Why the 2026 Midterm Polls Are Still Misleading: Ohio, Texas, Wisconsin, and the Persistent Republican Non-Response Bias

I have been watching the midterm landscape closely in mid-August 2026. Three months out from Election Day, the polling averages in several key races look tighter than the underlying partisan lean of these states would suggest. Ohio’s governor’s race between Vivek Ramaswamy and Amy Acton sits near a toss-up. The special Senate election between Jon Husted and Sherrod Brown is competitive. In Texas, Ken Paxton and James Talarico are essentially deadlocked in recent surveys. Then came the Wisconsin Democratic primary, where the polls were off by roughly 20 points in the direction favoring the more progressive candidate.

I have said for a long time that a meaningful portion of the modern polling industry carries systematic bias against Republicans. Conservatives and Trump voters are less likely to pick up the phone or complete a survey. Pollsters still lean on models and samples that over-weight the people who do answer—disproportionately Democrats and people more inclined to engage with survey-takers. On top of that sits a commercial incentive: close races generate more advertising dollars. Campaigns with money to spend feel pressure to keep spending when the horse race looks competitive. Wisconsin just provided another public demonstration of how badly these models can fail when late undecideds and turnout dynamics break in one direction.

I do not think the actual underlying margins in Ohio or Texas are as tight as the published averages. I think several points in these surveys understate Republicans, and if the election were held today, the Republican candidates would win more comfortably than the current numbers imply. That is not complacency. It is pattern recognition from 2016 forward, reinforced by the Wisconsin result and by what I see on the ground and on platforms where people actually speak freely.

Wisconsin Democratic Primary 2026: The 20-Point Polling Collapse of Francesca Hong

The clearest recent data point is Wisconsin. Polls consistently showed Democratic Socialist State Representative Francesca Hong leading Milwaukee County Executive David Crowley by double digits—sometimes by around 20 points. One late survey had her at 44 percent to Crowley’s 22 percent. Another earlier reading put her near 38 percent with Crowley in single digits and a large undecided bloc. 

On primary night Crowley won by less than half a percentage point. Hong received roughly the share the final polls had projected for her—around 39 percent. The entire error was on Crowley’s side. Late-deciding and previously undecided voters broke hard against the more radical option. Primaries are harder to model than generals because turnout is lower and more volatile, and Wisconsin’s open primary added another layer of uncertainty. Still, the scale of the miss is striking. The models captured the progressive candidate’s floor but completely missed the late surge to the more traditional Democrat. 

I was not surprised. There is a recurring temptation inside media and polling circles to treat energized progressive or socialist factions as larger than they are. College campuses, activist networks, and highly engaged online progressive voters are easy to reach and happy to talk to pollsters. The broader primary electorate is less so. When the actual voters showed up, the socialist ceiling was exposed. The same pattern has appeared in other recent cycles, in which early surveys elevate a hard-left candidate and then the candidate underperforms once undecideds and lower-propensity voters enter the picture.

Current Ohio Governor Polls: Vivek Ramaswamy vs Amy Acton in Mid-August 2026

In Ohio, the governor’s race is officially an open seat. Aggregates in mid-August put Vivek Ramaswamy and former state health director Amy Acton essentially even, or with Ramaswamy ahead by less than a point. One recent weighted average had Ramaswamy at 47.0 percent and Acton at 46.2 percent. Individual surveys have bounced: some Democratic-leaning pollsters have shown Acton up two or three points; others have shown a tie or a small Republican edge. 

Ohio is not a pure 50-50 state. Donald Trump carried it by roughly eleven points in 2024. The underlying Republican structural advantage has been visible for several cycles. A race this close in the averages, this far out, is therefore anomalous on its face. Acton’s association with COVID-era restrictions remains a live liability with a large share of the electorate that still remembers the lockdowns and school closures. Ramaswamy’s profile is national and polarizing, which creates some friction among independents and moderates, but the state’s recent presidential and statewide results do not suggest a natural environment for a Democratic win.

Ohio Senate Race Polling: Jon Husted vs Sherrod Brown

The special Senate election is similarly compressed. Jon Husted, appointed after JD Vance’s elevation, faces former Senator Sherrod Brown. Aggregates in early August showed Husted ahead by roughly two to three points in some trackers, while other windows had Brown with a small edge or a statistical tie. A New York Times/Siena survey had Husted at 50–47. An AARP-sponsored poll earlier in the summer had Brown up three. The race is competitive on paper. 

Brown is a known quantity with residual personal brand strength among some working-class and older voters. Yet Ohio has continued moving right relative to the national environment. A race that looks this tight three months out again sits uncomfortably against the state’s recent performance. If nonresponse systematically suppresses Republican numbers, the published margins understate Husted’s true position.

Texas US Senate Polls 2026: Ken Paxton vs James Talarico Dead Heat

In Texas, the pattern repeats. The latest Emerson College survey (August 9–10) had Attorney General Ken Paxton at 47 percent and state Representative James Talarico at 46 percent among likely voters. Other recent polls have shown similar dead heats or small leads for either side. 

Texas is not a purple state. Trump won it by roughly fourteen points in 2024. Paxton is a polarizing figure with a long history of legal and political battles, which creates openings for a skilled Democratic challenger. Talarico has run a disciplined campaign and benefits from the same non-response dynamics that compress Republican leads elsewhere. Still, a race this close in a state with Texas’s underlying Republican baseline is another data point that looks softer for the GOP than the fundamentals imply.

The Persistent Problem of Republican Non-Response Bias in Modern Polling

The common thread is non-response. I am on every list. Campaigns and pollsters call and text constantly. I rarely answer. I vote in every primary and every general election, but I do not have time for a fifteen-minute questionnaire from someone I do not know. Many people in my circle operate the same way. Conservatives, older voters, rural voters, and Trump-aligned voters have lower cooperation rates with traditional survey methods. Cell-phone-only households, caller-ID screening, and general distrust of institutions make the problem worse than it was in the landline era. 

Democrats and more progressive voters, by contrast, remain relatively easy to reach and willing to engage. The result is a sample that is tilted before any weighting is applied. Pollsters attempt to correct with demographic targets, education weights, and recalled vote, but the corrections are imperfect. When the underlying population of interest—likely Republican voters—has systematically lower response rates, the adjusted numbers still lag. This is not a new observation. It has been discussed after 2016, 2020, and 2022. Wisconsin’s primary is simply the latest high-profile reminder that the models can still break when late movement occurs among the harder-to-reach.

Media and Pollster Incentives to Keep Races Looking Close

There is also a commercial layer. Close races sell. Media companies and the consultants who live off campaign advertising benefit when the horse race stays competitive. Republican candidates and committees have raised substantial sums. Those dollars flow more readily when the published polls suggest the outcome is in doubt. A seven- or eight-point underlying Republican advantage, when published as a two-point race, generates more television, digital, and direct-mail spending than a blowout narrative would. I am not claiming a grand conspiracy in every survey. I am saying the incentive structure rewards the appearance of competitiveness, and the sampling problems make that appearance easier to produce.

Why Platforms Like X Offer a Clearer Picture Than Traditional Surveys

This is where platforms that still allow relatively unfiltered speech become useful. People say things online under their own names or consistent pseudonyms that they will not say to a stranger on the phone. Sentiment on X, when read carefully and at scale, has often been a better leading indicator of Republican energy than the published telephone and online panel averages. AI systems that can process large volumes of public posts provide another check on the traditional samples. They are not perfect—online populations are not identical to the electorate—but they are less constrained by the cooperation-rate problem that plagues live interviewers and many opt-in panels.

What a Real Election Day Would Show Right Now in These States

If the election were held in the middle of August 2026, I believe the Republican candidates in these races would win by larger margins than the current averages indicate—closer to the seven- or eight-point range in Ohio and a clearer, more comfortable win for Paxton in Texas. That is not a prediction locked in stone for November. Turnout, national mood, candidate performance, and late events still matter. Campaigns cannot rest on structural advantages. But the idea that these races are true toss-ups or that Texas is on the verge of flipping requires accepting that the polling error has suddenly vanished. Wisconsin suggests it has not.

Election Night Dynamics in Ohio: Urban Early Returns vs Rural Reality

Ohio’s geography still shapes how results appear on election night. Early returns from the Columbus area and other urban centers can create a temporary Democratic lead. As the suburban and rural counties between the cities report, the numbers swing back. That pattern has been consistent. Watching the first 15 or 30 minutes of returns without understanding the sequence can cause unnecessary panic. The same logic applies to interpreting summer polls that over-sample the easier-to-reach urban and college populations.  And if surveys do not account for this real estate trend, their outlook will not be accurate.  If rural people don’t respond to the poll, they won’t be counted.  

I have been around these fights long enough to recognize the difference between a genuine shift in the electorate and a measurement problem. The Wisconsin primary was a measurement problem with real consequences for the models. The compressed margins in Ohio and Texas look like the same problem applied to general-election contests in states that have been moving toward Republicans. Non-response among the very voters who decide these races remains the central issue. Until the industry solves the cooperation-rate gap, or until alternative signals from freer platforms are weighted more heavily, the published numbers will continue to understate the Republican side. Plan accordingly.

Footnotes

1.  Aggregated Ohio governor polling as of mid-August 2026 from Pollsmax and concurrent trackers showing Ramaswamy 47.0 / Acton 46.2 and recent individual surveys (NYT/Siena, Tulchin, AARP/Fabrizio, etc.).

2.  Wisconsin primary result: David Crowley approximately 39.8 percent, Francesca Hong approximately 39.3 percent; pre-election surveys consistently showed Hong leads of 15–20+ points.

3.  Ohio Senate aggregates and individual polls (Pollsmax, NYT/Siena, AARP, Beacon/Shaw) place the race within a few points either way.

4.  Emerson College/Nexstar Texas Senate poll, August 9–10, 2026: Paxton 47, Talarico 46.

5.  Discussion of non-response bias and primary modeling difficulties drawn from post-election analyses of the Wisconsin results and longer-standing literature on declining survey cooperation rates among conservatives.

6.  2024 presidential margins: Ohio approximately R+11, Texas approximately R+14, Wisconsin narrow Republican win.

Bibliography for Further Reading

•  Pollsmax, RealClearPolitics, 270toWin, and Decision Desk HQ aggregate pages for 2026 Ohio governor, Ohio Senate special, and Texas Senate.

•  Emerson College Polling releases on Texas, August 2026.

•  Contemporary reporting and post-mortems on the Wisconsin Democratic gubernatorial primary (Axios, New York Times, Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, Marquette Law School Poll commentary).

•  Historical analyses of non-response bias in U.S. political polling after the 2016, 2020, and 2022 cycles.

•  Public statements and data releases from the campaigns of Vivek Ramaswamy, Jon Husted, Ken Paxton, Amy Acton, Sherrod Brown, and James Talarico.

•  Academic and industry papers on declining telephone survey response rates and the challenges of weighting for partisan non-response.

The numbers will keep coming. Watch what the hard-to-reach voters actually do when the ballots are counted, not onlywhat the people who answer the phone say in August.

Rich Hoffman

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About the Author: Rich Hoffman

Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com.  If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.

The Wisconsin Hit List that Mitch McConnell’s Name Was On: How evil spreads in the world

First of all, political hits like the one against Wisconsin judge John Roemer in Wisconsin are more common than they should be. Like election fraud, there is a level of this behavior that we have come to accept. We see this reflected in the Bret Kavanaugh case in Washington D.C. at the Supreme Court level. The threats of assassination, literal or socially, have been a form of judicial control for years. Suppose a judge comes up with an unpopular ruling. In that case, there is the constant fear that some assassin like Douglas Uhde, who killed Judge Roemer in his home tied to a chair with zip ties, before going down into the basement to shoot himself in the head only to die days later from the wound, will knock on our door. Unfortunately, judicial activism has been very common in political tides to persuade them to behave in ways that a criminal class desires. The threat of such actions as occurred with Douglas Uhde is meant to maintain control over their logic. Speaking from a lot of experience, I have known a lot of judges over the years like John Roemer, and I certainly have known a lot of hit people like Douglas Uhde. Most hit people are not slick, bold people like you see in the movies. Instead, they are low-level people with messy hair and messy lives with a personality type that allows them to desire that line of work because they are a little crazy. Stories like this killing are so common it would provoke the question of why this one made national news. After the police found Uhde’s body in the basement, they also found a hit list in his truck at the site with Mitch McConnell’s name and the name of Governor Whitmer in Michigan.

It’s not that a vast evil is in charge of all thoughts and deeds because what happened next was a baked-in imposition similar to the original intent of judicial activism. There happens to be a push by Democrats nationally to ignore inflation numbers and all the other debacles of the Biden administration and to do something on gun control legislation to give the hapless loser some kind of victory going into the midterms. Democrats have convinced ten pathetic Republican senators to sign on to some token gun control legislation after the media has essentially put every shooting on the news that has happened across the nation for the last several weeks to perform the task. The evil at play is baked into the system; it’s not a hidden message from Skeletor or Cobra from those old 80s cartoons like GI Joe, who are orchestrating all this mess. The evil is systematic, and the media knows what to do with it when they see it. Killings like this with the judge normally wouldn’t make news outside their local community. Still, this one had the name of two prominent politicians on it who are sympathetic to progressive causes, so this story was unleashed as a national incident. Reporters taught in liberal institutions guided by liberal financing know what they need to do to keep a job in the industry, and stories like this killing keep them relevant.   So the media picked it up to help the cases of Whitmer in Michigan, who is in a tough challenge for her seat to make her a one-term governor, and to work on Mitch McConnell on gun legislation in the senate. Even if he didn’t put his name down for support of gun control legislation, he wouldn’t stand in the way of it either. After all, his name was just found on a hit list. 

So this is how these stories of hidden menace manipulate our culture at the legal level and why many cry in the night for justice but never get it because the bad guys always seem to be in control. Silently, we accept this kind of injustice and harassment of our legal system, and instead of fighting back, we hide in our homes and hope that people like Douglas Uhde never come to see us. In my experience with these kinds of people, they are quite common, and law enforcement knows about them. They live in the cracks, often have deep criminal backgrounds, and messy lives in every way you can imagine. But they kill people for a living, and judges are careful with these types because they don’t want to end up on a list like the one found in Uhde’s truck. And over time, the more rigid we have become with gun control laws, the more we have chipped away at the Second Amendment, the more empowered people like this hitman have become in our world. And our media and legal system have accepted these terms to make way for progressive politics and consider the actions “collateral damage.” The best way to stay off such lists was to do what the thugs in the world want and not stand up to anything significant. By the nature of the killing of Judge Roemer, who was retired and trying to live his best life, the fact that he was tied to a chair before receiving a gunshot to the chest indicated a payback for a court case or a series of court cases. There was a person who fled the scene and called the police. When the police came, Uhde was still in the house and had no choice but to kill himself or go to jail. 

This is precisely why we have the Second Amendment. If the person who fled the house had stayed and fought off Uhde, we would have a different story. If Judge Roemer had been armed himself and had shot Uhde long before he was tied to a chair, we would likely be short one hitman in the world, which nobody would bat an eye at. Many people would have lived happily ever after. But evil in the world doesn’t want us to be happy or to feel secure. So they want to chip away at our right to defend ourselves with gun control legislation and use every violent occurrence to perpetuate our fears so that we are easier to control. To make us all into potential victims. That is precisely what the judicial branch has come to accept, even at the level of the Supreme Court. When deciding a case, they have to think about whether or not they might be killed for making it. So is a decision worth dying for? Is Roe v. Wade worth dying for because Chuck Schumer, who just pushed those 10 Republicans into joining him for gun control legislation to make Biden look good, also inspired violence toward the Supreme Court judges, which one lonely 26-year-old kid was just trying to kill Kavanaugh. He turned himself in before making the killing. But the implication was enough to get everyone’s attention, which was the reason for the threat. And sometimes, to back up a threat, sometimes the hit must occur. It certainly got Mitch McConnell’s attention.

Everyone talks about living in a “civil society.” Yet, we have an entire political system that accepts acts of violence and the maniacal lives of people like Douglas Uhde because it helps evil gain power in the world. That is how evil grows; we accept it in small bits at a time. Killers like Uhde exist. After all, they help corrupt politicians like Chuck Schumer and Gretchen Whitmer grow in power because they terrify the people downstream, especially local judicial judges like the poor Wisconsin Juneau County Circuit Court retiree. And ultimately, that’s why they want to disarm us all so that we might be tied to a chair and killed for not ruling in the ways evil desires. And that we would attack our means of defending ourselves, making it easier for evil to spread in the world because we have no other means of dealing with it but to yield to it and hope that a killer like Douglas Uhde never knocks on our door.

Rich Hoffman

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Perhaps Its Time to Bring Back Dueling: After Kenosha, the prosecution showed themselves to be the enemy

In Pursuit of Justice

I’m one who thought the Kyle Rittenhouse case in Kenosha, Wisconsin, should have never gone to trial.  If you have to shoot someone in self-defense, it’s a simple constitutional issue for me. The essential protection of private property starts with the self and expands to the assets that might be possessed.   A person’s life is their most important possession.  The riots in the streets that night in Kenosha looked to overthrow the town, destroy property and terrorize the people who lived there to make a political point. I’m all for debate with people who don’t think the way you might. I’m all for settling disputes with a vote.  But once campaign signs are stolen, or mobs are formed, it becomes a private property case, and the way to defend that property is with deadly force, whatever it may be.  Yet the Rittenhouse trial was an interesting one to watch.  That poor kid should have never had to suffer through it to get to a “not guilty” verdict in the end.  Thankfully there was a good judge on the case, and the jury was respectable.  But the kid should have never had to go through all that to satisfy the overly progressive prosecutor in the case who represented the state in more ways than just this specific murder case.  The prosecutors in the Rittenhouse case were disgraceful.  How many liberals are there in these roles?  I know the prosecutors in my community of Butler County, and I know many judges, and they are what I would consider “normal people.” They think and act like regular people, and they have a basic understanding of the value of our constitutions, state and federal.  Where did all these liberals come from in these district attorney positions who put on these cases?  That is the bigger problem, and it set my mind to consider what I proposed in my book, The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business, dueling as a solution to the legal problems of our times.

I see it as a mistake what we did at the end of the Victorian era and the start of the Progressive era. I’ve been spending a lot of time discussing those mistakes recently as I’ve been thinking about it a lot over the last several years.  When President Jackson was in many duels, or even Alexander Hamilton was, it is obvious we have lost something in our culture to turn over the responsibility for the conflict to pin-headed lawyers to fight on our behalf.  After all, that was what the Kyle Rittenhouse trial was; it was a duel between a young person who killed rioters and a state that wanted to make a case for the abolition of private property.  In the prosecution’s assertion was the concept that the people had a right to destroy personal property and terrorize people into collective belief and that Kyle had an obligation to appease the mob.  That is a standard position of the communist loving left. I conclude that nobody who thinks from a leftist point of view can co-exist with constitutionally minded people in America.  The left wants to erase the constitution; the right wants to live by the ground rules.  Those are opposing forces that will never get along, so why fake it?  The way to obtain respect for two such unmoveable forces is to blame the actors themselves instead of punting them to a third-party legal system to do it for them. 

I recently read a magnificent book that I bought at The Hole in the Wall bookstore at Wall, Drug in South Dakota.  It was called Outlaws of South Dakota and was all about legal cases where the people breaking the law either ended up hung or shot dead in most cases covering the gold rush period up until the time of the gangsters in the 1920s and 30s.  When the public just shot criminals dead, or as a group themselves, hung people for their crimes, things worked much better in society instead of catching a criminal and holding them for a trial that might not happen for months.  The presumption of fairness wasn’t worth the trouble if you take the cases in their totality.  Jack McCall, for instance, the killer who shot Wild Bill Hickok in Deadwood right in front of everyone, should have been engaged and shot right on the spot.  Instead, they captured him, had a phony trial, then let him go, only to be caught later on another charge and eventually killed.  As it appears, the town of Deadwood did not want any law and order, so they wanted McCall to kill Wild Bill so the criminal element could continue to make money the way they had been.  As I read that book, I visited the actual sites where Wild Bill was shot and resided and considered these legal issues.  For me, it’s a perfect comparison to what the Swamp did to President Trump when we elected him to clean things up.  The Swamp didn’t want to be clean, so they got rid of those who threatened their criminal enterprises.  It costs a lot more to allow people like that to reside in the shadows than to confront them directly with a deadly duel in a lonely street when honor meant something because it was personal. 

Because of Covid vaccine mandates and other Biden administration matters, I have had to talk to more lawyers than I usually do. I have been astonished at how stupid they are; they are a lot dumber than they used to be. What’s worse, it’s the quality level of the Bar Association itself.   The standards of law have depleted over the years.  Lawyers and human resource departments are not suitable replacements for two people fighting out a problem among themselves.  The transition from dueling to court trials has not been a successful one.  The Rittenhouse case was a hit from the state against an individual for purposes of the state to erode the concept of private property.  Personal integrity is not a consideration of modern law, and because of it, the premise of all legal cases is flawed before they ever get started.  Kenosha was intended to be destroyed to advance a progressive concept of eradicating the police so that personal property could not be protected in society.

Therefore, all people would have to submit to the mobs of leftism.  If we allowed dueling to continue, as it had in the past, none of this legal assumption would have even established itself in our culture.  But because we have punted personal resolution to the courts, now the courts have abused their power and become the bullies themselves.  The thugs and losers who were shot in Kenosha obviously should have never been on the street if our court system had worked properly, and it would be people like Kyle Rittenhouse putting them in jail.  But the prosecution in the Rittenhouse case wanted the opposite; they wanted Kyle in prison and the thugs on the streets just as the town of Deadwood wanted Jack McCall to roam free to murder law and order so that crime could flourish.  And that is what we have in Washington D.C., a society of crime that advances while the innocent suffer under legal restraints meant to cripple them, not to empower them.  With all that in mind, we were a better society when we settled our matters not with lawyers but with guns.  It forced a much more honorable society and personal responsibility for the morality of our people, and it worked a whole lot better than what we see in examples like the Rittenhouse trial.  It should never have happened.  The night that Kyle shot those thugs, he should have been back home with his mother enjoying milk and cookies for a rough night on the town—not incarcerated for prosecution by a state that wanted to destroy him for even worse reasons than the killings occurred. 

Rich Hoffman

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Zombie Like Protestors: Who is responsible? The evidence points at President Obama.

According to The Huffington Post, Ohio is about a week behind Wisconsin. There is an organized plan, just as there is in Wisconsin, to swamp Columbus, Ohio with the type of radical behavior delivered to Madison.

So what’s going on in Wisconsin? Here is the platform for Governor Walker’s budget plans. Sounds pretty reasonable to me. The guy was elected by the citizens of Wisconsin to govern the state and balance the budget. If people wanted another democrat to further exacerbate their debts, they would have elected one. But they didn’t. So here is Walker’s proposal.

But listen to these people. Sounds like public education failed them miserably because they clearly don’t have a grip on reality. Where do they get these ideas?

Remember when everyone in the media said Glenn Beck was a crack pot for saying socialist were trying to undermine our society through social networking? Listen to these two kids. They believe what they are saying. Where’d they get their ideas?

Listen to these people, “it’s for the kids and their families.” They actually believe it. Where would they get that idea? Because it clearly isn’t, they are just repeating what they’ve learned from some other source.

Here is some of the rhetoric on the signs displayed in the protests. Look at the type of rhetoric written on them. Where did they get those ideas? They all seem so similar.

Now, we’ve seen this locally, but it’s a national tactic, where teachers use our kids to fulfill their political and financial objectives. These children have no idea why they are at the rally. All they do know is that they are off school and doing what their teachers told them to do.

So what’s behind all this crazy stuff? That’s right, it’s good ol’ George. It’s all about ideological issues according to him, even though he’s smart enough to become rich, so he’s being misleading. What he really means is that the millions he’s spent pushing left winged agendas are being rejected by the part of the country that is in the political center and to the right of that center. The ideology that he speaks of is the mark he left through his influence on all the people shown above that are protesting something they don’t understand.

And of course here is President Obama’s position on all this. Obama is simply a spokesman to people like Soros who definitely have an agenda to subvert the Constitution. The victims of this activity can be seen in these protests.

Now where do you think all these people get the ideas behind their rhetoric? Here is President Obama. Listen to what he says, and you’ll see that the protestors are asking for all the things he promised.

I was playing a video game today called Left 4 Dead 2 which is a game where a bunch of thoughtless zombies try to suck your blood. It’s a fun game intended to be action packed and scary. The zombies in Left 4 Dead reminded me of these protestors. The protestors look like us. Talk like us, but they are sick and diseased with something that is dangerous to all of us. And I blame people like President Obama for doing his part to make those poor souls sick on his rhetoric. Obama is responsible for doing his part in creating the hostile climate we are seeing in Wisconsin.

Listen to the generals of this new kind of war. Because that’s what it is.

It’s sad to see so many of our fellow citizens sick on these entitlement ideas. Like zombies, they seem to have lost all thought of their own and can only see the world based on their own needs. They spout the commands of their leaders without question and to hear them, and see them is a sad, pathetic sight.

They truly believe that if they display in mass that somehow the peer pressure will change the fate of our nation. Soon the zombies will descend on Columbus, Ohio by the command of their democratic leadership with direct support from the President of the United States who is under control by people Soros. And that’s not acceptable.

Even if all the zombie protestors which exist in the world take to the streets, they do not outnumber the normal thinking citizens that run these states and pay the taxes. Soon the protestors will learn how fruitless their endeavor is when they quickly prove how irrelevant they are to the public sector.

Rich Hoffman

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