
2. Accounts of WLW programming shifts and local Cincinnati media coverage during Lakota levy campaigns.
Bibliography (selective for depth):
• Hoffman, Rich. Tail of the Dragon. (early editions, 2012).
• Hoffman, Rich. The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business.
• Various Biblical Archaeology Review archives (lifelong reading).
• Ohio education policy documents on property tax levies, Butler County records.
• Studies on social media platform migration and data practices circa 2008-2012.
• Trump-era documentation of similar personal destruction tactics for pattern comparison.
Rich Hoffman is an aerospace executive, political strategist, systems thinker, and independent researcher of ancient history, the paranormal, and the Dead Sea Scrolls tradition. His life in high‑stakes manufacturing, high‑level politics, and cross‑functional crisis management gives him a field‑tested understanding of power — both human and unseen.
He has advised candidates, executives, and public leaders, while conducting deep, hands‑on exploration of archaeological and supernatural hotspots across the world.
Hoffman writes with the credibility of a problem-solver, the curiosity of an archaeologist, and the courage of a frontline witness who has gone to very scary places and reported what lurked there. Hoffman has authored books including The Symposium of Justice, The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business, and Tail of the Dragon, often exploring themes of freedom, individual will, and societal structures through a lens influenced by philosophy (e.g., Nietzschean overman concepts) and current events
Everybody in Columbus politics knows exactly who “the Rooster” is. His real name is D.J. Byrnes—Donald J. Byrnes—, and he runs The Rooster, a Substack newsletter that bills itself as “All of Ohio’s depravity. All the time.” He’s been a fixture at the Ohio Statehouse for years now, showing up with a cameraman, ambushing lawmakers in stairwells and elevators, filming confrontations, and turning routine hallway traffic into his personal gotcha moments. He dresses like he just rolled out of bed after a rough night—sloppy, unkempt, always looking like the guy who doesn’t quite fit the professional scene he’s infiltrating. He walks the room, always angling to be “on camera,” and is purposely disruptive because he genuinely believes he’s fighting corruption. I get the impulse. I respect a free press that scrutinizes people in positions of power. What I don’t respect—and what I can’t abide—is when someone starts making stuff up, or at the very least, wildly inflating unverified rumors, because it fits their narrative or their personal demons.
I’ve interacted with the Rooster plenty of times since I first ran into him at the Capitol. He’s always struck me as someone carrying a heavy load. He’s talked openly about his own struggles with drinking. He’s written about it himself—how alcoholism nearly destroyed him around 2020-2022, how he hit rock bottom, lost relationships, and eventually got sober sometime in 2022 or 2023 after an intervention from friends. He’s admitted in his own posts that putting down the bottle saved him money, calories, and probably his life. He’s approaching 40 now, no kids, no wife, a string of failed relationships behind him. He’s described himself as having toxic habits from his college days onward. People who’ve been around him for years say it’s not exactly a secret. He comes across as socially awkward, the kind of guy who projects a “GameStop” geek—sloppy, outsider vibe, always dressed down, always seeing scandal everywhere because he knows what’s inside himself.
I feel for the guy on a human level. A lot of people have things in their lives their ashamed of. They have moments where they can’t hold it together. When you’re battling that kind of internal chaos—whether it’s the bottle, failed relationships, or just the inability to build something lasting—you look for an outlet. For the Rooster, fighting what he sees as “corruption” became that outlet. It’s a way to transfer all that restless energy into something that feels productive. From his perspective, he’s a hero shaking up the system. He’s anti-power, anti-establishment, the guy who asks the questions mainstream reporters won’t. He’s not purely partisan in every single piece. But the disproportion is glaring. The overwhelming focus, the tone, the nicknames he slaps on Republican leaders (“Governor Sleepy Tea” for DeWine, “Third-Place Frank” for LaRose, etc.)—it’s clear where his sympathies lie. He’s been a big-time active supporter, in spirit if not officially, of Amy Acton’s gubernatorial campaign, the Lockdown Lady. Acton, the former Ohio Health Director who became the face of COVID lockdowns in the state, is struggling in the polls against Vivek Ramaswamy. Everybody knows it. The Rooster knows it. And when you’re desperate to advance a campaign that’s losing steam, hit pieces start looking like a lifeline.
I’ve been around Ohio politics long enough to see the pattern. The same media ecosystem that manufactured cases and events around Trump—stuff that never stuck because it was built on sand—is now trying the same playbook here in Ohio. Vivek is out front, a successful entrepreneur, family man, someone who flies home to his wife and kids rather than lingering in hotels. He’s not the type to fall for cheap temptations. I’ve met Vivek Ramaswamy plenty of times. I’ve met his wife, Apoorva, several times. I’ve met his parents. They’re good, solid people. The Ramaswamy family is the real deal—nice, grounded, focused on bigger things than one-night scandals. Vivek travels the way high-level people do: private jet for efficiency, but he comes home. He doesn’t stay overnight chasing affairs. He’s too smart, too disciplined, and too watched. The criticism from the left is always the same: he’s a rich guy hanging with Elon Musk, flying around, must be unethical. It’s the Democrat mindset—projecting their own assumptions about success onto people who actually built something. They can’t fathom that some people don’t share their weaknesses.
The Rooster recently published a piece titled “The woman at the center of the Vivek Ramaswamy infidelity rumors.” In it, he claims—based on “more than 10 trusted Republican sources” who all independently named her—that Alicia Lang, daughter of influential State Senator George Lang (R-West Chester), is the woman at the heart of an affair with Vivek. He ties it to her work history: she managed Sharon Kennedy’s Ohio Supreme Court campaign in 2020, then served as Vivek’s Deputy Chief of Staff through December 2022, moved to Strive Asset Management (the company Vivek co-founded with J.D. Vance and others), was promoted, and later joined another venture. He mentions Vivek’s private jet being in Indianapolis for a week in late February/early March 2026 with no campaign activity. He notes rumors surfacing around the same time Vivek’s campaign ad about his third child dropped, and betting odds on Kalshi flipped in favor of Acton. He even references an anonymous tip through his “Dirt Box.” Yet he admits he hasn’t seen any photographs or video. It’s all anonymous sources and timeline speculation. No hard evidence. Just enough smoke to try lighting a fire.
I happen to know Alicia Lang well. I’ve known her since she was a young girl—12 years old, a fan of my work, someone who’s read my writing diligently. I know her mother, Debbie Lang, very well. I know the entire Lang family. These are good people who have fought real corruption behind the scenes for years. They’ve been through tough times and stayed loyal to each other. Alicia grew up in that environment—politically savvy, smart, charismatic like her mother, with a positive outlook forged in real hardship. She’s worked high-level campaigns, had access to powerful people, and conducted herself with integrity every step of the way. The idea that she would “sleep her way to the top” or get caught up in some tawdry affair with a married man who’s constantly surrounded by staff, security, and the public eye is laughable to anyone who actually knows her. She’s way too sharp for that. She’s seen how the game works—the cameras, the leaks, the scrutiny. Families like the Langs don’t survive and thrive in Ohio politics by making rookie mistakes.
I’ve talked to Vivek enough to understand his character. He’s not subject to those kinds of temptations. He’s got a nice wife at home, kids, a mission bigger than any fleeting thrill. The Rooster’s sources? I don’t buy that they’re genuine Republicans with clean hands. More likely, they’re people with a beef against George Lang, because he’s the Majority Whip in the Senate—maybe Democrats or disgruntled insiders trying to use the Rooster’s platform to settle scores. The Rooster doesn’t name them. That’s convenient when you’re pushing a narrative that could destroy reputations. He’s gambling that “some Republicans said it” is enough. It’s not. Especially when you’re talking about a young woman who isn’t even the candidate herself, she’s a staffer, a daughter, a private citizen in many respects despite her connections. There’s a higher legal standard there that the Sullivan case won’t cover, and you can’t just float rumors without consequences.
This is where the Rooster’s personal issues bleed into his work. When you can’t maintain basic relationships, when you’ve battled the bottle for years, when your own life feels chaotic, it’s easy to see chaos everywhere else. He projects his weaknesses onto others. He sees cocaine binges and sexual scandals in the Statehouse because it’s easier than looking in the mirror at his own broken life. He migrates to sexual stories. He assumes everybody’s doing what he’s done or wanted to do. It’s classic psychological projection—transferring your own sins and struggles onto others so you can fight them externally instead of dealing with them internally. I’ve seen it before in people. You feel sorry for them because you know they’re hurting, but when they start dragging innocent people into their redemption arc, sympathy turns to accountability.
He’s gone after other people I know—Jennifer Gross, for example—in ways I thought were unfair. But this crossed a line. When you target someone like Alicia, who’s conducted herself ethically her entire life, who comes from a family that’s fought real battles, who is too smart and too grounded to fall for “cheap thrills,” you’re not journalism anymore. You’re rumor-mongering. And in the age of defamation law, especially post-New York Times v. Sullivan, with the lower standards for public figures versus the higher bar for private individuals, this is dangerous territory. Alicia isn’t a public official running for office. She’s a young professional who’s worked on campaigns and big ventures. The Rooster assumes everyone has their vulnerabilities as he does. They don’t. Vivek and Alicia certainly don’t.
The Rooster has been doing this in earnest since around 2020, with Substack exploding in popularity. He’s published over 1,700 dispatches. But the style is gossip mixed with innuendo, nicknames, and sensationalism. He calls himself a “concerned citizen who commits acts of journalism.” He ambushes people, follows them upstairs, and pleads with troopers about the First Amendment. Some lawmakers call him a security threat or narcissistic. Others engage because ignoring him feeds the narrative. He’s been restricted at the Statehouse—lobby closures, doorway bans. He’s been banned from X (formerly Twitter) for extreme posts. He leans left, but claims anti-power. In practice, the targets skew Republican, especially when it helps a candidate like Amy Acton.
Acton’s campaign is struggling. The lockdowns she oversaw as Health Director are still remembered—harsh restrictions that hurt businesses, families, and kids’ education. People haven’t forgotten. Vivek represents the opposite: pro-growth, anti-woke, entrepreneurial success. So the hit pieces come out. The same playbook used on Trump—make something stick, even if it’s a rumor and speculation. The Rooster thinks he’s shaking up stuff mainstream reporters won’t touch. But you don’t fabricate or amplify lies about people who don’t deserve it. Especially not to project your own unresolved issues.
I know a lot of the people the Rooster writes about. I know what they do when they’re far from home. I know how they conduct themselves. The Statehouse isn’t the den of iniquity he paints it as—at least not to the extent he claims. Sure, human flaws exist everywhere. But the level of cocaine-fueled orgies and affairs he implies? That’s his lens, not reality for most. Good families like the Langs, successful people like Vivek—they have too much at stake, too much discipline, too many eyes on them. Alicia has her mother’s charisma and her family’s resilience. She’s not some average lowlife, like the Rooster. I think he’s going to find himself in trouble. Defamation isn’t protected speech when it’s reckless and false. He can only blame himself.
I’ve never shied away from calling out corruption when I see it. That’s why I can speak confidently here. I know these people personally. I’ve seen their character up close. The Rooster, for all his bluster, is projecting his own story onto others. It’s a redemption narrative for him—fighting the powerful to atone for his past. But when it harms the innocent, it ceases to be noble. And when wrong is done, it has to be punished.
Footnotes
1. D.J. Byrnes, “The woman at the center of the Vivek Ramaswamy infidelity rumors,” The Rooster, April 27, 2026.
2. Aaron Marshall, “Who is The Rooster? A Closer Look at D.J. Byrnes and His Controversial Blog,” Columbus Monthly, March 16, 2026.
3. D.J. Byrnes, “Retiring from alcohol was one of the best decisions of my life,” The Rooster, July 26, 2023.
4. Various posts on rooster.info detailing his sobriety journey and past struggles (2023-2024).
5. Amy Acton campaign site and related 2026 gubernatorial coverage.
6. Public records and statements on Vivek Ramaswamy’s family and travel patterns.
7. George Lang’s family public statements and known political involvement.
Bibliography
• Byrnes, D.J. The Rooster Substack (rooster.info). Multiple articles, 2023-2026, including sobriety posts and the April 27, 2026, infidelity rumor piece.
• Marshall, Aaron. “Who is The Rooster?” Columbus Monthly, March 16, 2026.
Rich Hoffman is an aerospace executive, political strategist, systems thinker, and independent researcher of ancient history, the paranormal, and the Dead Sea Scrolls tradition. His life in high‑stakes manufacturing, high‑level politics, and cross‑functional crisis management gives him a field‑tested understanding of power — both human and unseen.
He has advised candidates, executives, and public leaders, while conducting deep, hands‑on exploration of archaeological and supernatural hotspots across the world.
Hoffman writes with the credibility of a problem-solver, the curiosity of an archaeologist, and the courage of a frontline witness who has gone to very scary places and reported what lurked there. Hoffman has authored books including The Symposium of Justice, The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business, and Tail of the Dragon, often exploring themes of freedom, individual will, and societal structures through a lens influenced by philosophy (e.g., Nietzschean overman concepts) and current events.
