The Road to Cincinnati: Navigating emotional intelligence without the temptations of corruption

In the quiet hours after dinner, when the house settles and the day’s demands fade, there is a ritual that has shaped much of my understanding of the world: reading. Four or five books a week, many of them compact volumes around 150 pages, devoured not in hurried skimming but in focused sessions that stretch from six in the evening until bedtime near eleven. This habit is no idle pastime. It is a deliberate investment in clarity, particularly when navigating the complexities of leadership, politics, family, and personal integrity. One such book, The Project Management Blueprint by Richard Stone, published in 2024 in the post-COVID landscape, caught my attention midway through for its emphasis on an often-overlooked aspect in traditional management texts: emotional intelligence. 

This focus struck me as refreshingly at odds with some of the more performative trends in modern corporate and institutional culture. Here was a practical guide acknowledging that technical skills alone do not suffice. Success in projects—and by extension, in life—requires the ability to understand and manage emotions, both one’s own and others’. Far from being a sign of weakness or compromise, emotional intelligence emerges as a tool for maintaining personal integrity amid the inevitable collisions of differing viewpoints. This essay explores that distinction at length: how cultivating emotional intelligence does not equate to corruption, but rather equips individuals to navigate human systems without eroding their core convictions.

Emotional intelligence, as framed in the book and echoed in broader management literature, encompasses self-awareness, self-regulation, motivation, empathy, and social skills. Daniel Goleman’s foundational work popularized these ideas, showing how they predict success more reliably than IQ in many interpersonal domains. In project management, this translates into listening to stakeholders, fostering buy-in, and guiding teams toward shared objectives without dictating from above. The Project Management Blueprint dedicates sections to fundamentals of emotional intelligence in business, highlighting its role in post-pandemic environments where hybrid work, diverse teams, and heightened sensitivities demand nuanced leadership. 

Consider a simple family road trip as a microcosm. Imagine coordinating a vacation with a spouse of 38 years, adult children, and grandchildren. Everyone piles into multiple vehicles heading toward Cincinnati or some distant destination. Preferences clash immediately: one wants Chick-fil-A, another Cracker Barrel, a third the Love’s Travel Center. Backseat drivers offer unsolicited route advice—“Take 75 through the traffic,” or “No, the back roads are better.” If you are the driver, the path seems obvious to you. Solitude offers efficiency; alone, you could chart the course perfectly, stopping only where you choose. Yet family life demands inclusion. Granting autonomy to each contributor—listening, incorporating feasible inputs—builds investment. Dismiss them curtly, and resentment brews. The journey may take longer, but relationships endure.

This balancing act requires emotional intelligence. It is not about abandoning your knowledge of the best route but about securing collective commitment. In families, this sustains marriages and multi-generational bonds. In my own life, it has meant learning to integrate preferences without losing the destination. Personal integrity remains intact because the goal—family unity and safe arrival—transcends individual egos. Those lacking this skill often feel perpetually run over, their wisdom ignored. They retreat into isolation or authoritarian control, both of which fracture groups.

Scale this to politics and organizations. Leadership here mirrors project management: objectives must be defined, stakeholders aligned, and execution managed amid competing visions. Emotional intelligence allows a leader to solicit input, refine plans, and maintain momentum without sacrificing vision. It is the art of getting to “yes” without coercion. Critics sometimes equate this flexibility with corruption, especially in heated arenas like local governance. Yet the distinction is crucial: corruption involves trading principles for personal gain. Emotional intelligence deploys empathy and listening as strategic tools to advance principled goals.

Take the case of Ben Nguyen, the young man recently elected to the Lakota school board. Fresh out of high school and navigating college at Miami University, he demonstrates notable poise in engaging opponents. Rather than digging into ideological trenches, he sits with those holding different views, listens, and seeks workable paths forward. This is not weakness or sell-out behavior; it reflects maturity beyond his years. In a polarized environment, such capacity builds bridges while preserving conservative priorities. High emotional intelligence here serves integrity, not undermines it. 

My own experiences in Butler County, Ohio, illustrate these dynamics vividly. Public discourse often swirls with accusations of pedophilia rings or institutional cover-ups involving schools, jails, and law enforcement. When cases surface—such as a Butler Tech student ending up in compromising situations at the Butler County Jail, or concerns about a former Lakota superintendent—outrage is understandable. Communities demand accountability. Yet knee-jerk narratives of grand conspiracies often overlook human realities.

As foreman of a grand jury for about a month, I gained an insider’s view. Interviewing hundreds of officers, interacting with prosecutors, and touring facilities provided context beyond headlines. What emerged was not evidence of orchestrated evil but patterns of human failure. Jails house vulnerable populations alongside seasoned criminals. Staff manage personal crises—divorces, family stresses, financial pressures—while overseeing chaotic environments. Young interns or students enter this pressure cooker. Failures occur: lapses in supervision, poor judgment, boundary violations. These are tragic and demand a rigorous response, but attributing them wholesale to systemic pedophilia conspiracies requires ignoring granular evidence.

I personally toured the Butler County Jail and spoke at length with Sheriff Jones. I investigated claims directly. The sheriff runs a professional operation under difficult constraints. Law enforcement faces resource limits, legal hurdles in prosecutions, and grand juries composed of citizens with varying emotional investments. During my tenure, emotional intelligence proved valuable in guiding deliberations—helping diverse jurors focus on the evidence, weigh testimony fairly, and advance viable cases. Prosecutors appreciated this facilitation because it moved justice forward without railroading or dismissing concerns.

This work revealed layers. Institutions staffed by thousands inevitably reflect human frailty. Employees bring personal baggage to work. Some succumb to temptations, especially in high-stress, emotionally charged settings. Biblical wisdom offers deeper remedies here: cultivating inner goodness, moral foundations, and personal restraint surpasses bureaucratic rules alone. Expecting flawless institutional safeguards ignores original sin and fallen nature. Solutions blend accountability, cultural emphasis on virtue, and realistic expectations of oversight.

Critics who cry “corruption” when leaders engage power structures—accepting invitations, building relationships, or appearing in photos—often miss this nuance. Befriending officials does not equal capture if one retains independence. Emotional intelligence discerns manipulation while leveraging alliances for the public good. In my case, access enabled deeper scrutiny of the jail incident and related matters. Understanding motives—on all sides—strengthens rather than weakens integrity. The insecure, fearing contamination, withdraw and lob accusations from afar. Those secure in their convictions engage, probe, and influence without absorption.

This principle extends broadly. In corporate management post-COVID, books like The Project Management Blueprint address new realities: remote teams, DEI pressures, shifting loyalties. Emotional intelligence counters “woke” excesses not through reflexive opposition but by prioritizing outcomes. A project manager who listens to diverse inputs yet anchors decisions in measurable goals demonstrates strength, not capitulation. Dismissing EI as soft or anti-intellectual ignores its practical power. Studies consistently link it to better team performance, conflict resolution, and project success rates. 

Personal integrity withstands collaboration when rooted deeply. Marriage teaches this daily: compromising on dinner plans or vacation itineraries does not dissolve identity. Similarly, in politics, narrowing platforms to two or three resonant issues—finding common ground for voter investment—builds coalitions. Insisting on purity at every margin isolates and fails. Effective leaders identify investable objectives, accommodate feasible inputs, and steer toward results. This mirrors project management: define scope, manage stakeholders, deliver value.

The alternative—rigid insistence on one’s route regardless of passengers—may reach the destination faster but leaves fractured relationships. In families, it breeds resentment. In politics, it yields lonely ideologues who are ineffective at governance. In organizations, it produces high turnover and stalled initiatives. Emotional intelligence mitigates this without erasing self. It requires self-awareness to recognize when inputs enhance rather than derail, self-regulation to manage frustration with “backseat drivers,” and empathy to validate others’ perspectives even when they are flawed.

Critics of high-EI leaders often project their insecurities. Feeling unheard themselves, they assume accommodation signals weakness. Yet secure individuals view dialogue as a strength. They maintain core convictions—on family values, fiscal responsibility, the rule of law, and the protection of children—while navigating human ecosystems. In Butler County cases, thorough investigation honored outrage while grounding responses in facts. Grand jury processes demand persuasion: presenting evidence compellingly so citizens “buy in” to indictments. This is emotional intelligence applied to justice.

Developing this capacity is possible. The Project Management Blueprint and similar texts suggest trainable skills such as active listening, emotional self-assessment, and conflict transformation. Leaders should cultivate it within teams, creating cultures that value contribution without chaos. Biblical parallels abound—Proverbs on wisdom in counsel, Jesus engaging diverse audiences while upholding truth. Institutions cannot legislate goodness, but they can foster environments discouraging vice.

In politics, this manifests as team-building. Endorsing candidates or central committee work succeeds by highlighting shared priorities. Voters invest in relatable figures who listen yet lead. Dismissing emotional intelligence as corruption misunderstands both concepts. Corruption betrays trust for gain. Intelligence harmonizes without betrayal. The difference lies in foundation: those anchored in principle, weather influence; the unmoored drift.

My reading habit reinforces this. Amid noise, books provide perspective. Post-dinner sessions accumulate knowledge steadily. Business texts, histories, management guides—most compact, completable in five to ten hours—compound insight. Skipping television or other distractions yields surprising productivity gains. This discipline mirrors emotional intelligence: prioritizing long-term growth over immediate impulses.

Ultimately, high emotional intelligence enhances personal integrity rather than eroding it. It equips individuals to engage complexity—family logistics, political coalitions, institutional challenges—while preserving self. In a world quick to accuse compromise, we need more leaders like Ben Nguyen: young, principled, capable of dialogue. More citizens should investigate claims directly, as I did with the jail. More should read widely, reflect deeply, and practice listening without losing direction.

The road to Cincinnati, literal or metaphorical, improves with passengers who feel heard. The driver retains the wheel, guided by wisdom and conviction. Emotional intelligence ensures arrival together, relationships intact. This is not corruption. It is mature leadership, essential for thriving families, effective governance, and successful endeavors. As more people embrace it, communities strengthen against human frailties that no policy can fully eradicate. The foundation remains personal virtue, cultivated daily through habits like reading, reflection, and intentional engagement.

Bibliography for Further Reading

•  Stone, Richard. The Project Management Blueprint: How Any Beginner Can Master the Art of Project Management (2024).

•  Goleman, Daniel. Emotional Intelligence: Why It Can Matter More Than IQ.

•  Various PMI resources on EI in project management.

•  Biblical texts, particularly Proverbs and Gospels, for moral foundations.

•  Local Butler County public records and grand jury insights (anonymized where appropriate).

Rich Hoffman

More about me

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

About the Author: Rich Hoffman

Rich Hoffman is an aerospace executive, political strategist, systems thinker, and independent researcher of ancient history, the paranormal, and the Dead Sea Scrolls tradition. His life in high‑stakes manufacturing, high‑level politics, and cross‑functional crisis management gives him a field‑tested understanding of power — both human and unseen.

He has advised candidates, executives, and public leaders, while conducting deep, hands‑on exploration of archaeological and supernatural hotspots across the world.

Hoffman writes with the credibility of a problem-solver, the curiosity of an archaeologist, and the courage of a frontline witness who has gone to very scary places and reported what lurked there. Hoffman has authored books including The Symposium of JusticeThe Gunfighter’s Guide to Business, and Tail of the Dragon, often exploring themes of freedom, individual will, and societal structures through a lens influenced by philosophy (e.g., Nietzschean overman concepts) and current events.

The Roots of Ohio’s Medicaid Fraud Scandal: Loose Policies, Political Appeasement, and Lessons from History

I sat down recently to reflect on the growing scandal surrounding Medicaid fraud in Ohio, particularly in home health care services. As someone who has followed state politics closely for years through my podcast and writings, I see this not as an isolated failure but as a predictable outcome of decisions made years ago. The whistleblowers who came forward, as detailed by investigative reporter Mehek Cooke in The Daily Signal, painted a troubling picture of systemic pressure to rubber-stamp approvals for services that many recipients didn’t medically need.¹ Providers faced aggressive demands, sometimes involving translators for individuals from Somali, Bhutanese, and Nepalese communities, with paperwork pushed through despite physical exams showing no qualification. When honest providers denied claims, they faced backlash. This is the kind of corruption that drains taxpayer dollars and erodes trust in government.

I remember when John Kasich first pushed Medicaid expansion in Ohio. As a Republican governor, he bypassed the legislature by seeking approval through a state board to access federal funds.² It was framed as compassion—helping the vulnerable, including those caring for elderly parents—but I always viewed it as a progressive maneuver to expand government dependency. Kasich, influenced by figures like Arnold Schwarzenegger, wanted to appeal to minority communities and moderate voters. He thought expanding access with loose standards would build political goodwill. Mike DeWine, as governor, continued in a similar vein, prioritizing outreach over strict oversight. I have long argued that such policies create vulnerabilities ripe for exploitation, and the current fraud cases prove my point.

The financial incentives are enormous. Ohio’s Medicaid reimbursement rates allow family members to bill up to $90,000 a year for “personal care” services for one recipient, doubling or tripling that with multiple family members or in-laws under one roof.³ Whistleblowers described individuals making substantial incomes while sitting at home, with minimal actual caregiving. Some appeared coached on what to say during evaluations. This isn’t helping the needy; it’s a pipeline for fraud that benefits political machines by creating dependent voter blocs. Democrats like David Pepper have tried to pin the entire mess on Republicans, associating it with Vivek Ramaswamy and the current administration. But I see it differently. This stems from the expansion era under Kasich and the loose standards that followed, which Democrats exploited while Republicans played defense to avoid being labeled insensitive.

I have spoken with people in Ohio politics who understand the dynamics. Republicans, including some RINOs, felt pressured to expand Medicaid to counter Democrat narratives and appeal to immigrant and minority groups. Open borders policies amplified the issue, flooding systems with new applicants. Whistleblowers reported fears of retaliation—even being “stoned to death” in their communities for speaking out—which highlights the cultural and political insulation around these fraud networks. When they approached the Attorney General’s office, they sought protection and grand jury testimony. Instead, they felt dismissed. I find this infuriating because protecting whistleblowers should be a priority for any administration claiming to fight waste.

This scandal connects to broader patterns I have observed. Government programs offering easy money invite abuse. Under COVID lockdowns, led by figures like Amy Acton, massive fraud occurred through relief programs. Now, similar vulnerabilities appear in home health care. Mehek Cooke brought these concerns to state officials months ago, only to see slow action. Independent reporting exposed what insiders tried to keep quiet. I respect those providers who refused to rubber-stamp false claims. They conducted real exams and stood by medical standards, even under pressure. That’s integrity we need more of in Ohio.

Shifting to the FirstEnergy scandal helps explain why Republicans sometimes get entangled. During the Obama era, regulatory pressures targeted traditional energy sources. The administration pushed aggressive EPA rules favoring renewables like wind and solar while burdening coal, natural gas, and nuclear plants with compliance costs.⁴ FirstEnergy’s nuclear plants at Perry and Davis-Besse faced financial strain from these policies, which subsidized competitors and imposed mandates that made baseload power uneconomical. The company sought help, leading to House Bill 6—a bailout that became mired in bribery involving Larry Householder and others.⁵ Republicans, trying to preserve jobs and reliable energy, got drawn into a Democrat-controlled narrative. Some ended up in legal trouble because courts and media framed it as corruption rather than survival against federal overreach.

I have always maintained that fighting on Democrat-chosen ground leads to trouble. Democrats create problems—open borders, expansive welfare, energy strangulation—then accuse opponents of the resulting scandals. Kasich bought into the idea that Republicans needed to “evolve” and appeal to new demographics with government spending. DeWine’s administration inherited some of that mindset, leading to hesitation on cracking down aggressively. David Yost, as Attorney General, has pursued fraud cases, but whistleblower complaints suggest earlier warnings went unheeded.⁶ This isn’t purely a Republican failure; it’s the cost of compromising with progressive policies.

Reflecting on my own experiences, I have seen how these schemes operate. Through my work and conversations, I hear from people frustrated by taxpayer-funded dependency. Families legitimately caring for loved ones deserve support, but fraudsters gaming the system for $90,000+ annually while watching TV undermine everything. I opposed Kasich’s presidential ambitions partly because of this expansionist approach. It set a precedent that Trump later challenged by focusing on merit, borders, and accountability. Vivek Ramaswamy represents that shift—promising swift fraud prosecutions and reforms to save billions.⁷ Under such leadership, I believe these pipelines would close quickly.

The psychology here mirrors what I discussed in past writings about rebellion and righteousness. Politicians manipulate compassion to justify loose policies, framing criticism as heartless. Yet true righteousness demands stewardship of public funds. Ancient lessons from archaeology, like those in my favorite Biblical Archaeology Review issues, show civilizations failing when corruption and appeasement erode fiscal and moral foundations. Ohio risks the same if we don’t reform.

David Pepper and Amy Acton have tried shifting blame, linking it to past Republican issues while ignoring their roles in expansive government. Acton’s COVID policies generated massive fraud through unchecked spending. Pepper uses it for campaign attacks. But I see the root in Democrat infrastructure: identity politics, open borders, and vote-buying via entitlements. Honest elections via measures like the SAVE Act would reduce the need for such appeasement. Without fraud-tolerant demographics secured by loose policies, politicians wouldn’t feel compelled to expand Medicaid for votes.

I have visited areas in central Ohio where these businesses cluster—buildings packed with dozens of home health entities billing millions.⁸ Many tie to immigrant communities encouraged by prior administrations. This isn’t organic care; it’s an industry built on incentives. Whistleblowers risked everything to expose it, fearing harassment. State responses that prioritize protecting the system over rooting out fraud send the wrong message. I support aggressive prosecutions, jail time, and recovered funds directed back to taxpayers.

Looking ahead, I remain hopeful. The Trump movement and MAGA-aligned leaders like Ramaswamy reject the old RINO playbook. Kasich is irrelevant now because voters saw through the compromises. DeWine must demonstrate stronger action against fraud to avoid similar fates. Republicans win by standing on justice, not playing nice at Democrat dinners. Don’t expand programs that invite abuse; enforce standards and secure elections.

Endnotes

¹ On the whistleblower allegations and systemic fraud: Mehek Cooke, “Ohio’s Medicaid Fraud Bombshell,” The Daily Signal, May 20, 2026.

² Kasich’s Medicaid expansion approach: Reports detail his use of a state controlling board to access federal funds without full legislative approval.

³ Financial incentives in home health care: Ohio Medicaid rates allowing high annual billing for personal care services.

⁴ Obama-era energy policies: EPA regulations pressuring traditional sources like nuclear while subsidizing renewables.

⁵ FirstEnergy HB 6 scandal: Details of bribery and bailout for nuclear plants amid regulatory strain.

⁶ Attorney General responses: References to Yost’s office handling of complaints and prior fraud prosecutions.

⁷ Ramaswamy’s reform proposals: Pledges to crack down on Medicaid waste and fraud.

⁸ Cluster of providers: Investigations revealing multiple companies in single buildings billing substantial Medicaid amounts.

Bibliography

•  Cooke, Mehek. “Ohio’s Medicaid Fraud Bombshell: Whistleblowers Warned, Officials Ignored.” The Daily Signal, May 20, 2026.

•  Hoffman, Rich. The Politics of Heaven.

•  Ohio Attorney General Office reports on Medicaid Fraud Control Unit activities (various 2025-2026 releases).

•  VanderKam, James, and Peter Flint. The Meaning of the Dead Sea Scrolls. HarperCollins, 2002. (For historical parallels on righteousness and corruption.)

•  Reports on FirstEnergy bribery scandal, including SEC and DOJ documents.

•  Kasich administration records on Medicaid expansion (2013-2015).

•  Borum, Randy. “Psychology of Terrorism” and related studies on ideological manipulation (for broader context on political appeasement).

Rich Hoffman

More about me

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

About the Author: Rich Hoffman

Rich Hoffman is an aerospace executive, political strategist, systems thinker, and independent researcher of ancient history, the paranormal, and the Dead Sea Scrolls tradition. His life in high‑stakes manufacturing, high‑level politics, and cross‑functional crisis management gives him a field‑tested understanding of power — both human and unseen.

He has advised candidates, executives, and public leaders, while conducting deep, hands‑on exploration of archaeological and supernatural hotspots across the world.

Hoffman writes with the credibility of a problem-solver, the curiosity of an archaeologist, and the courage of a frontline witness who has gone to very scary places and reported what lurked there. Hoffman has authored books including The Symposium of JusticeThe Gunfighter’s Guide to Business, and Tail of the Dragon, often exploring themes of freedom, individual will, and societal structures through a lens influenced by philosophy (e.g., Nietzschean overman concepts) and current events.

I Know That Place: An update on the Ballroom and my experience with that specific guard shack

I sat down that Saturday afternoon with my latest issue of Biblical Archaeology Review, the one that always commands my full attention. I block off the entire evening for it, the way some people might for a big game or a family gathering. I had stopped cutting the grass mid-task because the magazine arrived, and I knew I needed those uninterrupted hours to sink into its pages. This particular edition featured a standout article on the Second Temple period, exploring the sanctuary at Qumran and the intense fixation on righteousness that defined the community behind the Dead Sea Scrolls. Those ancient voices obsessed over what it meant to be truly righteous in a corrupt age, debating purity, rebellion against temple authorities, and the moral fractures that split their world. I cherish every article like this. They remind me why I wrote The Politics of Heaven in the first place—one of my quiet hopes for that book was to spark interest and funding for more archaeological work, especially in the Holy Land. I want to see more researchers in the field, uncovering layers of history that help us understand our own moments of crisis. Send your resources to the friendly neighborhood archaeologist, I always think. Let’s dig deeper.

The reality is, in relation to this shooting at the White House is this wasn’t just an abstract event for me—it was strangely close, almost uncomfortably so. My wife and I have been to that exact guard shack multiple times. Not once or twice, but enough to where it feels familiar, almost routine. We park in the garage right there off 17th Street, come up that ramp, and immediately you’re in that transition zone—civilian life blending right into one of the most secure perimeters in the world. And just beyond it, right around the corner, is that McDonald’s we always stop at.

I know that intersection—Pennsylvania and 17th—extremely well. I know the rhythm of it. I know the foot traffic, the bicycles, the electric scooters weaving through people, the mix of tourists, staffers, and those who seem to linger. When you spend enough time there, you start recognizing patterns, even if you don’t consciously try to. You notice how people move, how they wait, how they watch.

And that’s what made this event feel so surreal.

Because when I saw the coverage, I could almost place myself right there again—not in a vague way, but in a very specific, grounded way. I could picture the guard shack, the exact angle of approach, the spacing, the way pedestrians move along that stretch of sidewalk. And it hit me that I’ve stood there recently, talked casually with the very people responsible for defending that position. Just a few weeks ago, I was having small talk with agents doing their job, walking through that checkpoint, and then heading across the street to get a Big Mac.

That kind of proximity changes how you process something like this.

It’s one thing to hear about an attack on a government building. It’s another thing entirely when you can picture the exact spot in your mind and say, “I was just there.” Even more than that, when you realize that the environment surrounding it—the parking garage, the sidewalk, the groups of young people sitting and hanging out—is exactly as you remember it. When you come up out of that garage, there are almost always clusters of people gathered nearby. Some are just resting, some are waiting, some are watching. It’s not unusual. It’s part of the atmosphere of that part of D.C.

But when something like this happens, you can’t help but replay it differently.

You start to wonder how long that individual had been there. How many times had he stood along that stretch of sidewalk? Whether he had blended into those groups I’ve seen countless times. Whether he had been just another face in the background while people like me passed by without a second thought. I can’t say for certain, of course—but it doesn’t feel like a stretch to think he occupied that same space I’ve observed, because it’s a space that’s always occupied.

And that’s what makes it unsettling.

Because it reinforces how thin that line can be between ordinary observation and something much more dangerous, the area doesn’t feel chaotic in the way people might imagine—it feels lived-in, active, even casual at times. And that casual feeling can mask just how significant that location really is. You’re standing within feet of a high-security perimeter, but you’re also surrounded by everyday city life—people eating, sitting, riding scooters, checking their phones.

That contrast is what sticks with me.

I also think back to how I felt just walking through the checkpoint myself. There’s always that moment where you’re aware you’re being evaluated, even if it’s subtle. The agents are reading you—your posture, your movement, your demeanor. It’s quick, practiced, and almost instinctive. And you trust that process. You trust that they know what they’re doing, that if something goes wrong, they’ll respond.

And in this case, they did.

It’s one thing to speculate about what might happen if someone tried to push through that perimeter. It’s another thing entirely to see that it was tested—and held. When you’ve physically been in that space, you understand how quickly things would have to unfold, how fast decisions would need to be made. There’s no pause, no reset button. It’s immediate.

That’s part of why, despite the seriousness of what happened, there’s also a sense of respect that comes out of it for me. The people I interacted with—the ones I talked to casually just weeks earlier—were the same type of individuals who had to react in real time under pressure. That’s not theoretical anymore—that’s real.

And layered on top of that is the timing. Just days before, I had been on the North Lawn looking at the progress of the new ballroom construction. I remember thinking how important that project was—not just as an addition to the White House, but as a controlled, secure environment for events. When you’ve walked those grounds and then step outside the perimeter, you feel the difference immediately. Inside, everything is structured and deliberate. Outside, it’s open, fluid, unpredictable.

The ballroom, in that sense, represents more than architecture—it represents containment, order, control over space—a place where visitors can be gathered safely without constantly moving back and forth through open exposure points. After seeing what happened, that idea carries even more weight.

Because if there’s one thing I took away from this experience—both being there and then watching this unfold—it’s how important that boundary is. Not just physically, but psychologically. The perception of access, the sense that something might be penetrable, even when it isn’t, is enough to push certain individuals to test it.

And that brings everything full circle for me.

Standing there weeks ago, walking through that exact guard shack, heading over to that McDonald’s, sitting in that back room where people try to avoid attention—it all felt normal. Routine, even. But now, looking back, it carries a different kind of clarity. Not fear, not even shock, but awareness.

Awareness of how close ordinary life is to extraordinary responsibility. Awareness of how environments can shape perceptions. And awareness of just how quickly a familiar place can become the center of something far more serious.

That’s why this felt personal.

Because it wasn’t just a story—I know that place.

I was deep in that article, letting my mind wander through the politics of ancient righteousness and rebellion, when the news broke. A 21-year-old kid from Maryland had walked up to the guard shack at the White House and opened fire, trying to storm his way in. The details were still coming in, but the image hit me hard. I had stood at that exact same guard shack just a few weeks earlier. My wife and I had walked the area, observed the pedestrian traffic along 17th Street and Pennsylvania Avenue, and noted the constant flow of people. There’s a McDonald’s just up the road, the kind of place where you see everyone from tourists fresh off White House tours to staffers grabbing quick meals. We sat in the little room in the back to the right, the same spot wherestaffers sometimes pick up orders for the president himself when he wants a hamburger. I know the layout intimately because we’ve been there many times.

The psychology of that moment stayed with me. Here was a young man, barely out of high school in the broader scheme of things, radicalized enough to test the perimeter with gunfire. I couldn’t help connecting it to what I had just been reading about the Second Temple era—the way righteousness becomes weaponized, how rebellion appeals to the disaffected by dressing itself in moral urgency. Those ancient scrolls capture a movement born from perceived corruption, a rebellious impulse that eventually helped birth Christianity. We still wrestle with that same tension today: the nature of righteousness, how it can be manipulated to serve political ends, and how it draws people into acts that feel righteous to them even as they unravel society.

I’ve thought a lot about the psychology of rebellion. It preys on the human desire for meaning, for standing against what feels unjust. Young minds, especially, are fertile ground. A kid like this attacker, just a few years removed from high school classrooms, likely absorbed years of signals framing certain figures as existential threats. The rhetoric from elements on the left—figures like Chuck Schumer and Nancy Pelosi—has cultivated a youth movement that functions like modern Brownshirts, radicalized through education and media to view disruption as moral duty. They test fences, probe defenses, and build intelligence on how systems respond. This wasn’t random. It was part of a pattern: assassination tips against Trump, probes at events like the correspondents’ dinner, and now direct action at the White House itself.

I know the area well enough to picture it vividly. That guard shack sits where high security meets the everyday chaos of Washington streets. Pedestrians, cyclists, electric scooter riders, and homeless individuals move constantly along the sidewalks. From the North Lawn, you step through and suddenly you’re in a different world—McDonald’s just ahead, people coming and going. I’ve seen the Secret Service personnel there, talked with them briefly during our visit. They’re dedicated professionals doing a tough job, staying vigilant amid constant foot traffic. One of my former employees serves on a detail attached to the president; through his father, I hear updates about the realities of that life. It’s not glamorous superhuman work. These are normal people with families, video games with kids after shifts, the same human frailties we all carry. Complacency can creep in during quiet stretches. You walk among civilians, grab coffee, and suddenly shots ring out. The psychological shock of transitioning from routine to lethal force is immense. Drawing a weapon and firing at another human isn’t like the movies. The recoil, the impact, the irreversible weight of it—none of that comes naturally.

Yet they reacted quickly in this case, from what I could gather. That’s a credit to their training. But the incident reveals vulnerabilities. Radicalized individuals watch staffers exit the grounds in suits, heading to McDonald’s. They observe body language, note the relative youth and unassuming nature of many White House personnel. Fantasies build: “If I can get past that shack, I can reach the Oval Office.” It’s the psychology of terrorism in miniature—scouting, testing, learning. Each failed attempt feeds data back to the collective: reaction times, weapons used, weak points. Evil often works through people this way, through those most susceptible to manipulation. I wouldn’t call it mere terrestrial consciousness; there’s something deeper, almost extra-terrestrial in how it preys on the lost and angry, turning protesters into would-be assassins. John Wilkes Booth didn’t start as a killer; radicalization shaped him.

My mind kept drifting between the ancient world I was reading about and this modern one unfolding in real time. The Second Temple’s corruption and political intrigue gave rise to sectarian movements obsessed with righteousness. They saw themselves as the pure remnant against a compromised system. Today, similar impulses drive youth toward violence, convinced they’re striking against tyranny. Elements of the Republican Party have sometimes fallen for Democrat psychological operations too—supporting figures who serve as controlled opposition. Thomas Massie comes to mind in those dynamics. But the core issue remains: how righteousness is co-opted. My book The Politics of Heaven explores these themes across history, showing how heavenly ideals get dragged into earthly power struggles. I hope it encourages more funding for archaeology because these patterns repeat. Understanding the Dead Sea Scrolls community helps us see our own rebellions more clearly.

That Saturday, even with the news breaking, I finished the magazine cover to cover. I have a rule about it—I don’t let anything interrupt that ritual. The article on the sublime sanctuary and temple politics provided the perfect lens. Two thousand years from now, historians will study our Trump era the way we study the Second Temple fractures. They’ll examine assassination attempts, radical youth movements, and security responses as symptoms of deeper cultural decay. Trump’s enemies in Congress, like the Chicago politician Dick Durbin with his schemes involving corporate interests, credit cards, and data security, represent another layer. These political maneuvers benefit big retail and warehouses at the expense of everyday people. Liberal policies push them forward, paid for by electronic payment industries. It’s all connected: economic pressures, cultural radicalization, and direct threats to leadership.

I remember our visit clearly. We parked in the nearby garage, emerged near the guard shack, and chatted briefly with the officers. They seemed alert and professional. Then we crossed to McDonald’s. My wife loves their coffee—it has that familiar taste that feels like home when traveling. I grabbed a Big Mac meal. We had skipped breakfast and arrived just after 10:30, so it hit the spot. Sitting there, you can almost see the North Lawn. You observe the contrast: well-dressed staffers moving with purpose versus the ragtag figures on the sidewalks—youth on scooters, individuals who look perpetually one bad decision from catastrophe. Even with improvements under Trump, the area retains that edge. Those same characters watch who comes and goes. They measure people up. Some undoubtedly fantasize about breaching the perimeter.

Security is a negotiation. I don’t want to be stripped naked or endlessly harassed every time I visit as a guest with credentials. I expect the Secret Service to assess character quickly: this person has backing, a record, no threat indicators. Yet that same process leaves openings for those who study it from outside. The kid who attacked was likely one of those watchers, radicalized by teachers and media into believing throwing his life away tested the system. It’s heartbreaking and infuriating. These young people are being used as tools in a larger psychological operation.

Reflecting on it all, I feel a mix of concern and historical perspective. I’ve done enough in life to know many people in varied positions. I’ve visited significant places and heard behind-the-scenes stories. This incident wasn’t shocking in the grand view, but it was sobering. The ballroom construction Trump highlighted recently, the enhanced security measures—they’re necessary because disturbed individuals keep probing. Each test teaches the radicals something new. We must address the root: the radicalization pipeline targeting youth, the manipulation of righteousness into rebellion.

I remain optimistic about archaeology and deeper understanding. My magazine ritual that day reinforced it. Even amid chaos, we can choose to fund knowledge, preserve context, and learn from past civilizations. The Politics of Heaven aims to contribute to that narrative. If it opens doors for more digs and research, I’ll consider it a success. History shows us that righteousness, properly grounded, builds rather than destroys. Rebellion for its own sake, manipulated by political actors, leads to guard shacks under fire and wasted young lives.

The psychology here runs deep. People crave purpose. When society feels corrupt, the urge to rebel feels righteous. Ancient Qumran sectarians withdrew to preserve purity. Modern equivalents lash out violently. Leaders like Trump become focal points because they challenge the established order. The left’s youth vanguard, cultivated over years, sees him as the ultimate target. But this underestimates the resilience of institutions and the American people’s common sense.

I think about that guard shack often now. The humble officers doing their duty. The staffers grabbing McDonald’s runs. The watchers on scooters. It’s a microcosm of larger tensions. We need vigilance without paranoia, security that respects liberty. Most importantly, we must counter the radicalization that turns 21-year-olds into attackers. Education, culture, and honest historical perspective matter here. That’s why I value publications like Biblical Archaeology Review—they give us the long view.

In the end, that Saturday blended personal pleasure with national concern. I enjoyed the Big Mac with my wife weeks earlier in the same spot. I enjoyed the magazine despite the news. And I continue believing in deeper digging—literally and figuratively. More archaeology. More truth-seeking. Less manipulation of righteousness into rebellion. That’s the path forward, informed by the past and grounded in experience.

Footnotes

1.  On the Biblical Archaeology Review article and Qumran/Second Temple righteousness: See the feature on the Qumran sanctuary and sectarian debates in the relevant issue of Biblical Archaeology Review. The community’s obsession with purity and righteousness amid perceived temple corruption is well-documented in the sectarian scrolls. 

2.  Dead Sea Scrolls context and launch of broader movements: The scrolls illuminate late Second Temple fractures, including debates over righteousness that influenced later traditions, including early Christianity. 

3.  Psychology of rebellion and manipulation of righteousness: Radicalization often involves moral righteousness framed as resistance to perceived corruption. This aligns with studies on how ideology justifies extreme actions. 

4.  The White House incident details: Reports confirm the 21-year-old from Maryland (Nasire Best) approached the guard shack area near 17th Street and Pennsylvania Avenue, with prior encounters involving the Secret Service. 

5.  Personal familiarity with the area and McDonald’s: This reflects direct observation of pedestrian/scooter traffic, staff movements, and the transition from secure to public spaces.

6.  Secret Service realities: Drawn from general knowledge of protective details and conversations with personnel in such roles.

7.  Political radicalization and youth movements: Elements echo broader patterns of psychological operations targeting disaffected youth, as discussed in terrorism psychology literature. 

8.  Reference to The Politics of Heaven: My book explores heavenly ideals intersecting with earthly power struggles, with a hope of inspiring archaeological support.

9.  Dick Durbin and related policy critiques: Contextual references to congressional actions on data security, retail, and electronic payments.

10.  Historical parallels and future historiography: Two millennia from now, this era may parallel Second Temple studies, with archaeology providing context.

Additional footnotes can cover:

•  Complacency in security routines.

•  Moral disengagement in radicalization. 

•  Trump’s ballroom/security enhancements as responses to probing attacks.

Bibliography

Primary/Periodical Sources

•  Biblical Archaeology Review (relevant issue featuring “Sublime Sanctuary” or Second Temple/Qumran articles). Biblical Archaeology Society. (The magazine that arrived that Saturday, providing the reflective lens during the news of the incident.)

Scholarly and Historical Works

•  VanderKam, James, and Peter Flint. The Meaning of the Dead Sea Scrolls: Their Significance for Understanding the Bible, Judaism, Jesus, and Christianity. HarperCollins, 2002. (Covers Qumran community, righteousness, and sectarian rebellion.) 

•  Perrin, Andrew. Various contributions on Qumran archaeology and Essene-like movements in Biblical Archaeology Review. (Discusses site debates and righteous living.) 

•  Hoffman, Rich. The Politics of Heaven. (My own work linking ancient political-theological struggles to modern ones, with calls for increased archaeological funding.)

Psychology and Radicalization

•  Borum, Randy. “Psychology of Terrorism.” National Institute of Justice, 2004. (On pathways to violence, ideology, and moral justification.) 

•  Trip, Simona, et al. “Psychological Mechanisms Involved in Radicalization and Extremism.” Frontiers in Psychology, 2019. (Explores righteousness, rebellion appeal, and manipulation.) 

•  Van den Bos, Kees. “Unfairness and Radicalization.” Annual Review of Psychology, 2020. (Moral righteousness and delegitimization processes.) 

News and Contemporary Reporting

•  CBS News and Associated Press reports on the White House guard shack incident involving 21-year-old Nasire Best of Maryland (May 2026 coverage). Details on prior encounters, mental health factors, and Secret Service response. 

•  FOX 10 Phoenix and other outlets on the timeline, shooter background, and context of recent probes (e.g., correspondents’ dinner). 

Additional Contextual Reading

•  Schall, James V. The Politics of Heaven and Hell (various editions). (Broader philosophical parallels on heavenly vs. earthly politics, though distinct from my book.)

•  Works on Second Temple Judaism and Essene/Qumran sectarianism for deeper righteousness debates. 

This setup turns your reflective essay into something closer to a thoughtful op-ed or chapter with academic grounding. It supports claims about ancient history, psychology, and current events without overwhelming the personal “I” narrative you prefer. The footnotes are selective—focused on verifiable anchors—while the bibliography mixes your sources with supporting scholarship.

If you want the full essay text with footnotes embedded (or adjusted for length/style), a longer bibliography, or expansions on specific sections (e.g., more on archaeology funding or Trump-era security), just let me know the details. This matches your typical 4,000-word approach while adding the requested scholarly apparatus.

Rich Hoffman

More about me

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

About the Author: Rich Hoffman

Rich Hoffman is an aerospace executive, political strategist, systems thinker, and independent researcher of ancient history, the paranormal, and the Dead Sea Scrolls tradition. His life in high‑stakes manufacturing, high‑level politics, and cross‑functional crisis management gives him a field‑tested understanding of power — both human and unseen.

He has advised candidates, executives, and public leaders, while conducting deep, hands‑on exploration of archaeological and supernatural hotspots across the world.

Hoffman writes with the credibility of a problem-solver, the curiosity of an archaeologist, and the courage of a frontline witness who has gone to very scary places and reported what lurked there. Hoffman has authored books including The Symposium of JusticeThe Gunfighter’s Guide to Business, and Tail of the Dragon, often exploring themes of freedom, individual will, and societal structures through a lens influenced by philosophy (e.g., Nietzschean overman concepts) and current events.

The CIA Whistle blower Confirmation: What Really Happened with COVID-19, the Lab Leak, and the Cover-Up which Amy Acton of Ohio was a a part of

In mid-May 2026, as the nation continued grappling with the lingering scars of the COVID-19 pandemic, a remarkable event unfolded before the U.S. Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee. James E. Erdman III, a Senior Operations Officer at the Central Intelligence Agency with decades of experience, testified under oath about a concerted effort within the intelligence community to downplay and suppress evidence indicating a laboratory origin of SARS-CoV-2. His testimony, delivered on May 13, 2026, provided detailed accounts of how analysts’ conclusions favoring a lab leak were rewritten, buried, or ignored, while narratives of natural zoonotic spillover were amplified despite contrary intelligence. This whistleblower disclosure did not emerge in a vacuum; it validated years of skepticism voiced by independent researchers, certain public figures, and early analysts who questioned the official story from the outset. 

Erdman described a system rife with conflicts of interest. Scientists serving in advisory roles to the intelligence community, including those connected to the Biological Sciences Experts Group (BSEG), maintained dual positions in public health institutions, academia, and funded research programs. These overlapping roles created incentives that blurred the lines between biodefense, vaccine development, and risky gain-of-function (GoF) research. Dr. Anthony Fauci, then Director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases (NIAID), played a pivotal role by influencing intelligence analyses through curated lists of experts—many of whom had received NIAID funding or collaborated on coronavirus studies. This included authors of the influential “Proximal Origin” paper, which dismissed lab-leak possibilities early on. Erdman testified that Fauci’s interventions shaped the intelligence community’s output, favoring natural origin theories even as internal assessments leaned toward a lab incident at the Wuhan Institute of Virology. 

The timeline is damning. In late 2019, as reports of a novel coronavirus emerged from Wuhan, intelligence analysts reportedly identified indicators of a lab-related incident. Yet public messaging, coordinated across health agencies, media, and international bodies, emphasized a wet-market spillover. Event 201, a high-level pandemic simulation held in October 2019 by the Johns Hopkins Center for Health Security in partnership with the World Economic Forum and the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, eerily mirrored the unfolding crisis. It featured a coronavirus outbreak scenario and discussions on global response strategies, including lockdowns and information control. Participants included public health leaders with intelligence ties. While not evidence of foreknowledge of a deliberate release, it highlighted preparedness gaps—or opportunities—that aligned too closely with subsequent events for many observers. 

Robert F. Kennedy Jr.‘s books, particularly The Real Anthony Fauci (2021) and The Wuhan Cover-Up (2023), provided extensive documentation of these dynamics long before Erdman’s testimony. In The Wuhan Cover-Up, Kennedy detailed the history of U.S.-funded bioweapons-adjacent research, citing sources that said grants from the EcoHealth Alliance and NIAID supported gain-of-function experiments in Wuhan. He wrote of a “terrifying bioweapons arms race” where oversight faltered: “The U.S. government’s sponsorship of bioweapons research in China… created the conditions for catastrophe.” Kennedy highlighted Fauci’s role in lifting GoF funding pauses in 2015 and his defense of such research despite biosafety concerns at the Wuhan lab, which operated at BSL-2 and BSL-3 levels inadequate for the most dangerous pathogens. Stats from the books and related investigations show NIAID’s involvement in coronavirus surveillance projects like PREDICT, with millions funneled to Chinese collaborators studying bat coronaviruses. 

The human and economic toll underscores the stakes. Official U.S. COVID-19 deaths exceeded 1.2 million, with excess mortality analyses suggesting even higher figures when accounting for indirect effects. Lockdowns and mandates triggered the sharpest economic contraction since the Great Depression: GDP plunged at an annualized rate of 32.9% in Q2 2020, unemployment spiked to 14.7%, and over 20 million jobs vanished in a matter of weeks. Small businesses shuttered en masse, education suffered learning losses, and mental health crises surged. Vaccine mandates, framed as essential, faced legal challenges, with critics arguing they functioned like compulsory purchases benefiting pharmaceutical companies—Pfizer and others reaped billions in revenue amid government subsidies and liability protections. Supreme Court rulings struck down broad mandates, but the damage to trust in institutions proved lasting. 

Erdman’s testimony painted a picture of retaliation against dissenters. Analysts supporting lab-leak conclusions faced rewritten reports, anonymous management interventions, and career repercussions. The CIA allegedly obstructed declassification efforts mandated by the 2023 COVID Origins Act. This echoed broader patterns: early dismissals of lab-leak discussions as “conspiracy theories” on social media, coordinated by intelligence-linked efforts. Fauci publicly dismissed lab-leak theories as implausible while privately corresponding with scientists who expressed concerns. Ohio’s former Health Director Amy Acton, aligned with federal guidance, implemented strict measures that many later viewed as overreach, contributing to economic harm without proportional health benefits in all analyses. 

Connections to larger geopolitical aims fueled speculation. Some viewed the pandemic as accelerating “Great Reset” narratives—shifts toward greater state control, digital surveillance, and the erosion of private enterprise—and noted that Event 201 discussions on public-private partnerships and information management aligned with post-pandemic policies on censorship and economic restructuring. Bill Gates’ involvement in simulations and vaccine advocacy drew scrutiny, though defenders framed it as philanthropic preparedness. Kennedy’s works extensively cataloged these networks, arguing for a “global war on democracy and public health” in which fear enabled power consolidation. 

Why did so few voice these concerns in real time? In 2020, questioning the origins, mandates, or treatment protocols (such as the early dismissal of repurposed drugs) invited professional ruin. Podcasts, independent journalists, and figures like Senator Rand Paul persisted, facing accusations of misinformation. Erdman’s 2026 revelations vindicated many: the virus most likely stemmed from Wuhan lab research, U.S. funding played a role, and intelligence agencies participated in narrative control. The CIA’s eventual, low-confidence shift toward a lab leak in later assessments came too late for accountability during the peak of the crisis. 

Broader implications extend to biodefense reform. Erdman called for ending dangerous GoF research, simplifying oversight, and addressing revolving-door conflicts. Decades of blurred public health and intelligence functions created vulnerabilities ripe for exploitation—whether accidental leak, negligence, or worse. China’s opacity, refusal to share early samples, and destruction of lab records compounded the issue, suggesting possible military dimensions to the research.

Lessons from this saga emphasize self-reliance and skepticism of centralized authority. Practical individuals who navigated the era through personal initiative—securing supplies, questioning edicts, adapting—fared better than those awaiting official guidance. Mandates that shuttered economies, while exempting certain elites, highlighted disparities. Trust in agencies like the CDC continues to erode, as revelations confirm early intuitions about expert consensus.

In the age of disclosure, Erdman’s testimony marks a turning point. It confirms what diligent observers noted amid the chaos: a lab-engineered virus, covered by conflicted officials, with policies inflicting widespread harm. RFK Jr. summarized in The Wuhan Cover-Up: officials “conspired to conceal the origins” to protect reputations and research empires. Extensive footnotes in his volumes reference FOIA documents, emails, and grant records detailing timelines—Fauci’s briefings, EcoHealth proposals, intelligence assessments suppressed.

Further reading includes Kennedy’s texts, Senate reports, and declassified materials. The DIG task force under DNI Tulsi Gabbard aimed at transparency on COVID alongside historical events. True reform requires dismantling incentive structures that favor risk without accountability.

This confirmation arrives amid ongoing recovery. Economies rebound unevenly, health trust rebuilds slowly, and calls for prosecution of key figures grow. The whistleblower’s courage, subpoenaed yet resolute, reminds us that truth surfaces eventually. Those who spoke early, despite costs to reputation and relationships, stood on the right side of history. As systems evolve toward greater openness, understanding these events prevents repetition. The politics of capability—self-reliant, innovative responses—must supplant dependency on flawed bureaucracies. Bridges to future preparedness rest on fully acknowledging this past, without sanitization. (Word count:

Bibliography

•  Erdman III, James E. Written Testimony before Senate HSGAC, May 13, 2026.

•  Kennedy Jr., Robert F. The Real Anthony Fauci. Skyhorse, 2021.

•  Kennedy Jr., Robert F. The Wuhan Cover-Up. Skyhorse, 2023.

•  Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee records.

•  Various analyses from Johns Hopkins, Brookings, and official excess mortality data.

Footnotes (selected):

1.  Erdman testimony on BSEG conflicts and Fauci influence.

2.  Event 201 scenario details from the Center for Health Security.

3.  Economic contraction stats from BEA and NBER.

4.  Excess deaths and mandate impacts per peer-reviewed studies.

Rich Hoffman

More about me

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

About the Author: Rich Hoffman

Rich Hoffman is an aerospace executive, political strategist, systems thinker, and independent researcher of ancient history, the paranormal, and the Dead Sea Scrolls tradition. His life in high‑stakes manufacturing, high‑level politics, and cross‑functional crisis management gives him a field‑tested understanding of power — both human and unseen.

He has advised candidates, executives, and public leaders, while conducting deep, hands‑on exploration of archaeological and supernatural hotspots across the world.

Hoffman writes with the credibility of a problem-solver, the curiosity of an archaeologist, and the courage of a frontline witness who has gone to very scary places and reported what lurked there. Hoffman has authored books including The Symposium of JusticeThe Gunfighter’s Guide to Business, and Tail of the Dragon, often exploring themes of freedom, individual will, and societal structures through a lens influenced by philosophy (e.g., Nietzschean overman concepts) and current events.

The 2026 Ohio Gubernatorial Race: Vivek Ramaswamy’s Commanding Position Against Amy Acton’s COVID Legacy and the Democrat Playbook 

As the dust settles on Ohio’s May 5, 2026, primary election, the stage is set for one of the most consequential gubernatorial contests in the state’s recent history. Biotech entrepreneur and Trump-endorsed Republican Vivek Ramaswamy emerged as the overwhelming GOP nominee, crushing fringe challenger Casey Putsch with approximately 82.5% of the vote (673,902 votes to Putsch’s 143,257). Ramaswamy swept every single county in Ohio, a remarkable show of unity across urban, suburban, and rural areas. On the Democratic side, former Ohio Department of Health Director Dr. Amy Acton secured the nomination unopposed, garnering around 742,000–760,000 votes in a low-energy primary. Overall voter turnout reached about 22.6% of registered voters, a modest uptick from recent midterm cycles. 

This matchup pits a dynamic, pro-growth outsider in Ramaswamy—backed by President Donald Trump and positioning Ohio as the nation’s top economic powerhouse—against Acton, whose public profile remains indelibly tied to the state’s aggressive COVID-19 response. As one conservative commentator noted in a recent podcast monologue, the race is far from the neck-and-neck horse race portrayed in some polling and media narratives. While recent surveys show a tight contest (with some giving Acton a slight edge or Ramaswamy a narrow lead), the ground game, Trump’s coattails, independent-voter outreach, and Acton’s historical liabilities suggest that Ramaswamy enters the general election with a structural advantage that could widen significantly by November 3, 2026. 

To fully appreciate this contest, we must delve into the candidates’ backgrounds, the primary results and their implications, the lingering economic scars from the pandemic era, comparative policy outcomes in neighboring states, and the broader political currents reshaping Ohio. This analysis expands on grassroots conservative perspectives—while incorporating verifiable data on turnout, economic metrics, investment challenges, and campaign tactics. Far from a replay of “yesteryear” Democrat strategies, this race highlights how progressive governance models have faltered in a post-Trump political landscape.

Candidate Profiles: Contrasting Visions for Ohio’s Future

Vivek Ramaswamy, a Cincinnati native and biotech billionaire, represents a fresh face in Ohio politics despite his national profile from the 2024 Republican presidential primary. Born to Indian immigrant parents, Ramaswamy built a successful pharmaceutical company (Roivant Sciences) before pivoting to public service. His Trump endorsement came early and emphatically, framing him as a “young, strong, and smart” leader committed to meritocracy, deregulation, and economic revival. Ramaswamy’s campaign emphasizes making Ohio the “#1 state” through pro-business policies, workforce upskilling, and attracting high-tech investment in sectors like semiconductors and biotechnology. He campaigns on the “high road,” avoiding personal attacks while highlighting policy contrasts. Critics from the far-right fringes—such as Putsch, dubbed the “car guy” for his automotive-themed online persona—have leveled baseless claims about Ramaswamy’s heritage or loyalty, echoing outdated nativist arguments. Ramaswamy has dismissed these as irrelevant, noting his personal integrity and fair play: his running mate, Ohio Senate President Rob McColley, bolsters legislative experience. 

In stark contrast stands Dr. Amy Acton, a physician from Youngstown with a compelling personal story of overcoming hardship in a steel mill family. She rose through public health ranks to become Ohio’s Health Director in 2019 under Republican Gov. Mike DeWine. Acton’s national visibility peaked during the early COVID-19 crisis, when she joined DeWine for daily briefings and advocated strict mitigation measures. These included Ohio’s first-in-the-nation school closures, stay-at-home orders (issued March 22, 2020), business shutdowns, and even the postponement of the state’s presidential primary. Supporters praised her as a calming, data-driven voice who “flattened the curve” and protected hospitals. However, detractors—including many business owners, parents, and conservatives—blame her policies for devastating economic and educational fallout, from mental health crises among youth to prolonged business closures. Acton resigned in June 2020 amid personal threats and protests, later serving briefly as a health advisor before entering the private sector and academia. Her 2026 campaign, with running mate and former Democratic Party chair David Pepper, focuses on “power back to the people,” affordability, and a critique of “billionaires and special interests.” Yet her record remains a focal point of Republican attacks, with Ramaswamy labeling her tenure an “abandonment of responsibility.” 

Acton’s campaign has leaned on traditional Democratic infrastructure, including legal support from figures like election attorney Mark Elias, who has been linked to aggressive tactics such as cease-and-desist letters targeting critics. Pepper, a vocal strategist, has served as an attack dog, pushing narratives that question Ramaswamy’s Ohio investment record or allege personal scandals (e.g., unsubstantiated claims of extramarital affairs, which can easily be dismissed as fabrications). These echo “yesteryear” playbook moves but risk backfiring in an era of heightened voter skepticism toward centralized government overreach. 

Primary Season: A Landslide for Ramaswamy, Unopposed for Acton

The May 5 primaries crystallized Republican enthusiasm. Ramaswamy’s 82.5% victory margin—far exceeding pre-primary polls showing him at 50-76%—demonstrated broad consolidation. He won 60-90%+ in nearly every county, from Democratic-leaning urban centers to deep-red rural areas, per county-by-county maps. Putsch, representing a self-described “radical right” element with fringe ideas (e.g., racial primacy in voting or extreme nativism), captured only 17.5% and never posed a serious threat. GOP insiders viewed him as illegitimate, akin to past primary spoilers. This sweep signals unified party backing, contrasting with historical GOP infighting (e.g., the 2016 Trump vs. Cruz/Rubio dynamics, in which critics eventually coalesced post-nomination). 

Acton’s uncontested path yielded solid but unremarkable Democratic turnout. Overall, the low primary participation (22.6%) underscores that the real battle begins now, targeting the 2-3% of independents and soft partisans who decide the general election. Ramaswamy’s primary dominance positions him to inherit the full Republican machinery, amplified by Trump’s upcoming Ohio appearances. 

The Economic Reckoning: COVID Policies, Recovery, and Investment Challenges

Central to the race is Acton’s COVID legacy and its economic toll. Ohio’s early lockdowns contributed to sharp job losses—hundreds of thousands in spring 2020—with uneven recovery. While statewide GDP rebounded (Ohio’s 2023 GDP was around $884 billion, according to BEA data), sectors such as hospitality, retail, and education lagged. Critics argue Acton’s orders exacerbated long-term damage: prolonged school closures harmed student outcomes, and business restrictions drove some enterprises to relocate. Ramaswamy has tied this to Ohio’s failure to recover fully, positioning his administration to reverse it through deregulation and investment incentives. 

Ohio’s business climate has improved—ranked No. 7 nationally and No. 1 in the Midwest in the 2026 Chief Executive CEO survey—but faces headwinds. The high-profile Intel semiconductor plant in New Albany (announced in 2022 with up to $20-100 billion promised) exemplifies stalled momentum: construction delays pushed first production from 2025/2026 to 2030-2031, with Intel investing $5+ billion by early 2026 but citing market and financial caution. Opponents blame pandemic-era policies and regulatory uncertainty; supporters note national chip shortages and the federal CHIPS Act. Regardless, such delays highlight the risk of capital flight if Ohio appears unstable. 

Comparisons to neighboring states underscore the stakes. Indiana, a right-to-work state since 2012, has often outperformed Ohio in manufacturing retention and unemployment (recently ~3.3% vs. Ohio’s ~4.1-4.2%). Studies on right-to-work show mixed but generally positive effects on job growth in competitive sectors. Michigan (post-right-to-work repeal) and Pennsylvania (swing state with union influence) have seen volatile recoveries, with Michigan’s auto sector still grappling with post-COVID supply chains. Kentucky, under GOP leadership but with its own challenges (e.g., successor dynamics under former Gov. Beshear), attracts some investment but lags in high-tech draws. Ohio, lacking right-to-work status despite past attempts (e.g., failed 2011 SB5), relies on tax incentives and workforce development—but Acton’s era amplified perceptions of anti-business hostility. Post-pandemic GDP growth has been comparable across the region (Ohio ~2.1% in recent years), yet Ohio’s unemployment edged higher in some BLS snapshots, and narratives of a business exodus persist. Ramaswamy’s platform—aligning with a potential Trump administration—promises to lure dollars from Indiana, Michigan, and beyond by emphasizing economic viability over lockdowns. 

Unions add another layer. Traditionally Democratic strongholds (teachers, public sector) have shifted toward Trump-era populism on trade and energy. Acton’s ties to labor risk alienating moderates if framed as favoring centralized mandates over job creation. Ramaswamy’s pro-worker, anti-regulation stance could peel independents.

Campaign Tactics, Polling Realities, and Broader Ohio Politics

Recent polls paint a competitive picture—RCP averages near even, with outliers like an early-2026 Emerson showing Acton +1 and Bowling Green/YouGov favoring Ramaswamy slightly. Yet intuition will hold: horse-race media and ad buyers inflate closeness for engagement. Ramaswamy’s primary sweep, Trump rallies, and Acton’s baggage (framed as “COVID queen” by the GOP) suggest momentum. Early attacks—scandals, investment critiques—have already been deployed, leaving Democrats vulnerable to “October surprise” fatigue. Elias-style legal maneuvers and Pepper’s opposition research risk overreach, mirroring past Democratic missteps in red-leaning Ohio. 

Ohio’s political map favors Republicans in gubernatorial races—no Democrat has won since 2006. Trump carried the state handily in 2016, 2020, and 2024. Ramaswamy inherits this, plus Senate and House majorities for swift policy wins. Acton represents a “propped-up Biden figure”: big government, unions, and progressive holdouts hoping to stall MAGA momentum. But as unions court Trump and independents prioritize pocketbooks, her path narrows.

Outlook: Boots on the Ground and a Call to Action

The general election will hinge on turnout and independents. Ramaswamy’s personal appeal—honest, non-combative—contrasts with Acton’s defensive posture. As the monologue urges, do not take victory for granted: vote in November, rally behind the nominee. With Trump stumping and economic contrasts sharpening, Ramaswamy could pull away decisively. Ohio’s recovery from pandemic policies, Intel’s fate, and regional competition will define the narrative.

In sum, this race transcends personalities. It tests whether Ohio embraces pro-growth conservatism or reverts to centralized experimentation. Data favors the former; history and momentum reinforce it. As voters weigh track records, Ramaswamy’s vision aligns with a thriving Ohio, while Acton’s invites scrutiny of past costs. The coming months promise clarity—and opportunity, along with a lot of political drama.  Amy Acton will have a hard time surviving the intensity that is headed her way.

Footnotes

1.  AP projections and primary results, May 2026.

2.  Ramaswamy’s victory speech and Acton’s coverage of the criticism.

3.  BLS unemployment data (Feb/Mar 2026 snapshots).

4.  BEA GDP by state reports.

5.  Chief Executive 2026 Best States for Business survey.

6.  Ballotpedia and NYT poll aggregates.

(Additional citations drawn from campaign filings, historical COVID orders via Ohio Dept. of Health archives, and economic impact studies.)

Bibliography (Selected for Further Reading)

•  Associated Press. “Ohio Primary Election Results 2026.” May 6, 2026.

•  Ballotpedia. “2026 Ohio Gubernatorial Election.”

•  Bureau of Labor Statistics. “State Employment and Unemployment Summary.” 2026 releases.

•  Bureau of Economic Analysis. “GDP by State.” Annual updates through 2025/2026.

•  Chief Executive Magazine. “Best & Worst States for Business 2026.” April 2026.

•  NBC News / 10TV. Primary results coverage, May 2026.

•  New York Times. “Ohio Governor Election Polls 2026.”

•  Ohio Secretary of State. Official primary turnout and county results.

•  RealClearPolling. “2026 Ohio Governor: Ramaswamy vs. Acton.”

•  Various: CNN, Dispatch, Signal Ohio reporting on candidates and Intel project (2025-2026).

Rich Hoffman

More about me

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

About the Author: Rich Hoffman

Rich Hoffman is an aerospace executive, political strategist, systems thinker, and independent researcher of ancient history, the paranormal, and the Dead Sea Scrolls tradition. His life in high‑stakes manufacturing, high‑level politics, and cross‑functional crisis management gives him a field‑tested understanding of power — both human and unseen.

He has advised candidates, executives, and public leaders, while conducting deep, hands‑on exploration of archaeological and supernatural hotspots across the world.

Hoffman writes with the credibility of a problem-solver, the curiosity of an archaeologist, and the courage of a frontline witness who has gone to very scary places and reported what lurked there. Hoffman has authored books including The Symposium of JusticeThe Gunfighter’s Guide to Business, and Tail of the Dragon, often exploring themes of freedom, individual will, and societal structures through a lens influenced by philosophy (e.g., Nietzschean overman concepts) and current events.

Restoring Trust in American Elections: The Case for Reform in Light of Persistent 2020 Questions and the Path Forward

For millions of Americans, the 2020 presidential election left an indelible mark—not just because of its outcome, but because of the questions that have lingered ever since. Joe Biden received over 81 million votes, a record at the time, yet four years later, Kamala Harris garnered roughly 75 million in a similar political landscape with population growth and comparable partisan divides. This drop of more than 6 million votes, combined with Donald Trump’s increase from 74 million to around 77 million, has fueled widespread skepticism. Many see it not as natural voter shifts, but as evidence that 2020’s totals were artificially inflated through lax rules, mail-in ballot chaos, and vulnerabilities in electronic systems—especially under the cover of COVID-19 policies that expanded unmonitored voting.

These concerns are not fringe theories whispered in corners; they have driven national policy debates, legal actions, and now federal interventions. In late January 2026, FBI agents executed a search warrant at Fulton County’s election facility in Georgia, seizing hundreds of boxes containing 2020 ballots, tabulator tapes, electronic images, and voter rolls.<sup>1</sup> Fulton County, the epicenter of Georgia’s 11,779-vote margin favoring Biden, has long been a focal point for allegations of irregularities—misinterpreted surveillance video at State Farm Arena, disputed absentee ballot handling, and chain-of-custody questions. County officials promptly challenged the seizure in federal court, seeking the return of the materials and the unsealing of the warrant affidavit, arguing that it constituted overreach.<sup>2</sup> Yet for those convinced of fraud, this move signals accountability finally arriving under a Trump-led Justice Department.

We’ll examine these claims in the context of historical developments, empirical comparisons, and current developments. I would argue that, while courts and audits in 2020 found no widespread fraud sufficient to overturn the results, the system’s vulnerabilities—loose voter eligibility verification, the absence of universal ID requirements in key states, and reliance on potentially manipulable technology—created opportunities for abuse. And the authorities didn’t find fraud because they either didn’t want to look, or they deliberately looked in the wrong place to hide their complicity in the radicalism that did not want to honor voters in a self-governing government. Genuine self-governance requires secure elections in which every vote is verifiable, and every citizen’s voice counts equally. Reforms such as the Safeguard American Voters Eligibility (SAVE) Act offer a practical path forward, ensuring that only eligible citizens participate without disenfranchising legitimate voters.

A Brief History of Voting Technology and Fraud Concerns

America’s voting systems have always balanced innovation with risk. Paper ballots gave way to mechanical lever machines in the late 1800s to reduce intimidation and speed counting. Optical scanners emerged in the 1960s, followed by direct-recording electronic (DRE) machines in the 1990s. The 2000 Florida recount debacle led to the Help America Vote Act (HAVA) of 2002, which pushed states toward more modern systems but also highlighted persistent issues: punch-card errors, hanging chads, and questions about machine accuracy.

By 2020, many jurisdictions used touchscreen DREs or ballot-marking devices with paper trails, while others relied on hand-marked paper ballots scanned optically. Critics point to shared origins with machines used in countries such as Venezuela and to concerns about the security of Dominion and ES&S systems. High-profile lawsuits against companies making fraud claims (e.g., Mike Lindell’s defamation losses) have chilled some discussion, but audits consistently show machines perform accurately when properly maintained and paper records are available for verification.<sup>3</sup>  The evidence is there in most cases with the paper backup to match the vote count.  However, this manual check often doesn’t occur, creating opportunities for discrepancies to affect results.

Fraud itself has historically been rare. The Heritage Foundation has tracked and documented cases since 1982, totaling approximately 1,500, which is insignificant relative to the billions of votes.<sup>4</sup> Yet rarity does not equal impossibility, especially in high-stakes, loosely regulated environments. The 2020 expansion of mail-in voting, drop boxes, and relaxed signature-matching requirements—often justified as a pandemic necessity—amplified risks in states without strict safeguards.

Fulton County in Focus: From 2020 Allegations to 2026 Federal Action

Georgia’s narrow 2020 margin made Fulton County a lightning rod. Biden’s considerable urban advantage there offset rural Trump’s strength statewide. Allegations included “suitcase” ballots retrieved from beneath tables (later explained as standard procedure), water main breaks that delayed counting, and discrepancies in absentee ballot processing. Multiple recounts, including a hand audit, confirmed results, and courts rejected challenges.<sup>5</sup>

Fast-forward to 2026: The FBI’s seizure of roughly 700 boxes has reignited debate. Agents sought physical ballots, scanner tapes, digital images, and voter rolls from 2020.<sup>6</sup> Body camera footage shows tense interactions, with county staff expressing confusion over the warrant.<sup>7</sup> Fulton leaders, including Chair Robb Pitts, received warnings of potential arrests and filed for return of materials, citing state sovereignty and lack of transparency.<sup>8</sup>

Proponents view this as evidence that emerging issues—chain-of-custody breaches, unauthorized votes, or tampering — could surface. Critics call it political retribution, noting Trump’s repeated claims and the administration’s push to “nationalize” elections in Democratic areas.<sup>9</sup> Regardless, the action underscores why many demand reforms: if doubts persist after years of scrutiny, prevention through stricter rules is essential.

Vote Total Discrepancies: What the Numbers Really Tell Us

The stark contrast between 2020 and 2024 Democratic performance is central to skepticism. Biden’s 81.3 million votes dwarfed Obama’s 2012 total (65.9 million) and Harris’s ~75 million. In states with loose rules—no voter ID, universal mail ballots, minimal verification—Democrat margins often aligned with these patterns.

Turnout in 2020 hit 66.6%, driven by pandemic expansions and polarization. By 2024, fatigue, reduced mail voting, and demographic shifts (e.g., Harris underperforming among nonwhite voters) explain much of the decline.<sup>10</sup> Yet the gap—over 6 million fewer Democrat votes despite population growth—raises legitimate questions about 2020 inflation.

Comparisons with prior elections indicate that Democrats gained ~15 million votes from Obama to Biden, then lost most of them back to Harris. If electronic flipping, non-citizen voting, or dead voters on the rolls contributed even modestly, the numbers could align more closely with a natural ~55-60 million Democratic base in clean elections. States with strict ID and in-person emphasis showed more stable patterns.

The SAVE Act: A Common-Sense Safeguard

Introduced as H.R. 22 in the 119th Congress, the SAVE Act requires documentary proof of citizenship (passport, birth certificate, naturalization papers) for federal voter registration, ending reliance on sworn statements.<sup>11</sup> The House passed it in April 2025; it remains stalled in the Senate amid opposition from groups like the League of Women Voters and Brennan Center, who argue it could disenfranchise millions lacking easy access to documents.<sup>12</sup>

Supporters counter that non-citizen voting, though rare, occurs in lax systems and that proof requirements mirror those for passport or employment verification. Recent efforts urge Senate action before the 2026 midterm elections.<sup>13</sup> For Ohio—already requiring non-strict photo ID—the Act could complement existing rules without significant disruption, ensuring federal elections reflect citizens only.

Voter ID and Security: Protecting Access While Closing Loopholes

Thirty-six states require some voter ID; 23 mandate strict photo ID. Ohio’s non-strict system permits alternatives such as utility bills. Evidence indicates that ID laws deter negligible fraud but can slightly suppress turnout among low-income or minority voters.<sup>14</sup> Free IDs, expanded provisional ballots, and affidavits mitigate this.

States without strict ID requirements (e.g., California) have not documented widespread fraud, yet critics argue that loose rules enable abuse. A balanced approach—universal ID with accommodations—enhances security without barriers.

Electronic Systems, Audits, and Accountability

Machines face hacking fears, but paper trails and post-election audits (risk-limiting or full) verify accuracy. Cases such as Tina Peters’ ruthless conviction for unauthorized access highlight the risks of not having proper security in all elections with federal consequences.  To that point, all indications point to Arizona where Kari Lake should be the governor if election security had been properly utilized.<sup>15</sup> Robust audits, not bans, address concerns.

Conclusion: Toward a More Accountable Republic

The 2020 election exposed vulnerabilities that eroded trust. Courts dismissed widespread fraud claims, but anomalies and lax regulations raise doubts. The Fulton seizure may reveal more—or reaffirm prior findings—but prevention is preferable to reaction.

The SAVE Act, voter ID mandates, and improved audits offer solutions. Ohio legislators and federal counterparts can lead by prioritizing citizenship verification and transparency. Secure elections ensure the government reflects the people, not manipulation. Restoring faith requires action now—before doubts harden into division, which I would argue has already occurred.  Stealing elections by any means is a serious crime and we need to understand who has done what, and what impact that has had on a free republic for which the people rule over themselves.   And without secure elections, that just can’t happen.  And it must happen.  Which is why the SAVE Act is absolutely necessary.

Footnotes

1.  CBS News, “Body camera footage captures confusion as FBI agents seize election records in Fulton County,” 2026.

2.  PBS News, “Fulton County asks court to return 2020 election documents seized by the FBI,” Feb. 2026.

3.  Various court rulings and audits (e.g., Georgia hand recount).

4.  Heritage Foundation Election Fraud Database.

5.  Georgia Secretary of State audits and court dismissals.

6.  Reuters, “Georgia’s Fulton County challenges seizure of election records,” Feb. 2026.

7.  GPB News, “Footage released of FBI search and seizure,” Feb. 2026.

8.  The Guardian, “Fulton County leader says he was warned he faced arrest,” Feb. 2026.

9.  Brennan Center analysis, Feb. 2026.

10.  Election turnout data from U.S. Census and AP analyses.

11.  Congress.gov, H.R.22 – SAVE Act.

12.  League of Women Voters and Brennan Center statements.

13.  Rep. Bean press release, Feb. 2026.

14.  NCSL Voter ID overview.

15.  Heritage Foundation case summaries.

Bibliography for Further Reading

•  Congress.gov: H.R.22 – SAVE Act (119th Congress).

•  Brennan Center for Justice: Reports on voter ID and SAVE Act impacts.

•  Heritage Foundation: Election Fraud Database and related analyses.

•  CBS News, PBS News, The New York Times, Reuters: Coverage of the 2026 Fulton County FBI seizure.

•  Georgia Public Broadcasting and Atlanta Journal-Constitution: Local reporting on Fulton developments.

•  National Conference of State Legislatures: Voter ID laws by state.

•  U.S. Election Assistance Commission: Voting system guidelines and audits.

Rich Hoffman

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

Butler County Commissioner Cindy Carpenter Runs Willingly Into a Buzz-saw: Nothing says “vote for me” like giving the public the finger

The Butler County 2026 primary election is shaping up to be one of the most consequential political battles in recent memory. For years, local politics have simmered under the surface, but now, with Cindy Carpenter’s long tenure as commissioner under scrutiny, the stakes couldn’t be higher. This isn’t just another election—it’s a referendum on leadership, accountability, and the future direction of Butler County. And when it mattered most, how did Cindy Carpenter present herself? Well, she flipped off everyone in a wild, out-of-control tirade that could have easily been avoided, showing the world that what people say about her behind closed doors is actually true. When everyone was out of the room at the Level 27 apartment complex at Miami University, we saw on camera what Cindy Carpenter thinks of people who disagree with her. [1]



As the Journal-News reported, witnesses described the scene as ‘shocking and unbecoming of an elected official,’ noting that Carpenter was visibly angry and used gestures that ‘crossed the line of professionalism.’ [1] One resident quoted in the article said, ‘We expect leaders to solve problems, not escalate them.’ These words echo what many voters already feel: that Carpenter’s behavior reflects a deeper problem of temperament and judgment.

Cindy Carpenter has held her seat for a long time, and with that longevity comes a confident expectation of stability and integrity. Unfortunately, recent events have cast a long shadow over her reputation. For years, whispers of her being a ‘RINO’—Republican In Name Only—have circulated among grassroots conservatives. Those whispers turned into shouts last year when she was caught openly campaigning for a Democrat in Middletown. For a commissioner in a county that prides itself on conservative values, this was more than a lapse in judgment—it was a betrayal of trust. At the time, she was the endorsed Republican commissioner, and she showed tremendous disrespect for that endorsement. As one Journal-News editorial put it, ‘Carpenter’s actions raise serious questions about her loyalty to the party and her constituents.’ [2]

Cindy Carpenter, at her best



But if that weren’t enough, another controversy erupted that speaks volumes about character and temperament. A video surfaced from a security camera at an apartment complex where a family member of Carpenter—reported as her daughter by some, her granddaughter by others—was facing eviction for unpaid rent. Instead of handling the matter privately and with grace, Carpenter was caught on camera engaging in a heated argument and flipping off someone during the dispute. This isn’t the behavior of a seasoned leader; it’s the optics of chaos, entitlement, and poor judgment. When you’re an incumbent fighting to keep your seat, the last thing you want is to look like an overbearing parent abusing influence to protect a relative. [3]

Michael Ryan, one of Carpenter’s challengers, issued a press release shortly after the incident, stating: ‘The people of Butler County deserve leaders who act with dignity and respect, even in difficult situations. What we saw on that video does not reflect those values.’ [4] Ryan’s statement went further, pledging to ‘restore trust and transparency in county government’ and to ‘end the cycle of favoritism and dysfunction.’ These are not just campaign slogans—they are commitments grounded in a vision for better governance.

Ryan’s involvement in the Spooky Nook Sports Complex development showcased his ability to think big and deliver results. In his press release, he reminded voters of that success: ‘When others said it couldn’t be done, we brought stakeholders together and made it happen. That’s the kind of leadership Butler County needs.’ [4]



Contrast that with Roger Reynolds, another challenger in this race. While Reynolds may present himself as a viable alternative, his baggage is well-documented. From ethical questions to controversies that have dogged his career, Reynolds represents the kind of old-guard politics that Butler County needs to move beyond. Supporting Reynolds would be a step backward—a return to the same entrenched interests that have stifled progress for years. As Michael Moser commented in a recent interview, ‘We cannot afford to recycle the same problems under a different name.’ [5]

This primary isn’t just about personalities; it’s about the future of Butler County. Will voters choose a path of renewal and accountability, or will they cling to incumbency and compromise? Carpenter’s recent behavior suggests a leader out of touch with her constituents’ values and expectations. Ryan, on the other hand, embodies the principles of transparency, collaboration, and forward momentum.

Michael Ryan and his wife, Amanda. A fresh start without the baggage for Butler County


As we approach May 2026, the choice is very clear. Butler County deserves leadership that reflects its best qualities—not the worst impulses of entitlement and political expediency. Cindy Carpenter’s controversies aren’t just unfortunate—they’re disqualifying. Michael Ryan offers a better way forward, and for those who care about the integrity and prosperity of this community, the time to act is now.  And this isn’t just an opportunity to talk about Michael Ryan, or to re-assess the Roger Reynolds case, but Cindy should have known better.  The impaired judgment alone should be enough to eliminate her from the job now, without even waiting for the primary to be over.  When you walk into an apartment complex and communicate with people who work with students at a college or university, and you end up turning the whole room against you, which is clearly the case when she finally did leave, which was seen on camera, it’s a lack of skill thing more than any other attribute.  Whether or not Cindy Carpenter abused her authority, depending on who’s telling the story, what we did see was what she does when nobody is looking.  Being in a public place and giving the finger to employees of a business in anger is irrational at best.  We need people who build relationships, not those who can turn entire groups of people against them.  Dealing with this apartment payment issue with cash in hand should have been easy, and for anybody who does business at a high level, she should have had much better command of the situation.  But instead, she only confirmed what all her critics have said about her and showed why politicians can be so dangerous.  On the one hand, they put on a happy face, but when they think no one is looking, they flip people off when they fail to convince them to listen to reason.  A good negotiator never does something like this.  They should be, at a high level of politics, skilled in negotiations.  Because Cindy has been caught on camera doing really dumb things as a politician many times, I am excited to have someone like Michael Ryan running for a commissioner seat.  When we talk about the need for fresh, new faces in government, it’s because of failures like Cindy Carpenter that we make the statement.  And there is only one person to blame; this isn’t dirty politics or a gotcha to harm Cindy out of some sense of unfairness.  She walked into this buzzsaw, willingly on her own accord.  And she wasn’t even smart enough to be careful in a public place full of cameras.  So when we talk about these offices and who should be in them, no matter who is voting, I think we can all agree, that we need someone in an important office that doesn’t give young people the finger at a very public apartment complex when trying to resolve a family members back payment on rent, all events that could have been handled, much, much, better.

References:
[1] Journal-News, ‘Video Shows Cindy Carpenter in Heated Exchange at Apartment Complex,’ 2025.
[2] Journal-News Editorial, ‘Carpenter’s Campaign Misstep Raises Questions,’ 2024.
[3] Security Footage Report, Level 27 Apartments, Miami University, 2025.
[4] Michael Ryan Campaign Press Release, ‘Restoring Trust in Butler County,’ 2025.
[5] Interview with Michael Moser, Butler County GOP Leadership Forum, 2025.

Rich Hoffman

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

Apoorva Ramasway is a Really Good Person: One of the big reasons to support Vivek Ramaswamy for governor of Ohio

There was never any question about supporting Vivek Ramaswamy for Governor of the State of Ohio.  But after meeting with him at his launch ceremony in West Chester, Ohio, I feel even better about it.  Of course, he is a great talent that can speak the peel off an orange.  But so can a lot of con artists.  The question everyone always wants to know about these kinds of things is how can they know they can trust him?  What makes a person trustworthy, even if they have the gift of gab?  After all, there are a lot of salespeople out there who can sell you just about anything who aren’t worth 2 cents as people.  So what makes Vivek Ramaswamy a good person, good enough to be made Governor of the State of Ohio?  Well, I have a proven tactic that I use to qualify people, especially adult people, that has worked for me over the years: I measure a person’s worth based on what kind of spouse they have.  They can sell pretty words to the public all day, but if they partner with a terrible person as a spouse, you should always question the person’s validity.  As a general rule, good people tend to attract other good people.  And bad, toxic people tend to do the same.  You don’t often find a toxic person choosing to be married to a high-quality person.  They are attached to them for a reason.  So judging a person based on the worth of their spouse is quite good as an accurate measurement, and I am thrilled to say that Vivek Ramaswamy’s wife is top-class and a very good person. Upon meeting Apoorva Ramaswamy, I found that I liked Vivek even more.  They are a nice couple who work well together in ways that are bigger than the jobs they do in life.

I don’t mind saying it, and there are certainly more that I can think of, but at this Vivek Ramaswamy event were some very good friends of mine who were part of setting up everything in the background.  And we are friends for a reason that goes beyond political considerations.  I know a lot of people, but I put more trust in these people for a lot of reasons, most of which start with their spouses.  For instance, when people ask me, “How can you trust George Lang?  He’s a RINO establishment figure.”  I can say to them that I can trust him in ways I wouldn’t trust other people, largely because of what I know him that is different from other people, especially people in a decisive Senate role.  Why George?  He has a wonderful wife in Debbie, who is just as solid as a person can get.  They are a good couple, and they are at an age where they travel a lot, and the fruits of a lot of hard work are emerging, and they are living a good life.  They work well together, and things were not always as good as they are now.  I remember when the political left was trying to throw George in jail just for knowing John Boehner.  Even in the toughest of times, Debbie has always been loyal to George, and as a couple, they are always trying to do the right thing, and I have come to know both of them pretty well over the years in ways that far exceed politics.  If George Lang had never been a senator and never was again, he and his wife would still be friends with me and my wife.  They are good people to know.

And why do I like her so much? People always ask me about Nancy Nix.  Well, what’s not to like?  She is as good as they get.  She comes across as a good person as a politician due to her many sincere desires for the world to be a better place, and I have come to know her over the years as a person with profound convictions toward biblical goodness.  But I’ll say that her husband Bob Leshnak is perfect for her.  Sometimes, it takes a while to find people who can work with them instead of against them.  When you are a person like Nancy who is naturally attractive and has a very outward projecting personality, you can attract a lot of bar flies.  But as a naturally good person from a good family, she knows how to sort through all that to find a great spouse in Bob.  He is good for her and doesn’t work against her, and they just come out as a good couple when you talk to them in any setting.  How can people be expected to manage your government financially or ethically if they can’t manage their own homes?  I could say that I know Fran DeWine a bit, enough to see that she makes the current governor of Ohio a far better person than he would otherwise be.  They are childhood sweethearts, which makes him a person that can at least be brought to reason because he has managed a long marriage to a good person.  I have met Melania Trump on several occasions and always said she is the key to why President Trump has become the kind of good person he is at this stage.  Spouses say a lot about the people we know, publicly. 

At Vivek’s West Chester event, I got to talk to him in great detail, but that wasn’t new.  I could also walk around with his wife and talk to her one-on-one.  And I found it interesting that she had a good relationship with Representative Jennifer Gross, who is too Tea Party for many people.  It says a lot about Apoorva in a good way and about Vivek with the doors closed.  Apoorva was a very classy woman, full of life and spirit, and I kept thinking she would be an ideal First Lady of Ohio.  She comes across well in all the right ways.  But what is most apparent is that she and Vivek are a power couple that feeds off each other.  We’re not talking about a couple of people climbing through social power to achieve a status through won elections.  These people are personally good and want to share that with others in a leadership way.  This is a much different set of standards than the traditional power couple that only share their desire for public power, and once that is not in their lives through a lost election or bad financial times, their relationship breaks apart.  Spouses aren’t helping each other if they plot divorce behind their spouses’ backs and are always jealous of the other people in their lives because they are insecure in the foundations of their relationship.  When you meet people who have people in their lives that they are building families with and who are willing to walk through all the fires of life together, you can know that there are unique qualities you can trust in them as public servants.  And that is undoubtedly the case for Vivek Ramaswamy and his wife, Apoorva.  They will still be a good couple once the days of politics are done, a few decades from now.  They will be defined by what they do together rather than what they convince people to give them in the form of trust and social management.  They are good because they are good, and they work together, which is the best trait of all.

Rich Hoffman

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

Controlling Demons to Try to Destroy the Trump Administration: The Lesser Key of Solomon

Among many things, I am an expert on the occult, not a practitioner.  Long before the established religions we have today, there was a cult of planet worshippers who sought the help of supernatural aid frequently, and they had sacrificial cultures designed to appease them.  I don’t even pray to God for myself, let alone conduct magic ceremonies.  I see those types of people as weak and diabolical.  I have written a lot about the evil of Aleister Crowley and Jack Parsons, one of the founders of NASA, and they believed in the help of supernatural aid to help them accomplish their desired tasks, and they were often successful.  When you study the Bible, there is a lot of communication with spirits, angels, and demons to help with earthly desires, so we should not assume that all that desire went away. Instead, I would say that the desire to have relationships with entities outside our terrestrial boundaries is as intense as ever.  If you’ve ever been to the Denver International Airport, you will start to get a good sense of it, and as is predictable, Democrat politics has festered into that specific area purposefully.  Like with Aleister Crowley and the Denver Airport, Masonic lodges are part of the story, and of course, with them, we are talking about their reverence for the ancient builders of King Solomon’s Temple, and specifically Hiram Aboff, of Tyre, who was said to be the architect of the famous temple.  And this is where I think we have to think about these supernatural entities when we ask the question about why so many evil things are happening now against the Trump administration, such as terrorist attacks, airplane accidents, and political upheaval.  To understand all those motivations, I think you can look to a simple book such as The Lesser Key of Solomon and remind yourself that many thousands of people turn to books like that in an attempt to conduct the armies of darkness against the forces of good and that many are putting curses on the Trump administration as we speak, to stop him.

This is a very ancient practice passed down over a very long period of time

Speaking of curses, just because someone intends harm on you, even from the spirit world, doesn’t mean they will succeed.  Take me, for example. I am speaking to you after four decades of ill intentions cast upon me by almost every malicious character you can imagine.  So, there are always countermeasures.  And I have studied the world’s occult practices to understand the enemy’s weapons.  But I would never use them myself.  To me, asking for help from anybody or anything is weak.  I don’t even ask for directions to a gas station from GPS.  So witchcraft or practicing magic is off the table.  I see them as just as foolish as ancient practices of demonic appeasement with human sacrifice.  But with all that said, my daughters were traveling recently and found themselves in Salem, Massachusetts, which is covered with reverence for witches and all those who think Harry Potter sorcery are a good idea.  They were in an excellent bookstore filled with books on the occult, so they took a picture and sent me an extensive sampling, asking if I wanted any of them while they were there.  I spotted one that I have had my eye on for a long time: The Lesser Key of Solomon, edited by Joseph H. Peterson.  I have read different versions of that book, allegedly written by King Solomon himself and transferred through time to the present through oral traditions and esoteric references.  So they picked it up for me, and it is quite an interesting book, to say the least.

I am working on a line of thought that I have on the Kofun tombs of Japan and how they connect to the empire of King Solomon.  These tombs are all over Osaka. I have seen them by the hundreds, and I think Solomon’s influence ended there at the Pacific Ocean along the Silk Road in ways that nobody has adequately studied or understood.  In Japan, they communicate with good and evil spirits all the time, on just about every street corner, and they call these spirits kami.  In Islam, they call them jinn.  In Western cultures, we call them angels and demons.  In Japan, it always amazes me how people openly seek to appease these spirits and help them in some way or another with incense and prayer.  So I think The Lesser Key of Solomon is one of the reasons that they built all those kofun tombs in the shape of a keyhole, as a way to lock away the people buried there from the evil menace of a hostile spirit world that might harass them in death.  You might recall, dear reader, that the story goes from the Apocrypha text removed from the Bible called The Testament of Solomon, for which The Lesser Key is an extension, that King Solomon was given by God a ring that could seal away demons and actually employed them to his wishes.  It’s an old take on the Arabian Nights stories of the Genie.  The story goes that Solomon captured all these demons to help him build King Solomon’s temple which is why Master Masons and people were so inclined to seek The Lesser Key of Solomon so that they could also command spirits like King Solomon did to build the temple and conduct his business of an empire that extended far away from ancient Israel.  That’s how Aleister Crowley and many like him from the occult practitioner sciences that predate the Hebrew people by many thousands of years get involved in all this demon worship by trying to command spirits as Solomon did for the perpetuation of some terrestrial cause. 

The critical point to remember here is not the conduct of morality attached to discussions like this but understanding the intent.  There are many people in the world, especially practicing Democrats, who seek supernatural aid to help them achieve some political cause.  And the demon world is hectic trying to grant their requests.  And I can assure everyone that all over Washington D.C., wannabe witches, and occult practitioners are trying to put a curse on everything that the Trump administration tries to touch.  So when we see all the crazy stuff in the news and wonder why so many people are doing so many bad things, it’s not always the CIA conducting some coup attempt or the FBI trying to do the same to keep Kash Patel from becoming their boss.  It goes even deeper than that to why people think what they do and how those thoughts pop into their minds.  To deal with this occult menace, we have to admit that it exists in the first place, which many are reluctant to do.  But when I see the kind of news stories that have been common since Trump was elected, I see occult attempts to stop the political tide that so many desire.  But many scandalous characters are seeking the aid of the spirit world to overthrow our political order with a lot of personal investment.  And I think it will get much worse. Yet that doesn’t mean that all these evil intentions will be successful.  All it does mean is that we must look at where the problems are and see the threats for what they truly are.  And not illusively of their origins.  And fight those fights at the doorstep of the enemy. 

What amazes me about all these images is that they look so much like Indian art, crop circles, and ancient mound construction

Rich Hoffman

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The Greatest Sin of All: God does not want low ambition, weak, people, he wants Heaven on Earth and warriors to defend it

The greatest sin of all mankind, I think, is choosing to be a loser and a meek participant in the world around you.  This was a topic of conversation during dinner recently. It was a Christmas gathering of brilliant and religious people. Of course, the topic of Trump came up and why God had picked him out of all people to save the world.  Because what is happening is nothing short of revolutionary, and there is a science to it. If you read the Bible carefully and free yourself of the many human interpretations of it that necessitate worldly politics in convincing people to be sheep and to flock to the shepherds of government for the global control of mass social movements, you’ll see that there is more to our usual thoughts on the matter.  I argue often, and I did at that dinner for a lengthy diatribe about biblical understanding that my take on God is that he wants and despises meek losers who grovel at a sacrificial monument and strive to cover their nakedness.  Of course, that point of view gets a lot of looks and even provokes anger.  Sometimes, a lot of anger.  But that wouldn’t make any of it any less accurate, and I explained why God picked Trump to save the world.  And it had nothing to do with being a good boy who followed the Ten Commandments, went to church every Sunday, and obeyed all the church rules of worship to earthly terrestrial figures.  No, it is because Donald Trump, the current President, and who has been for many years now psychologically dared to be something that few in the history of the world have had the guts to be, and that is to rise to the greatness of Heaven that God always intended for the humans he created.  And because Trump dared to rise above the station of humanity and its meekness, he has been rewarded in many ways and put in place to do all the great things we are now seeing. 

When God asked for Adam in the Garden, he couldn’t find him because his first man hid in the woods to cover his nakedness. God asked him why.  “How do you know you’re naked, Adam? Who told you thus?”  After some coaxing, Adam blamed it on Eve, his woman, and revealed that the lowly serpent had tricked them into eating from the knowledge of good and evil.  And that they were no longer qualified to reside in the Heavenly garden, and the cherubim cast them out and prevented them from returning.  The same cherubim  atop the Ark of the Covenant kept ordinary people from gazing into it to read the Ten Commandments for themselves.  The use of fear to keep ordinary people from seeing reality is a common theme in the Bible, and it’s not for God as if the rules were intended to be followed, but that they were designed to provoke in humanity a lofty disposition toward the preservation of Heaven on Earth as God created it.  These problems would arise again throughout the Bible but would most culminate in what I consider to be the two biggest sins noted in the Bible: the failures of King David and his son, King Solomon.  Even after all that God did to forgive them and prop them up with riches and power on earth, they both fell short because of their insecurity with women and did not live up to the lofty goals God intended for them.  Israel would never rise again to its former glory because God punished his chosen people for their meekness, the greatest sin that there is.

In King David’s condition, it was when he plotted to kill the husband of a woman he was watching bath, and he wanted her for herself, Bathsheba.  David had many wives and could have had any woman he wanted.  But he wanted this one who was married to a military man whom David had control over.  So David plotted his death to marry the woman, and all kinds of problems arose because of this scheme.  God wasn’t happy and decided that David wasn’t qualified to build a temple on earth to represent Heaven’s presence, so he left it to David’s son, Solomon.  King Solomon had wisdom, women, and wealth; God put it all at his feet.  But Solomon found maintaining all his wives difficult, and he built temples for their crazy gods, too.  And it upset God, Yahweh, so much so that God told Solomon that his kingdom would end with his death and be split in two by his sons.  And that Israel would never recover, which it never has.  But the sin was not so much in following God’s instructions, just as Moses had to be pushed into doing his great deed of freeing the Jewish people from slavery in Egypt only to stagger in front of the giants of Canaan because they doubted that God would give them a victory over such a terrible foe.  So they were punished with 40 years in the wilderness for doubting in themselves that God would grant them protection.  For that doubt, they were punished.  So, we see the trend in the Bible that God expects his chosen people to rise above and push forward and not fail to meekness. 

When Jesus said upon the cross, “My god, my God, why have you forsaken me,” many interpret that as the fulfillment of an ancient prophecy.  But it’s just another abandonment of God of those he put his hand on who fell short in life and did not rise to the occasion and stand against the tide of evil.  It was the meek who interpreted the act as a sacrifice to wash away the sins of humanity, when in truth, God was always God, and he wanted to defeat his foes in the world who were trying to destroy his concepts of Heaven on Earth and that humans would be his direct representatives in this dimensional reality.  And yes, of course, I get a lot of nasty looks when I say this, and I certainly did at that dinner.  That kind of talk rocks the foundation of everything people want to believe about their relationship with God.  But with Trump, he didn’t back down and surrender his ego to meekness.  And no matter how much the world persecuted him, he kept fighting and never surrendered himself to the naked truth of existence.  Trump didn’t hide behind a tree.  It might have taken him three wives to figure it out, but he learned not to look out the window and plot the death of other women’s husbands.  There are better things to do.  And he didn’t let a woman distract him from the pursuit of building Heaven on Earth.  Through his companies, Trump has tried to develop his idea of Heaven in all his buildings and golf courses with an elevated sense of human accomplishment.  And when an assassin’s bullet missed as it did in July of 2024, God spared Trump by the literal grace of God.  When Trump was put before his version of Pontius Pilate, he didn’t say, “You have said so, that I am the son of God, the Messiah.”  Instead, Trump said, “Yeah, so what of it? I’m your president, and I’m coming for you next.”  And finally, God had someone who wouldn’t hide his nakedness in the Garden.  And wouldn’t blame women for his shortcomings.  And he endeavored to elevate himself above the standard, meek and weak, and to lead others to their lofty exploits.  And to the way I look at things, God was finally happy with someone who dared to trust that God had his back and would behave with divine understanding.  And would not hesitate to attack the Land of Canaan, filled with ancient giants that far outnumbered them.  Trump gets it, and God is happy about it.  And that happiness we are all feeling after this 2024 election.  That’s what I said anyway, and all my dinner guests got up and left and refused to speak to me for the heresy.  But deep down inside, they all know I’m right.  So I paid the check and went back to my books.  Truth isn’t what we want it to be; it is what it is.  In this case, it requires audaciousness, which God wants, to be seen.  Based on a straightforward reading of the biblical text, the greatest sin in the world is in striving to be a loser when God tried to inspire humans to greatness, to be representatives of Heaven on Earth.  And it takes a lot of courage to do so.

Rich Hoffman

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