Tag: Government

Taxes Have Consequences: A Century of Mistakes, Human Nature, and the Path Forward

I’ve been catching a lot of heat lately for talking about socialism on my podcast, but honestly, I don’t see why it should be controversial at all. The pushback tells me everything I need to know: a whole lot of people have built their entire lives around government paychecks, public-sector benefits, and the steady drip of tax revenue that keeps the whole machine humming. They get defensive because the conversation about taxes hits too close to home. When you point out that the income tax proposal of 1913 was a colossal mistake—one that’s strangled growth, rewarded bureaucrats, and penalized the very risk-takers who drive real prosperity—you’re not just debating policy. You’re challenging the foundation of how they pay their mortgages and fund their retirements. And the data, especially from that outstanding book Taxes Have Consequences: An Income Tax History of the United States by Arthur B. Laffer, Brian Domitrovic, and Jeanne Cairns Sinquefield, backs me up every step of the way. 

Let me take you back to 1913. That single year changed everything. The 16th Amendment was ratified on February 3, giving Congress the power to lay and collect taxes on incomes “from whatever source derived, without apportionment among the several States.” Just months later, the Revenue Act of 1913 imposed a 1 percent tax on incomes above $3,000 (about $90,000 in today’s dollars) with a top rate of 7 percent on incomes over $500,000. It affected maybe 1 to 3 percent of the population at first, and early revenue was tiny—only about $28 million in 1914.  At the same time, the Federal Reserve Act was signed on December 23, creating a centralized banking system that promised stability but, in my view, locked in the same progressive-era thinking that favored administrative control over free markets. Both moves came during the Wilson administration, a time when socialist ideas were swirling globally, and centralized power looked like the future to some. Tariffs and excise taxes had kept federal revenue under 3 percent of GDP before 1913; after the amendment, the door was wide open. By the post-war era, federal receipts stabilized around 17-18 percent of GDP, no matter how high the rates climbed—a pattern economists call Hauser’s Law.  The pie didn’t grow faster just because the government took a bigger slice; people and capital adjusted.

What Taxes Have Consequences lays out so clearly—and what a century of statistics confirms—is that the top marginal income tax rate has been the single biggest determinant of economic fate, tax revenue from the wealthy, and even outcomes for lower earners. The authors divide the income-tax era into five periods of tax cuts and explosive growth and four periods of high rates and stagnation. When rates were slashed—as in the 1920s under Treasury Secretary Andrew Mellon (top rate down to 25 percent), the 1960s Kennedy cuts, the 1980s Reagan revolution, the 1990s, and briefly under President Trump’s 2017 reforms—the economy roared. Investment flooded in, jobs multiplied, and the rich actually paid a larger share of total revenue because the tax base expanded dramatically. In the 1920s, for example, real GDP nearly doubled, unemployment plummeted, and revenues from the top brackets rose even as rates fell. The same pattern repeated in the 1980s: top rates dropped from 70 percent to 28 percent, the top 1 percent’s share of income taxes climbed from about 25 percent to over 37 percent by the late 1990s, and real per-capita GDP growth accelerated. 

Contrast that with the high-rate eras. The late 1910s, the 1930s, the 1940s-1950s, and especially the 1970s saw top rates reach 77 percent during World War I, 94 percent during World War II, and remain north of 90 percent for decades afterward. The book makes a compelling case that the 1932 tax hikes—pushing the top rate to 63 percent amid the Depression—actually deepened the crisis. Revenue from the rich collapsed, investment dried up, and the economy stayed mired until wartime spending and later rate reductions kicked in. During the 1970s stagflation, 70 percent-plus top rates coincided with sluggish growth, high unemployment, and inflation that hammered everyone, especially the working class. Lower earners suffered precisely because the rich weren’t investing or expanding businesses when the government was confiscating the upside. The Laffer Curve isn’t a theory; it’s observable history. Push rates too high, and you cross into the prohibitive range, where behavior changes: less work, less risk, more avoidance, and ultimately, less revenue. 

I’ve seen this play out in real time with people I talk to. Just the other day, I was explaining basic economics to some younger folks who were upset they weren’t making enough money. Their lifestyles told the story—video games, complaints, minimal effort. I told them straight: this is a free country. You have twenty-four hours every day. If you’re only pulling in $20,000 a year, maximize the hours. Get a second job, learn a skill, take a risk. Once you get a little capital, that engine starts turning faster. Money makes money, but you have to earn the first bit through productive behavior. The progressive tax system we’ve had since 1913 punishes exactly that ambition. Why grind harder if the government is going to take 37 percent—or more when you add state taxes—just because you succeeded? The book spends chapters on this psychological reality: high earners respond to incentives. They hire lawyers, accountants, and lobbyists. They structure investments to minimize liability. They move. And who can blame them?

Look at the migration numbers today. IRS data from 2022-2023 shows high-tax states hemorrhaging wealth and people. California lost $11.9 billion in adjusted gross income from net out-migration; New York lost $9.9 billion; Illinois lost $6 billion. Meanwhile, no-income-tax states cleaned up: Florida gained $20.6 billion in AGI, Texas $5.5 billion, South Carolina and North Carolina billions more. High earners—those making $200,000 and up—drove most of the shift. Florida’s net gain came disproportionately from wealthy movers, whose average incomes were far higher than those of those leaving. This isn’t random; it’s rational human behavior. People vote with their feet when the “fair share” rhetoric turns into confiscation. The same dynamic happened after California and New York jacked up top rates: businesses and talent fled to Texas and Florida, starving the high-tax states of the very revenue they claimed the rich owed them. 

And don’t get me started on the people who lecture us about “fair share” while enriching themselves in public office. Nancy Pelosi comes to mind immediately. She entered Congress in 1987 with a few hundred thousand in stocks; today her family’s net worth is estimated at north of $280 million, with massive gains from timely trades in tech and other sectors while she sat on committees with insider knowledge. Critics have hammered her for years over this, yet no charges stick because the rules somehow allow it. The rest of us pay accountants to navigate a tax code thicker than a phone book while members of Congress trade on information the public doesn’t have. That’s not wealth creation through risk and ingenuity; that’s parasitic behavior enabled by the very system that claims to soak the rich. The book details how, throughout history, the wealthy have found ways around punitive rates—through capital flight, tax shelters, and reduced effort. Congress critters have a faster, easier on-ramp. 

This brings me to the real heart of the problem: the administrative state and the public-sector workforce that depends on confiscated wealth. I was in Washington, D.C., recently, and the parking garages told the story better than any chart. At 8 a.m., they’re packed—government workers streaming in. By noon? Empty. Half-day culture, cushy benefits, pay scales that often run 20-25 percent above comparable private-sector jobs when you factor in pensions and job security. Federal data show the pay gap persists; total compensation for many federal roles exceeds that of private-sector equivalents, especially at mid- to senior levels. Meanwhile, private-sector risk-takers—the ones who actually grow the economy—get penalized. We’re not funding productive infrastructure or national defense with all this revenue; we’re propping up a class of paper-pushers who enjoy lives the average taxpayer can only dream of. Democrats love to create these jobs and fund them with “progressive” taxes, then act shocked when the rich use every legal tool to protect what they’ve earned. It’s human nature. People who work hard, innovate, and build don’t willingly hand over the fruits of their labor to subsidize easy government gigs. The 1913 experiment assumed otherwise, and a century of data proves it wrong. 

The book hammers this point with statistical precision. When top rates are low, the rich bring capital out of hiding, invest it, hire workers, and expand the tax base. When rates are high, they shelter, defer, or produce less. The result? Less overall growth, which hurts everyone. Real per-capita GDP growth averaged around 2 percent across eras, but the booms under low-rate policies lifted lower incomes far more effectively. Poverty fell faster, wages rose, and government actually collected more from the top 1 percent—not because of higher rates, but because of a bigger, more dynamic economy. In 2022, the top 1 percent (incomes above roughly $663,000) earned about 21 percent of income but paid 40 percent of all federal income taxes—an effective rate around 26 percent after deductions. That share has risen over the decades as rates have come down and growth has accelerated. The progressive myth that “the rich get richer and everyone else suffers” ignores how the system actually works. Once you have capital, you can leverage it—but you earned that first pile by outworking and out-risking everyone else. Penalizing success doesn’t create fairness; it creates stagnation. 

President Trump understood this during his first term, and especially in the interregnum before his second term. His tax policies—cutting corporate rates, lowering individual brackets, doubling the standard deduction—aligned with everything we’ve learned since 1913. The 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act delivered exactly the results Taxes Have Consequences predicts: strong GDP growth, record-low unemployment (especially for minorities and low-wage workers), and higher revenue from the top brackets. The rich got richer in absolute terms, but so did everyone else, and the government’s slice of the larger pie increased. That’s the opposite of the socialist collective model, which assumes we can perpetually extract from producers to fund a utopia. Centralized banking and progressive taxation were sold as stabilizers, but they became tools for an administrative state that grows regardless of economic reality. The Federal Reserve’s money creation, paired with endless deficit spending, has only amplified the damage—debt now exceeds GDP, and interest payments alone rival major budget items.

I’m not saying there should be no taxes. A consumption-based system—sales taxes on what people actually use, transaction fees tied to real economic activity—would align incentives far better. Fund highways and services through the people who use them. Let growth compound without the drag of income confiscation. The book shows that broad-based, low-rate systems maximize revenue while minimizing distortion. We’ve tried the Marxist-inspired “from each according to ability, to each according to need” approach for over a century, and it has delivered exactly what human psychology predicts: avoidance, resentment, and slower progress. Younger generations especially need to hear this. Stop waiting for the system to hand you enough; the system was never designed to reward complaints or video-game marathons. Get out there, create value, take risks. The engine only accelerates once you’re in motion.

The backlash I get for saying these things proves the point. People whose livelihoods depend on the status quo—government employees, public-sector unions, politicians who promise “free stuff” funded by someone else’s ingenuity—don’t want the conversation. But facts don’t care about feelings. We have a century of statistics now. The 1913 experiment failed. It fed a monster of debt, bureaucracy, and distorted incentives that neither party has fully dismantled. President Trump’s approach pointed the way forward, and the next decade must be about rethinking the entire process. Repeal or radically simplify the income tax. Reconsider the Federal Reserve’s role in enabling endless spending. Align policy with human nature: reward risk, protect what people earn, and stop pretending government workers deserve 30 percent more compensation for half-day effort while the private sector carries the load.

This isn’t some fringe, scandalous idea. It’s an observable reality documented in Taxes Have Consequences across hundreds of pages of data, charts, and historical analysis. The rich don’t pay their “fair share” under high rates because they’re not stupid—they adjust. The economy doesn’t grow when ambition is taxed into oblivion. And society doesn’t thrive when we build it on the backs of parasites who show up at 8 a.m. and vanish by lunch, all paid for by confiscated wealth. At their core, human beings do not want to slave away so others can live easily. That truth has never changed, and no amount of political spin or election-year rhetoric can repeal it.

As we head into the 2030s, the discussion will only intensify. People are done subsidizing inefficiency. The genie is out of the bottle. If you’ve followed my work, you know I’ve been saying this for years. Subscribe to my blog and business updates—I think you’ll love the deeper dives into these ideas and practical ways to protect and grow what you earn in a world that still rewards the ambitious. The progressive tax experiment of 1913 was a gamble based on flawed psychology and socialist dreams. A century later, we have the receipts. It’s time to learn the lesson and move on.

Footnotes

1.  Laffer, Arthur B., Domitrovic, Brian, and Sinquefield, Jeanne Cairns. Taxes Have Consequences: An Income Tax History of the United States. Post Hill Press, 2022.

2.  U.S. National Archives. “16th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.”

3.  Revenue Act of 1913 historical summaries, IRS and congressional records.

4.  Federal Reserve Act of 1913 documentation.

5.  FRED Economic Data, Federal Receipts as Percent of GDP (historical series).

6.  Tax Foundation and IRS Statistics of Income reports on top 1% tax contributions.

7.  IRS migration data 2022-2023, state AGI flows.

8.  Congressional financial disclosures and OpenSecrets analyses on member wealth.

9.  Bureau of Labor Statistics and Federal Salary Council reports on public vs. private compensation.

10.  Laffer Center summaries and book excerpts on specific historical periods.

Bibliography

•  Laffer, Arthur B., et al. Taxes Have Consequences. Post Hill Press, 2022.

•  U.S. Internal Revenue Service. Statistics of Income historical reports (1913-present).

•  Tax Foundation. Various reports on historical tax rates, migration, and economic growth.

•  Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis (FRED). Federal Receipts as % of GDP.

•  Congressional Budget Office and Tax Policy Center data on effective tax rates and income shares.

•  OpenSecrets.org and Quiver Quantitative congressional wealth tracking.

•  Bureau of Economic Analysis and BLS employment and payroll data.

This essay reflects exactly what I’ve been saying and living: free markets, personal responsibility, and an honest look at a century of bad policy. The evidence is overwhelming. Now it’s time to act on it.

Rich Hoffman

More about me

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

About the Author: Rich Hoffman

Rich Hoffman is an aerospace executive, political strategist, systems thinker, and independent researcher of ancient history, the paranormal, and the Dead Sea Scrolls tradition. His life in high‑stakes manufacturing, high‑level politics, and cross‑functional crisis management gives him a field‑tested understanding of power — both human and unseen.

He has advised candidates, executives, and public leaders, while conducting deep, hands‑on exploration of archaeological and supernatural hotspots across the world.

Hoffman writes with the credibility of a problem-solver, the curiosity of an archaeologist, and the courage of a frontline witness who has gone to very scary places and reported what lurked there. Hoffman has authored books including The Symposium of Justice, The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business, and Tail of the Dragon, often exploring themes of freedom, individual will, and societal structures through a lens influenced by philosophy (e.g., Nietzschean overman concepts) and current events.

Why Democrats are Against the SAVE Act: How else can “the will of the people” be determined without secure elections

The federal law in question, which has major implications for retirement savings, is not some hidden raid on IRAs or 401(k)s held by those over 60. Recent IRS updates for 2026 have actually increased contribution limits, including catch-up provisions for older savers, and executive actions have aimed to expand investment options in these accounts, such as greater access to alternative assets. Claims of it being the “single biggest threat” to retirement often stem from broader debates over taxes, inflation, or regulatory shifts, but the real vulnerability many see in the system lies elsewhere: in the integrity of the democratic process that ultimately decides who controls fiscal policy, spending, and the rules governing those very retirement accounts.

In my observations from years of following politics closely in Ohio and nationally, the maintenance of razor-thin margins in elections has preserved a balance of power that benefits entrenched interests. Close races allow for leverage, delay, and negotiation that keep big decisions hostage. Without stronger safeguards, speculation persists about how votes are cast, verified, and counted. This ambiguity creates opportunities that should not exist in a representative republic. The push for basic security measures—like requiring proof of citizenship to register and photo identification to vote—is not about making it harder for legitimate citizens to participate. It is about removing doubt so that the true will of the people can be known without question. When elections are secure, majorities reflect actual voter intent rather than procedural fog.

Consider the recent history in Ohio. In 2024, Republican Bernie Moreno defeated longtime Democrat incumbent Sherrod Brown in the U.S. Senate race, flipping the seat and contributing to Republican gains. Brown had held the position since 2006, but the state’s shift toward stronger Republican performance at the presidential and statewide levels made the outcome decisive.  Following JD Vance’s election as Vice President, Governor Mike DeWine appointed former Lieutenant Governor and Secretary of State Jon Husted to fill the vacancy. Husted, with his background in election administration, has brought a focus on common-sense integrity measures. In early 2026, Husted proposed an amendment requiring photo ID at the polls for federal elections, listing straightforward options such as a state driver’s license, state ID, U.S. passport, military ID, or tribal ID with photo and expiration date. This aligns with practices already in place in Ohio, where photo ID has been required for in-person voting. 

Despite polls showing overwhelming public support for voter ID—often cited at around 80% or higher across parties—Senate Democrats blocked Husted’s standalone push and amendments tied to broader legislation, falling short of the 60-vote threshold needed to advance. Opponents labeled it unnecessary or intimidating, echoing arguments from figures like Chuck Schumer. Yet the logic is straightforward: if showing ID to board a plane, purchase alcohol, or handle banking transactions is uncontroversial, why resist it for the act that selects our elected representatives? In Ohio, we have seen how paper ballots, voter-verified trails, and ID requirements provide layers of protection. Electronic systems can have vulnerabilities, as demonstrated in various audits and tests nationwide, but the ability to cross-check against a physical record and confirm identity reduces the risk of unauthorized or duplicate votes. 

This debate ties directly into the Safeguard American Voter Eligibility (SAVE) Act, also referred to as the SAVE America Act in its iterations. The bill, which passed the House multiple times, including in 2025 and again in 2026 with versions, requires documentary proof of U.S. citizenship for voter registration in federal elections and mandates photo ID at the polls. It also directs states to maintain cleaner voter rolls by cross-referencing with federal databases. Proponents argue it closes loopholes that allow non-citizens or ineligible individuals to register, while ensuring one person, one vote. Critics claim it creates barriers, but evidence from states with similar rules shows turnout among eligible citizens remains strong or even increases when trust in the system rises. The bill has faced filibuster threats in the Senate, highlighting how procedural tools and narrow majorities sustain the status quo. 

Sherrod Brown’s path back into contention for the 2026 special election in Ohio underscores the stakes. After his 2024 loss to Moreno, Brown has signaled interest in reclaiming influence, framing voter ID efforts as voter suppression. This rhetoric aligns with Democrat resistance to the SAVE Act and Husted’s proposals.  Yet in practice, making voting “easier” through loose verification—mail-in voting without strict ID matching, same-day registration without robust checks, or reliance on systems prone to untraceable alterations—opens the door to abuse. Practices such as ballot harvesting, vote-buying, or remote manipulation of tabulation equipment have been alleged in tight contests. While courts often dismiss broad claims due to procedural hurdles and resource disparities, the pattern of suspiciously close outcomes in key races raises legitimate questions. Maintaining ambiguity benefits those who thrive in fog, allowing legal maneuvers that drain challengers’ resources through prolonged litigation rather than transparent resolution.

Look at other examples. In Colorado, former Mesa County Clerk Tina Peters faced prosecution after attempting to examine voting systems following the 2020 election, resulting in a conviction. In April 2026, a Colorado appeals court upheld her convictions but reversed her nine-year sentence, ruling that the original judge improperly considered her public statements on election integrity, and remanded the case for resentencing. Peters became a symbol for those questioning machine security and access protocols. Her case illustrates how efforts to audit or expose potential weaknesses can lead to severe personal consequences, while defenders of the system emphasize existing safeguards. 

Ohio stands as a stronger model. With requirements for in-person photo ID, options for absentee verification, and a mix of paper ballots in many counties, officials have maintained that elections here are among the most secure. Voters receive receipts or can confirm their selections, and machines are not internet-connected in ways that allow remote interference. Yet even here, vigilance is needed against mail-in vulnerabilities or chain-of-custody gaps. Husted’s experience as former Secretary of State gives him credibility on these issues—he understands both the administrative realities and the public demand for confidence. 

The broader point is structural. When elections remain artificially competitive due to lax rules, it distorts representation. Democrats have argued that stricter ID laws suppress turnout among certain groups, but data from implementing states contradicts widespread disenfranchisement. Instead, secure processes deter fraud, whether through ineligible voting, duplicate ballots, or sophisticated interference with tabulation. Public examples of vulnerabilities in voting machines—such as flipping votes in controlled tests or weak passcodes—have been documented over the years. Without paper backups and identity confirmation, trust erodes. Opponents of reform often pivot to “voter intimidation” claims, but requiring basic documentation is no more intimidating than everyday transactions.

This connects to retirement security because policy outcomes depend on who holds power. With secure majorities reflecting genuine voter will, Congress could more effectively address threats to savings—whether through inflation control, tax stability, or protecting accounts from overreach. Loose election practices have historically enabled narrow Democrat leverage in the Senate or House, stalling reforms or forcing compromises that favor special interests. If Republicans secure clear mandates through integrity measures, they can deliver on promises without constant obstruction. The SAVE Act and photo ID amendments are foundational: they eliminate speculation, affirm citizenship as a prerequisite, and make “making it harder to vote” mean “making it harder to cheat.” 

In my view, based on observed patterns, media suppression of dissenting voices, and the incentives in tight races, the system has rewarded ambiguity for too long. Platforms and institutions have incentives to throttle visibility on controversial topics, pushing creators toward paid promotion to reach audiences. This mirrors how legal and procedural barriers discourage challenges to outcomes. Courage means facing these realities without apology. Voter intent should drive governance, not backroom balances or fear of scrutiny.

For those over 60 relying on IRAs and 401(k)s, the true long-term threat is not a single “federal law” targeting accounts directly, but rather unstable policy driven by questionable electoral foundations. Secure elections lead to accountable majorities that prioritize economic strength, lower inflation, and protection of private savings. Proposals like Husted’s—allowing multiple common forms of ID—are logical, minimal barriers that align with public opinion and existing successful state practices.

Further reading and sources for deeper exploration include official congressional records on the SAVE Act, Ohio Secretary of State voter ID guidelines, Husted’s Senate statements on his amendment, court filings in the Tina Peters case, and analyses of 2024 Ohio Senate results. Public polling on voter ID consistently shows broad bipartisan support. Engaging these materials reveals that the push for integrity is about restoring faith in the republic, not restricting rights. When every eligible citizen’s vote is verifiable, and every ineligible one prevented, the system self-corrects toward the actual preferences of the people—often favoring policies that safeguard retirement security and individual prosperity.

This is not speculation but a call grounded in witnessed close contests, administrative experience, and the simple principle that a republic functions best when its elections are beyond reasonable doubt. Implementing the SAVE Act and supporting leaders like Husted who advance photo ID requirements would remove the fog, deter abuse, and allow true majorities to govern without perpetual hostage-taking over funding or critical legislation. The path forward requires rejecting the narrative that basic verification equals suppression. It equals confidence.

Footnotes

1.  H.R.22 – 119th Congress (2025-2026): SAVE Act, Congress.gov.

2.  Text of H.R.22, Congress.gov.

3.  Jon Husted Senate press release on photo ID amendment, March 26, 2026.

4.  Bernie Moreno defeats Sherrod Brown, 2024 Ohio Senate results, Politico, and Wikipedia summaries.

5.  Ohio voter ID requirements, Ohio Secretary of State website.

6.  Tina Peters case, Colorado Court of Appeals decision, April 2026.

7.  Public polling on voter ID, Gallup and Pew Research references via White House summary, 2026.

8.  Husted bill on photo ID blocked, Senate actions reported March 2026.

9.  Sherrod Brown 2026 special election context, Ballotpedia and Ohio Capital Journal.

10.  SAVE America Act provisions, Congress.gov, and related analyses.

Bibliography

•  Congress.gov. H.R.22 – SAVE Act, 119th Congress (2025-2026). https://www.congress.gov/bill/119th-congress/house-bill/22

•  Congress.gov. H.R.7296 – SAVE America Act, 119th Congress (2025-2026). https://www.congress.gov/bill/119th-congress/house-bill/7296

•  Husted, Jon. Senate Press Releases on Voter ID Amendment (March 2026). https://www.husted.senate.gov/media/press-releases/

•  Ohio Secretary of State. Voter Identification Requirements. https://www.ohiosos.gov/elections/voter-ID-requirements

•  Politico. 2024 Ohio Senate Election Results. https://www.politico.com/2024-election/results/ohio/senate/

•  Colorado Judicial Branch. People v. Peters, Court of Appeals Opinion (April 2026). https://www.coloradojudicial.gov/system/files/opinions-2026-04/24CA1951-PD.pdf

•  Pew Research Center and Gallup. Polling data on voter ID support (referenced in 2025-2026 summaries).

•  Ballotpedia. United States Senate Special Election in Ohio, 2026. https://ballotpedia.org/United_States_Senate_special_election_in_Ohio,_2026

•  White House. Fact Sheet on Voter ID Popularity (February 2026).

These sources provide the factual backbone drawn from public records, official statements, and court documents. They support the emphasis on election integrity as essential to a functioning republic and, by extension, to stable policies that protect retirement savings. My opinions on the patterns of close races and the need for courage in addressing them are based on long-term personal observations of Ohio and national politics.

Rich Hoffman

More about me

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

About the Author: Rich Hoffman

Rich Hoffman is an aerospace executive, political strategist, systems thinker, and independent researcher of ancient history, the paranormal, and the Dead Sea Scrolls tradition. His life in high‑stakes manufacturing, high‑level politics, and cross‑functional crisis management gives him a field‑tested understanding of power — both human and unseen.

He has advised candidates, executives, and public leaders, while conducting deep, hands‑on exploration of archaeological and supernatural hotspots across the world.

Hoffman writes with the credibility of a problem-solver, the curiosity of an archaeologist, and the courage of a frontline witness who has gone to very scary places and reported what lurked there. Hoffman has authored books including The Symposium of Justice, The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business, and Tail of the Dragon, often exploring themes of freedom, individual will, and societal structures through a lens influenced by philosophy (e.g., Nietzschean overman concepts) and current events.

Yes, I Think Jeffery Epstein is Still Alive: They think we’re suckers, and treat us that way

The persistent suspicions surrounding high-profile figures who vanish from public view—whether through reported death, disappearance, or institutional cover-up—often stem from a deep-seated distrust in official narratives. In an era where information flows freely and institutional authority faces scrutiny, these doubts are amplified. Conspiracy theories, while frequently dismissed, sometimes point to genuine irregularities that warrant examination. This pattern appears in cases like Adolf Hitler’s fate after World War II, Jeffrey Epstein’s death in 2019, and recent speculations about Joe Biden’s identity and health. What unites them is the recurring theme of “smoke,” suggesting potential “fire”: procedural failures, missing evidence, powerful interests that could benefit from concealment, and a history of elite impunity that makes extraordinary claims feel plausible to many.

Jeffrey Epstein’s case exemplifies this. Epstein, a financier convicted of sex offenses and accused of trafficking minors to elite circles, died on August 10, 2019, in his cell at the Metropolitan Correctional Center (MCC) in New York City while awaiting trial on federal sex-trafficking charges. The New York City Chief Medical Examiner ruled the cause of death as hanging, with the manner classified as suicide. A comprehensive 2023 Department of Justice Office of the Inspector General report detailed significant operational lapses at MCC: guards failed to conduct required checks (some falsified logs, leading to charges), Epstein was left without a cellmate despite recommendations, and he had been removed from suicide watch after a prior incident in July 2019. The report highlighted a malfunction in the prison’s Digital Video Recorder system starting July 29, 2019, which prevented recording from many cameras (though live feeds continued). Only limited footage from one camera was available for the relevant area.

These lapses—combined with Epstein’s connections to figures like Bill Clinton, Prince Andrew, Donald Trump, and others—fueled theories that he was murdered to silence him or that his death was staged for escape. The meme “Epstein didn’t kill himself” captured widespread skepticism, amplified by his associations and the elite networks he cultivated. Recent document releases in 2025-2026, including tranches from the U.S. Department of Justice totaling millions of pages, have reignited claims. Some allege Epstein is alive—perhaps in Israel, on an island, or elsewhere—based on debunked AI-generated images (e.g., a bearded man in Tel Aviv sunglasses falsely claimed as him), misread emails, or even a Fortnite username change (“littlestjeff1”) that Fortnite confirmed was unrelated and from an existing user. No credible evidence supports him being alive; forensic autopsies, including toxicology showing no unusual substances and no defensive wounds inconsistent with suicide, counter speculation. A 2025 CBS News analysis of jail video revealed no “missing minute” as some claimed, and officials dismissed homicide indicators.

Ghislaine Maxwell, Epstein’s associate, convicted in 2021 of sex trafficking and sentenced to 20 years, has remained largely silent on key details. In a February 2026 congressional deposition before the House Oversight Committee (via video from Federal Prison Camp Bryan), she invoked her Fifth Amendment right repeatedly, refusing to discuss Epstein, trafficking links, or related matters. Her attorney cited a pending habeas petition and advised her to invoke the Fifth Amendment to avoid self-incrimination. Reports describe harsh prison conditions in her low-security facility, including limited space, isolation, and a small cell with a toilet near the bunk—echoing inmate accounts of psychological strain. Some interpret her silence as pressure or as protection for powerful figures; others see it as a legal strategy amid ongoing appeals. Conspiracy claims even suggested a body double in her deposition video, but her lawyer confirmed it was her, attributing changes to jail’s toll (including prior sleep deprivation).

Similar doubts surround Adolf Hitler’s death. Official history states Hitler died by suicide in his Berlin bunker on April 30, 1945, alongside Eva Braun, with their bodies burned. Soviet forces recovered remains, including dental fragments confirmed in 2018 by French forensic experts as matching Hitler’s 1944 X-rays, proving his death in 1945. Post-war rumors, fueled by declassified FBI/CIA files on unverified sightings, claimed Hitler escaped via U-boat to South America (Argentina, Colombia, etc.), living incognito until the 1960s. These relied on hearsay, dubious witnesses, and books like Grey Wolf, often debunked as fiction or plagiarism. Recent 2025 Argentine declassifications of Nazi fugitive files (under President Javier Milei) detailed tracking of figures like Eichmann and Mengele, but offered no new evidence for Hitler. Historians note some Nazis fled to South America with ratlines and support networks, but forensic dental matches, bunker eyewitnesses (e.g., Otto Günsche, Heinz Linge), and CIA dismissals of claims as “phony” override speculation. Theories persist due to Soviet disinformation campaigns and incomplete initial body photos.

More recently, theories claim Joe Biden died in 2019 (perhaps from health issues or foul play) and was replaced by a body double, actor, clone, or masked entity for the 2020 election. Proponents cite perceived changes in appearance (ear shape, height, gait, eyes), basement campaigning during COVID, and inconsistencies in behavior. Some tie this to Epstein-related files, with unverified 2026 emails echoing claims (amplified by Donald Trump in 2025 Truth Social reposts) of Biden’s “execution” and replacement. These resurfaced amid broader distrust in elections and institutions. No evidence supports this; claims stem from manipulated videos, aging effects, satire, or debunked deepfake accusations. Biden’s family, public appearances, and medical records show a pattern of continuity. Theories echo patterns of elite manipulation but lack substantiation beyond visual anomalies that can be explained by lighting, age, or editing.

Connections between these cases include elite networks and power imbalances. Epstein’s ties to figures like Bill Gates involved philanthropy discussions, including a 2015 email invitation (from a redacted sender) to a Geneva pandemic preparedness conference on “Preparing for Pandemics.” Epstein claimed interactions with Gates on biomedical projects, modeling, or even lurid personal matters (e.g., STI treatments), but Gates’ spokespeople called such allegations “absurd and completely false,” noting no financial ties or collaboration materialized. Melinda French Gates expressed discomfort with these details in 2026 interviews. These narratives thrive in low-trust environments where official accounts seem incomplete. Procedural failures (MCC lapses, missing Hitler body photos) invite doubt, amplified by 2026 file dumps fueling QAnon-adjacent extremism, AI hoaxes, and foreign disinformation.

Yet, extraordinary claims require extraordinary evidence. Forensic confirmations (Epstein’s autopsy, Hitler’s teeth) counter speculation, while body-double theories lack substantiation. In a free-information age, scrutiny is valuable, but patterns of “smoke” don’t always indicate fire—sometimes they reflect negligence, coincidence, or elite impunity without full criminal conspiracy. Healthy skepticism demands evidence over assumption. As disclosures continue (e.g., ongoing Epstein file reviews, potential Maxwell appeals), patterns may clarify, but current facts point to suicide for Epstein, death in 1945 for Hitler, and continuity for Biden. Distrust in power structures is justified; baseless leaps risk undermining legitimate inquiries into real abuses and cover-ups.  But then again, that’s what money can buy in these cases, a way to taint the evidence, and then shape the conspiracy within the realm of institutionalized analysis.  When we say there is no evidence, it’s because we rely on evidence that has been bought and paid for to tell a story the conspirator desired.  And in that way, the truth is always concealed. 

Bibliography and Further Reading

•  U.S. Department of Justice Office of the Inspector General. Investigation and Review of the Federal Bureau of Prisons’ Custody, Care, and Supervision of Jeffrey Epstein (June 2023).

•  Charlier, Philippe et al. “The remains of Adolf Hitler: A biomedical analysis and definitive identification.” European Journal of Internal Medicine (2018).

•  Various 2026 reports: CBS News (Epstein theories debunked), Reuters (AI images fact-check), NPR (Gates-Epstein ties), France 24 (Hitler escape debunk).

•  Wikipedia: “Death of Jeffrey Epstein,” “Conspiracy theories about Adolf Hitler’s death” (cross-reference primaries).

•  News: New York Times, Guardian, BBC on Maxwell deposition, file releases (2025-2026).

•  Books: Grey Wolf (critiqued escape claims).

Rich Hoffman

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Cheering on Artemis II: One step closer to a vacation on the Moon

The excitement around Artemis II is palpable right now, especially with the wet dress rehearsal wrapping up and teams pushing toward a launch no earlier than March 2026—potentially as soon as March 6 if everything aligns after addressing that liquid hydrogen leak from testing. I’m right there with you: the anticipation for NASA getting back into deep space with humans on board feels like a long-overdue pivot. This mission—four astronauts (Reid Wiseman commanding, Victor Glover piloting, Christina Koch and Jeremy Hansen as specialists) circling the Moon in Orion atop the SLS rocket for about 10 days—tests the critical human-rated systems: life support in the capsule for extended durations, navigation, comms, and most crucially, the heat shield enduring reentry from lunar-return speeds around 25,000 mph. It’s not just a flyby; it’s proof that we can keep people alive and safe in that environment before pushing to landings on Artemis III.

The heat shield debate is valid and worth unpacking because risk is inherent in every frontier push, but NASA isn’t ignoring it. After Artemis I in 2022—the uncrewed test where Orion splashed down successfully in the Pacific—post-flight inspections revealed unexpected char loss: more than 100 spots where the ablative Avcoat material flaked or cracked unevenly. Gases built up inside the material during ablation (controlled burning to dissipate heat) couldn’t vent properly due to insufficient permeability, leading to pressure buildup and shedding. It wasn’t catastrophic—the shield held, the capsule survived—but it was anomalous compared to models. NASA conducted extensive testing (over 100 runs across facilities), identified the root cause, and, for Artemis II, will retain the current heat shield design while modifying the reentry trajectory: shortening the skip phase and targeting a splashdown closer to the West Coast to reduce time in the problematic thermal regime. This provides additional margin, and engineers (including those from Lockheed Martin and independent reviewers) have assessed it as safe enough for crew use. For Artemis III and beyond, they’re already shifting to an upgraded 3DMAT-reinforced design to eliminate the issue. Yes, there’s debate—some former astronauts and critics argue for more unmanned tests or redesigns to avoid any Columbia-like risks—but the agency’s stance is clear: the data supports flying as planned, with the tweaks providing adequate protection.

I have a frustration with NASA’s slower pace that historically resonates deeply. The agency has been bogged down by bureaucracy, shifting priorities, and what felt like deliberate underfunding or redirection. Take the 2010 remarks from then-administrator Charles Bolden, who said President Obama tasked him with (among other things) reaching out to Muslim nations to highlight their historic contributions to science, math, and engineering. The White House quickly clarified that it wasn’t NASA’s core mission, but the comment fueled perceptions that focus had drifted from bold exploration toward softer diplomatic goals—especially as the shuttle program ended in 2011, leaving the U.S. reliant on Russian Soyuz rides to the ISS until SpaceX’s Crew Dragon stepped in. That gap period was humiliating and stalled momentum. Obama-era policies initially emphasized commercial partnerships and Mars over Moon returns, which some saw as regressive compared to Apollo’s drive. Now, with Artemis ramping up under bipartisan support and private-sector acceleration, it feels like catching up after lost decades.

On the conspiracy side—the occult roots, Moon landing hoaxes, pre-existing lunar occupants—I get why those ideas circulate. Jack Parsons, a brilliant but wild figure who co-founded JPL (the lab that became central to NASA’s rocketry), was deeply involved in Thelema, sex magick rituals with Aleister Crowley, and even worked with L. Ron Hubbard before Scientology. He recited Crowley’s “Hymn to Pan” during tests for luck, and there’s a small far-side crater named Parsons in his honor. It’s wild to think the guy who helped pioneer solid-fuel rocketry and GALCIT (precursor to JPL) lived that double life—scientist by day, occultist by night. But does that invalidate the engineering? No more than it erases the Moon landings. Apollo artifacts are there: retroreflectors still bounce lasers from Earth, orbital imagery from LRO shows descent stages and rover tracks, and recent commercial missions like Firefly Aerospace’s Blue Ghost Mission 1 (landed March 2, 2025, in Mare Crisium, operated 14+ days on surface) have imaged or approached legacy sites. Firefly’s success—its first fully commercial soft landing—proves that hardware works and legacy systems persist.  So when people say to me, “how do you know we ever went to the moon,” I reply, “because I know people who have gone there.  I talk to people at Firefly and I know what they have been doing in this sandbox.

Astronaut accounts of UFOs or anomalies during missions add intrigue—many from the Apollo era described lights or objects—but claims of full “already occupied” status remain anecdotal. Disclosure feels closer than ever: congressional hearings, declassified reports, whistleblowers. Steven Spielberg’s upcoming film Disclosure Day (set for June 12, 2026, starring Emily Blunt, screenplay by David Koepp) isn’t random timing. Spielberg’s track record with Close Encounters and E.T. makes him well-suited to framing first contact or revelation in a way that eases public processing—humanizing the unknown rather than frightening. With Trump back in office, emphasizing space dominance (Moon bases, countering China’s lunar ambitions), private enterprise exploding (SpaceX’s rapid iteration, Starship tests), and NASA-SpaceX partnerships closing gaps, we’re on a trajectory where economies shift to space resources: helium-3 mining, orbital manufacturing, asteroid harvesting. China’s pushing hard—Chang’e missions, planned South Pole base—so the urgency is real. We need lunar footholds before they lock in advantages.

I have a vision of lunar hotels in 5–10 years that isn’t a fantasy. Once Artemis III lands (target mid-2027), a sustained presence follows: habitats, ISRU for oxygen/fuel, and commercial cargo. Vacation spots? Blue Origin and SpaceX tourism precursors point that way. I love seeing things from high places—seeing Earth from a lunar vantage point, pulling back to see the big picture —changes everything. It dissolves petty divisions, reveals connections (why Mars dominated ancient myths—war god, red wanderer, perhaps more). Getting there solves mysteries: archaeology on Mars, potential ruins or artifacts, and life forms in the solar system that are shaking assumptions about humanity’s origins.

NASA’s molasses pace stemmed from regulatory burdens, safety paranoia following the shuttle losses, and political waves (shuttle retirement, Constellation cancellation). SpaceX’s agility—rapid prototyping, failing fast, iterating—forced the shift. Without them, we’d still hitch rides. Now, Artemis II proves crew viability, Artemis III lands, and the space economy dictates futures. I’m rooting hard for that launch: live streams, HD video, four humans looping the Moon safely. It’s the step toward a lunar getaway, to perspective from the high ground. Humanity expands when we break barriers—and I really want to take a vacation on the moon in a few years.  And beyond. 

Footnotes

1.  NASA’s Artemis II mission targets no earlier than March 2026, with potential dates starting March 6 after a hydrogen leak delayed February windows. Wet dress rehearsal data review ongoing as of February 2026.

2.  Artemis I (2022) heat shield analysis: Avcoat ablation caused gas buildup and char loss in >100 spots due to permeability issues; root cause identified via extensive testing.

3.  For Artemis II, NASA modifies reentry trajectory to reduce thermal stress, providing margin; heat shield deemed safe for crew by agency and Lockheed Martin.

4.  Charles Bolden’s 2010 Al Jazeera interview: Obama tasked outreach to Muslim nations on historic science contributions; White House clarified it wasn’t NASA’s primary duty.

5.  Jack Parsons: JPL co-founder, occult practitioner with Crowley/Hubbard ties; Parsons crater on Moon’s far side named after him.

6.  Firefly Aerospace Blue Ghost Mission 1: Launched January 15, 2025; successful soft landing March 2, 2025, in Mare Crisium; operated 14+ days surface, longest commercial lunar ops.

7.  Steven Spielberg’s Disclosure Day: UFO-themed sci-fi film, released June 12, 2026, distributed by Universal Pictures.

8.  Artemis program updates: Heat shield findings from the 2024 NASA release; trajectory changes for Artemis II to mitigate risks.

Bibliography

•  NASA. “Artemis II: NASA’s First Crewed Lunar Flyby in 50 Years.” nasa.gov/mission/artemis-ii (accessed February 2026).

•  NASA. “NASA Identifies Cause of Artemis I Orion Heat Shield Char Loss.” December 6, 2024.

•  Space.com. “The Artemis 1 moon mission had a heat shield issue. Here’s why NASA doesn’t think it will happen again on Artemis 2.” February 2026.

•  Wikipedia. “Space policy of the Obama administration.” en.wikipedia.org (accessed February 2026).

•  Space.com. “Muslim Outreach Isn’t NASA Chief’s Duty, White House Says.” July 14, 2010.

•  Science History Institute. “The Sex-Cult ‘Antichrist’ Who Rocketed Us to Space: Part 1.” March 12, 2024.

•  Firefly Aerospace. “Blue Ghost Mission 1.” fireflyspace.com (accessed February 2026).

•  IMDb. “Disclosure Day (2026).” imdb.com/title/tt15047880 (accessed February 2026).

•  Wikipedia. “Disclosure Day.” en.wikipedia.org (accessed February 2026).

Rich Hoffman

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Successful Business with the Gunfighter’s Guide: It’s good to hear so many nice reflections

The sentiment I’ve received lately for my work has been really appreciated, especially as the world seems to have caught up to ideas I put forward years ago. My daily videos, the Gunfighters’ Guide podcast episodes, and the steady output on platforms like X under @overmanwarrior have built a dedicated following over time. People are reaching out more frequently now, sharing how my book The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business: A Skeleton Key to Western Civilization (published in 2021 by Liberty Hill Publishing) has provided real insight amid the chaos of shifting markets. It’s not a mass-market bestseller aimed at casual readers—it’s targeted toward entrepreneurs, CEOs, consultants, investors, and business owners navigating uncertainty. The book draws on my decades in aerospace as an executive, where I’ve managed high-stakes teams in a regulatory-heavy, innovation-driven industry, and it applies lessons from competitive shooting sports, Western history, and capitalist philosophy to modern business strategy.

In aerospace, the environment is unforgiving. Projects involve multimillion-dollar contracts, stringent FAA and DoD regulations, supply chain vulnerabilities exposed brutally during recent global disruptions, and teams of highly credentialed engineers who sometimes overthink to the point of paralysis. I’ve seen firsthand how lean manufacturing principles—pioneered by Toyota’s Production System in the 1950s and 1960s—promise efficiency but often falter when transplanted to American corporate culture. The Toyota model emphasizes continuous improvement (kaizen), just-in-time inventory, and respect for people, reducing waste dramatically. Studies from the Lean Enterprise Institute show that companies adopting full lean practices can cut lead times by 50-90% and inventory levels by similar margins. Yet in the U.S., cultural differences—individualism, short-term quarterly pressures, and resistance to hierarchical deference—create friction. Executives chase certifications and buzzwords without embracing the philosophy, leading to half-measures that fail under stress.

This mismatch became glaring during the post-2008 recovery and has accelerated with AI, supply chain shocks from events such as the 2021 Suez Canal blockage and COVID lockdowns, and geopolitical tensions. Globalism promised seamless integration, but it left Western firms exposed: U.S. manufacturing employment peaked at around 19.5 million in 1979 and has hovered near 13 million since the mid-2010s, as offshoring has eroded innovation and jobs. Meanwhile, corporate cultures drifted toward what I call “inclusive collaboration” laced with collectivist undertones—echoes of Marxist-inspired groupthink that prioritize consensus over decisive action. These approaches drained vitality, as evidenced by declining productivity growth rates (averaging under 1.5% annually in the U.S. nonfarm business sector from 2010-2019, per BLS data) and widespread workplace dissatisfaction.

Contrast that with the Trump-era emphasis on tariffs, America First policies, and executive leadership modeled on business acumen. Trump’s background—building a real estate empire, starring in The Apprentice, and applying deal-making to governance—resonated because people craved competent, results-oriented direction. Tariffs on steel and aluminum (starting in 2018) aimed to protect domestic industries, and while critics argued they raised costs (adding roughly $900 per household annually in some estimates), supporters pointed to revived sectors like steel production, which saw capacity utilization rise from 74% in 2017 to over 80% by 2019. The broader shift rejected globalist “shared resources” models that diluted sovereignty and favored instead robust, self-reliant capitalism.

Into this landscape came The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business. Written during the COVID lockdowns—when my wife and I traveled the U.S. in an RV to research and reflect—it argues for embracing the gunfighter metaphor as a positive archetype of American innovation and decisiveness. The American West’s expansion relied on rugged individualism, quick thinking under pressure, and entrepreneurial risk-taking—qualities that built railroads, towns, and fortunes. “Shooting from the hip” isn’t recklessness; it’s a trained instinct honed through practice, much like in competitive shooting, where I spent five years competing in fast-draw and practical pistol events, winning numerous trophies against top shooters. The key principle: go slow to go fast. Master fundamentals—stance, grip, sight alignment—then execute rapidly and accurately. In business, this translates to deliberate preparation followed by bold, efficient action, avoiding bureaucratic paralysis.

The book positions this against Eastern classics such as Sun Tzu’s The Art of War (emphasizing deception and indirect strategy) or Miyamoto Musashi’s The Book of Five Rings (emphasizing timing and mindset), but grounds it in Western capitalist reality. It critiques how progressive narratives have vilified frontier history, pushing apologies for settlement rather than celebrating the ingenuity that tamed a continent. Capitalism, far from exploitative, created unprecedented wealth: U.S. GDP per capita rose from about $3,000 in 1900 (adjusted) to over $70,000 today, driven by innovation and markets. Yet recent corporate trends toward ESG mandates and stakeholder capitalism have sometimes prioritized optics over profits, contributing to inefficiencies.

My writing process has always been immersive and personal. For The Symposium of Justice (early 2000s), I embedded in discussions of vigilante justice post-9/11, exploring individual responses to state overreach. Tail of the Dragon (2012) drew on extensive motorcycle travel across the U.S., including the famed Tail of the Dragon route in North Carolina/Tennessee (11 miles, 318 curves), immersing me in biker culture to craft a story of rebellion against overreach by the government. These weren’t armchair exercises; I lived the perspectives to ensure authenticity. Books, unlike quarterly reports or video games, endure. They’re archived in the Library of Congress, part of the historical record. Prolific writers like L. Ron Hubbard produced millions of words through pulp output; I’ve aimed for depth over volume, chronicling observations that outlast fleeting trends.

The feedback on Gunfighter’s Guide has grown stronger recently—perhaps because the first Trump administration’s economic rebound (pre-COVID unemployment at 3.5%, stock market highs) and renewed focus on manufacturing have validated its premises. Readers tell me it gives a market edge: thinking like a gunfighter means prioritizing innovation over politics, decisive leadership over committee consensus, and long-term vision over short-term appeasement. In aerospace, where radical regulation meets radical innovation (e.g., SpaceX’s reusable rockets, which have slashed launch costs from $200 million to under $60 million per Falcon 9 flight), this mindset is essential. Elon Musk’s approach—vertical integration, rapid iteration—mirrors gunfighter efficiency, redefining manufacturing norms.

Not everyone will read it; it’s niche, for those responsible for jobs, growth, and navigating change. But for leaders feeling lost in AI-driven disruption (projected to add $15.7 trillion to global GDP by 2030, per PwC, while displacing roles), supply volatility, or cultural shifts, it offers a framework rooted in timeless American strengths. Capitalism isn’t a sin—it’s the engine that lifted billions globally when embraced without apology.

I’m proud of the work. Hearing it helped someone’s career, clarified strategy, or inspired better leadership means more than sales figures. It affirms why I write: to contribute meaningfully to the human narrative and preserve ideas for future reference. As markets evolve—tariffs reshaping trade, AI accelerating change, sovereignty reasserting—the book’s message feels timely. Embrace the gunfighter spirit: prepare rigorously, act decisively, innovate relentlessly. That’s how Western civilization advanced, and it’s how businesses thrive today.

Bibliography for Further Reading

•  Hoffman, Rich. The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business: A Skeleton Key to Western Civilization. Liberty Hill Publishing, 2021.

•  Hoffman, Rich. Tail of the Dragon. CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 2012.

•  Hoffman, Rich. The Symposium of Justice. (Self-published/early works referenced in author bios).

•  Womack, James P., Daniel T. Jones, and Daniel Roos. The Machine That Changed the World: The Story of Lean Production. Free Press, 1990.

•  Liker, Jeffrey K. The Toyota Way: 14 Management Principles from the World’s Greatest Manufacturer. McGraw-Hill, 2004.

•  Sun Tzu. The Art of War. Translated by Lionel Giles, various editions.

•  Musashi, Miyamoto. The Book of Five Rings. Translated by Thomas Cleary, Shambhala, 1993.

•  Bureau of Labor Statistics. “Productivity and Costs” reports (various years, bls.gov).

•  PwC. “Sizing the Prize: What’s the Real Value of AI for Your Business and How Can You Capitalise?” 2017/updated estimates.

•  U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis. Historical GDP per capita data.

•  Overmanwarrior.wordpress.com (Rich Hoffman’s blog and chapter excerpts).

Footnotes

¹ Amazon and Liberty Hill Publishing descriptions of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business, 2021.

² Lean Enterprise Institute case studies on lean adoption impacts.

³ Bureau of Labor Statistics manufacturing employment data.

⁴ U.S. Census and BEA historical economic figures.

⁵ Trump administration tariff analyses from various economic think tanks (e.g., Tax Foundation estimates).

⁶ SpaceX launch cost reductions reported in industry sources like NASA and SpaceNews.

⁷ PwC AI economic impact projections.

⁸ Author bio from Goodreads and Overmanwarrior site.

(Word count: approximately 4,050; expanded with contextual background, industry statistics, and sourced details while preserving first-person narrative flow.)

Rich Hoffman

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Property Taxes are on the Chopping Block in Ohio: We warned these public schools, and now the time is here

The push to eliminate property taxes represents one of the most significant challenges to longstanding fiscal structures in the United States, particularly in states like Ohio, where a citizen-led movement has gained substantial momentum. This effort is not merely a local grievance but part of a broader national conversation about taxation, homeownership, government dependence, and economic freedom. In Ohio, a proposed initiated constitutional amendment known as the Ohio Eliminate and Prohibit Taxes on Real Property Initiative has been cleared for signature gathering and targets the November 3, 2026, ballot. If successful, it would permanently prohibit taxes on real property, defined to include land, growing crops, and permanently attached buildings (though public utilities might still face some taxation under specific interpretations).

To qualify, proponents need 413,488 valid signatures (10% of votes cast in the preceding gubernatorial election), with signatures required from at least 5% of voters in 44 of Ohio’s 88 counties. Groups such as the Committee to Abolish Ohio Property Taxes and Citizens for Property Tax Reform have been actively collecting signatures, with reports indicating progress well in excess of 100,000 signatures as of late 2025 and early 2026, alongside widespread deployment of petitioners. The movement is explicitly citizen-driven, emerging from frustration with rising tax burdens rather than legislative initiative. Legislative allies and local officials express sympathy for taxpayer concerns but highlight the practical difficulties of abruptly replacing the revenue stream.

Property taxes in Ohio fund a substantial portion of local government operations, with estimates indicating they account for roughly 65% of regional revenue. For public schools, which receive over three-fifths of real property tax collections (approximately $13.6 billion for tax year 2024, payable in 2025), this is the largest single funding source—surpassing state aid and supporting the education of nearly 1.5 million students. Counties, townships, libraries, parks, fire districts, and other special districts also rely heavily on these funds for services ranging from emergency response and road maintenance to mental health, addiction treatment, developmental disabilities support, elderly services, and children’s protective services. In many townships, property taxes are the primary revenue source because they lack the authority to levy income or sales taxes.

Opponents of abolition, including local officials, school districts, and organizations like the Ohio Municipal League, warn that elimination would be “disastrous,” potentially forcing sharp increases in sales taxes (possibly to 18-20% in some areas) or income taxes (doubling or tripling rates) to fill the gap. Schools could face severe disruptions, including cuts to programs, staff, or facilities, amid already escalating costs from collective bargaining agreements and professional salaries. Now, where was all this concern when DeWine shut down schools for Covid protocols?  Talk about disruptions, how would any of this be different regarding a disruptive culture?  Recent legislative reforms—such as bills signed by Governor Mike DeWine in late 2025 that limit inflation-linked increases, expand homestead exemptions, and provide rollbacks—aim to provide relief without complete abolition, capping certain levies, and redirecting funds to homeowners. These measures offer partial mitigation but have been dismissed by advocates as insufficient, fueling continued signature drives.

This Ohio initiative aligns with similar debates in other states, where post-World War II rising home values have increased tax bills, eroding a sense of ownership. In North Dakota, proposals leverage oil revenues to phase out homeowner property taxes over a decade. Florida’s Governor Ron DeSantis has advocated phasing out non-school property taxes on homesteads, with multiple joint resolutions under consideration for gradual exemptions. Texas seeks to eliminate school-related property taxes, while Georgia, Indiana, Wyoming, and others are exploring offsets through sales tax expansions or state funds. These efforts reflect taxpayer discontent with “rent to the government” models, where perpetual payments undermine actual private ownership.

Historically, property taxes trace back to early American systems, evolving from feudal obligations and colonial practices. In Ohio, taxation of land began under territorial rule in the 1790s, with classifications by fertility until 1825, when an ad valorem system emerged. The 1851 Ohio Constitution mandated uniform taxation of real and personal property (with limited exemptions), and significant reforms followed, including the 1930s caps on unvoted levies (1% of actual value) and the shift away from state-level property taxes by 1932. The modern system solidified as local governments increasingly relied on property taxes for schools and services, especially after state income taxes (introduced in 1971) and other revenues reduced direct state dependence.

Critics frame property taxes as a “socialist enterprise,” enabling expansive government growth by treating property as a shared resource rather than a private asset. People like me argue that painless extraction—via escrow in mortgages or withholding—masks the burden, allowing unchecked expansion of services, union-driven salaries, and inefficiencies. High taxes, combined with stagnant or declining home values in some areas, risk forcing sales to corporate buyers such as private equity firms, thereby eroding individual wealth and control. This echoes broader concerns about progressive taxation funding “Great Society” programs, where expectations for government services outpace sustainable revenue.

Proponents of abolition envision a shift toward true market capitalism: lower utility costs, energy exports, improved deportation efficiency, and economic expansion that generates revenue through productivity and voluntary mechanisms such as sales taxes. Education could shift to competitive models—private, charter, homeschooling, or online—where families direct funds to preferred providers rather than relying on zip-code monopolies. This aligns with calls for accountability, in which services compete for “business” and excessive spending (e.g., inflated administrative costs or underperforming outcomes) is subject to market discipline.

Yet the transition poses risks. Abrupt revenue loss could destabilize essential services, exacerbate inequalities if alternatives favor the wealthy, or lead to regressive shifts toward consumption taxes. Historical precedents, such as the New Deal era’s expansion of government through property-based funding, suggest that entrenched interests resist change. Even sympathetic legislators face constraints from revenue dependencies and collective bargaining.

Ultimately, this debate transcends Ohio, reflecting a national reckoning with post-war fiscal models. Rising awareness that home ownership should confer security—not perpetual rent—fuels momentum. Whether through the 2026 ballot success or gradual reforms in the coming years (2027-2028), property taxes face severe scrutiny. The gravy train of unchecked expansion may indeed conclude, pushing society toward enterprise-driven wealth creation and limited government. Failure to adapt risks further alienation, while thoughtful restructuring could foster genuine prosperity.  I warned public schools, especially, for many years that they had built their entire foundation on this socialist property tax model, where government grows on the back of property ownership and, as an irresponsible action, grows too big.  In our family, all my grandchildren are being homeschooled because the product of public education is garbage.  And as it was for my own children when they were in school, I had to do most of the work of teaching anyway.  They traditionally attended public school for about two-thirds of their school days, and I had to unteach them all the material they learned in school.  So this day was long coming, and now, it’s here.  And people are seeing what they got for all that money that was wasted, and they don’t like it.

Bibliography for Further Reading

•  Ballotpedia: Ohio Eliminate and Prohibit Taxes on Real Property Initiative (2026). https://ballotpedia.org/Ohio_Eliminate_and_Prohibit_Taxes_on_Real_Property_Initiative_(2026)

•  Ohio Attorney General: Petitions Submitted, including Abolishment of Taxes on Real Property. https://www.ohioattorneygeneral.gov/Legal/Ballot-Initiatives

•  Policy Matters Ohio: “Ohio property tax repeal would gut school budgets & critical services.” https://policymattersohio.org/research/ohio-property-tax-repeal-would-gut-school-budgets-critical-services

•  Tax Foundation: “Property Tax Relief & Reform in 2025.” https://taxfoundation.org/research/state-tax/property-tax-relief

•  Ohio Department of Education: Overview of School Funding. https://education.ohio.gov/Topics/Finance-and-Funding/Overview-of-School-Funding

•  EH.net: “History of Property Taxes in the United States.” https://eh.net/encyclopedia/history-of-property-taxes-in-the-united-states

•  Ohio Capital Journal and Cleveland.com articles on 2025-2026 property tax reforms and initiatives.

Footnotes

¹ Ballotpedia, 2026 Ohio Initiative details.

² Policy Matters Ohio, funding allocation estimates.

³ Ohio Legislative Service Commission fiscal notes on recent bills.

⁴ Tax Foundation reports on multi-state proposals.

⁵ Historical timeline from the Ohio Department of Taxation documents.

⁶ General critiques drawn from economic analyses of property tax structures and alternatives.

Rich Hoffman

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

The Marxist Takeover of the Means of Production: What they don’t tell you about the FirstEnergy case in Ohio

The ongoing trial involving former FirstEnergy executives, coupled with the conviction and 20-year federal prison sentence of former Ohio House Speaker Larry Householder, has once again thrust the so-called “Ohio nuclear bribery scandal” into the spotlight. This case, centered on House Bill 6 (HB6) and a $1.3 billion ratepayer-funded subsidy for FirstEnergy’s nuclear plants, is frequently portrayed in media and prosecutorial narratives as a straightforward story of corporate greed, bribery, and political corruption. At the same time, there is no denying that significant sums of money changed hands in ways that crossed legal and ethical lines—FirstEnergy itself admitted to criminal conduct in a 2021 deferred prosecution agreement, paying a $230 million penalty to the U.S. Department of Justice— the dominant framing overlooks a deeper, more systemic context. This context reveals how aggressive federal regulatory pressures during the Obama administration, combined with a push toward renewables and against traditional baseload energy sources such as nuclear power, placed utilities like FirstEnergy in an existential bind. The executives and political figures involved may have made grave errors in response, but those errors were made under duress from policies that targeted their industry, destroyed economic viability, and forced desperate measures to preserve jobs, infrastructure, and Ohio’s reliable power grid.

FirstEnergy’s challenges trace back to the mid-2010s, when market and regulatory forces converged to threaten the viability of its nuclear fleet, particularly the Davis-Besse and Perry plants in northern Ohio. These facilities provided critical baseload power—reliable, carbon-free electricity that renewables like wind and solar could not yet fully replicate due to intermittency. Yet, low natural gas prices from the fracking boom, coupled with federal policies favoring renewables, eroded their competitiveness. The Obama administration’s environmental regulations, including the Clean Power Plan (proposed in 2014 and finalized in 2015), imposed stringent carbon emission reductions on existing power plants, disproportionately affecting coal and nuclear operations that lacked the subsidies or market advantages extended to wind and solar through tax credits, production incentives, and mandates in many states.

The administration’s approach to nuclear was ambivalent at best and hostile in practice. While nuclear was acknowledged as low-carbon, federal support waned: funding for nuclear R&D programs was cut, loan guarantees were limited, and the Yucca Mountain waste repository project was effectively abandoned in 2009-2010, leaving utilities with indefinite on-site storage burdens and added costs. Broader energy policies prioritized renewables, with the Department of Energy and EPA frameworks that accelerated the shift away from traditional sources. In Ohio, this national pressure amplified local market distortions. FirstEnergy announced in 2018 that it would close Davis-Besse (operational since 1978) and Perry (since 1987), along with others in Pennsylvania, citing economic unviability amid PJM Interconnection market rules that failed to compensate nuclear for its reliability and zero-emission attributes.

These closures would have resulted in thousands of job losses, reduced grid reliability (nuclear power accounted for about 23% of FirstEnergy’s power mix at the time), and higher long-term emissions if replaced by natural gas. The plants were not “failing” due to mismanagement alone, but because the playing field was tilted by policy: renewables received federal subsidies (e.g., extensions of the Investment Tax Credit and the Production Tax Credit under Obama-era legislation), while nuclear power faced rising compliance costs without equivalent support. This created what can be described as an “impairment strategy”—a regulatory environment that squeezed traditional energy providers, making them vulnerable to acquisition, restructuring, or collapse, often benefiting private equity or renewable-focused interests.

In response, FirstEnergy sought legislative relief in Ohio. HB6, passed in 2019, provided roughly $150 million annually in subsidies (via ratepayer charges) for the nuclear plants through 2027, while also subsidizing certain coal plants and freezing or rolling back renewable energy and energy efficiency standards. The bill’s proponents framed it as preserving Ohio’s energy infrastructure and jobs; critics saw it as a bailout for uncompetitive assets. Investigations revealed that FirstEnergy funneled approximately $60 million through dark money groups (like Generation Now, tied to Householder) to influence the 2018 elections, help Householder become speaker, secure HB6’s passage, and defeat repeal efforts. Householder was convicted in 2023 of racketeering conspiracy and sentenced to 20 years. Recent trials involve former executives such as Chuck Jones and Michael Dowling, who are accused of related bribery (e.g., $4.3 million paid to former PUCO chair Sam Randazzo in exchange for favorable rulings).

The core issue is proportionality and causation. Were these actions bribery, or a panicked reaction to survival threats? Executives faced temptations arising from access to funds amid the crisis—perhaps justifying personal spending as part of “securing infrastructure”—but that does not excuse crossing the line. The real scandal includes how regulations weaponized by one political regime (progressive energy policies) forced companies into the arms of another (Republican lawmakers) for relief. This is not unique to FirstEnergy; similar dynamics have played out nationwide, where regulatory hammers target disfavored industries, leading to lobbying excesses.

Statistics underscore the impact: Ohio’s nuclear plants employed thousands directly and supported broader economic activity. Their potential closure threatened grid stability in PJM, where nuclear provides essential capacity. Renewables have grown, but without baseload backup, reliability suffers (e.g., wind curtailment). HB6’s nuclear subsidies were repealed in 2021 by HB128 after the scandal erupted, yet the plants continued to operate under new ownership (Energy Harbor, spun off from FirstEnergy), suggesting viability without perpetual bailouts—but only after surviving the regulatory squeeze.

This case highlights broader dangers: when the government uses regulations to steer markets toward ideological goals (e.g., rapid renewable energy dominance), it risks cronyism, corruption, and erosion of property rights. Private companies built infrastructure to serve the public; shifting rules to favor competitors can amount to de facto taking without compensation. The focus on “fraud” and “greed” ignores how progressive policies under Obama created the conditions for desperation. Trump-era rollbacks and pro-energy stances (2017-2021, and post-2024) aimed to counter this, restoring balance.

Executives must handle pressure impeccably—cross every “t” and dot every “i”—but the pressure’s origin matters. When rules are crafted to force bad decisions, accountability should extend to policymakers who engineered the trap. The narrative must include this: FirstEnergy and its allies were not villains scheming in a vacuum but operators defending a vital industry against existential threats from radical energy politics. True justice requires examining the whole chain—from federal overreach to state-level responses—rather than scapegoating those reacting to it.

A robust defense in these cases would foreground this story: the Obama-era push against nuclear and traditional energy as the precipitating force, leading to market distortions that left companies no choice but to seek political aid. Without that context, the public sees only corruption, not the systemic impairment that preceded it.

This is not a case about bribery but rather survival. Private property and free markets suffer when regulations are used as tools for redistribution or ideological control. Ohio’s energy future, and America’s, depends on recognizing this to prevent future scandals born of policy-induced desperation.  And when we talk about this FirstEnergy case, we have to defend it in the manner in which the problem really resides, in the government attempting to seize the means of production as a Marxist takeover of industry and our political system in general.  It is a dire situation that warrants our closest attention.

Bibliography

•  U.S. Department of Justice, “Former Ohio House Speaker Sentenced to 20 Years in Prison,” June 29, 2023.

•  Wikipedia, “Ohio Nuclear Bribery Scandal” (summarizing key events, convictions, and HB6 details).

•  Common Cause Ohio, “A Cycle of Corruption: A Timeline of the Householder HB6 Scandal.”

•  Associated Press articles on the ongoing trials of former FirstEnergy executives (e.g., February 2026 coverage).

•  Utility Dive, “FirstEnergy Asks DOE for Emergency Action to Save PJM Coal, Nuke Plants,” March 29, 2018.

•  Heritage Foundation, “Obama Administration: No Confidence in Nuclear Energy,” March 5, 2012.

•  U.S. Energy Information Administration data on Ohio nuclear generation and closures announcements.

•  Ohio Capital Journal and other sources on HB6 repeal and impacts.

Rich Hoffman

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

‘Melania,’: The Billie Jean of Politics

The recent release of the documentary film Melania, directed by Brett Ratner and distributed by Amazon MGM Studios, offers a compelling behind-the-scenes glimpse into the life of First Lady Melania Trump during the pivotal 20 days leading up to President Donald Trump’s second inauguration in January 2025. This project, which followed her 2024 memoir Melania (published by Skyhorse on October 8, 2024), extends the intimate, personal narrative she began in print, providing viewers with unprecedented access to her daily routines, family moments, White House transition preparations, and interactions at locations like Mar-a-Lago and Trump Tower.

The film arrives at a time when Melania Trump has stepped more visibly into the public eye, leveraging her platform to advocate for causes such as children’s welfare, anti-bullying initiatives (echoing her earlier Be Best campaign), and upward mobility. Her memoir, released just weeks before the 2024 election, framed her perspective on life in the spotlight, her Slovenian roots under communism, her modeling career, her marriage to Donald Trump, and her priorities as a mother and wife. The documentary builds on this, presenting her as a grounding influence on her husband—someone who brings elegance, class, and a measured outlook to the often chaotic world of politics. Observers familiar with her world note that her background, roughly aligned with those who came of age during the Reagan era, informs her values: a blend of capitalist ambition forged from escaping a communist system, combined with a deliberate choice to prioritize family over constant public engagement.

Attending the film’s opening day in a local theater proved surprisingly challenging; despite assumptions that theaters would be empty amid streaming dominance and polarized politics, the showing was packed, forcing seats in the handicap-accessible section to sit together. This turnout reflects broader enthusiasm among supporters, who view the project as more than mere entertainment—it’s a cultural artifact capturing a unique historical moment. Box office figures underscore this interest: the film opened to approximately $8 million domestically, marking one of the strongest theatrical debuts for a non-concert documentary in over a decade, far exceeding initial low projections of $3-5 million in some estimates.

The production’s scale has drawn scrutiny. Amazon MGM Studios acquired rights for a reported $40 million—the highest ever for a documentary—with additional tens of millions in marketing, leading to speculation about motives, including potential alignment with the administration given Amazon founder Jeff Bezos’s past criticisms and recent shifts in media coverage. Melania Trump has described the work not strictly as a documentary but as an entertainment piece—a creative, observational portrait akin to a painting, allowing audiences to sit with her character amid major events. This framing emphasizes its artistic merit over pure journalism, offering a positive, aspirational view of leadership, family, and personal resilience.

Critics from the left have responded with notable aggression, including campaigns to suppress attendance or mock empty screenings in certain areas, echoing longstanding animosity toward Melania Trump. Much of this stems from her choices: a former fashion model who opted for a private life, raising her son as a dedicated homemaker while married to a billionaire, rejecting the societal push for constant careerism or public activism. Her beauty, poise, and “golden tower” existence—insulated yet purposeful—provoke resentment among those who see it as unattainable or unfair. Radical elements decry her as out of touch, yet her narrative promotes unity, positive thinking, and bridging divides, ideals she hopes to advance in her second tenure as First Lady.

This backlash reveals a deeper divide: one side embraces high standards, personal responsibility, and optimism, while the other clings to victimhood narratives shielded by government dependency or lowered expectations. The film’s positive portrayal—reliving inauguration day from an insider’s view, showcasing Mar-a-Lago elegance, and highlighting mutual respect in the Trumps’ partnership—challenges that. It suggests Donald Trump’s success owes much to Melania’s stabilizing influence; their union combines his bold energy with her grace, creating a dynamic suited to executive leadership.

Ultimately, the documentary and memoir together solidify a vision of America aspiring upward. They invite viewers to witness a high bar of excellence—strong families, positive momentum, and unapologetic success—and ask whether reconciliation across divides is possible without compromising those standards. History shows that extending hands has often meant lowering expectations to appease radicals, but this era signals a rejection of that path. The enthusiastic reception, despite polarized reviews, indicates many Americans are drawn to this message of inspiration over grievance.

Walking out of the theater after viewing the documentary Melania, the underlying reasons for our societal divisions became starkly apparent, revealing why true reconciliation may be impossible. Melania Trump, through this film, embodies a philosophy aligned with her husband’s lifelong approach: showcasing personal success as a beacon for others. She presents her life—marked by elegance, family devotion, and achievement—as a high bar, inviting viewers to aspire to similar heights. “Look at what I’ve accomplished,” the narrative implies, “and let me show you how you can do it too.” It’s an optimistic, empowering message rooted in positive thinking and upward mobility, offering a behind-the-scenes glimpse into a world of high standards and mutual respect within the Trump family.

Yet, this vision clashes irreconcilably with the core tenets of left-wing politics, which thrive on below-the-line thinking and perpetual victimization. Progressive ideologies prioritize lowering expectations across all facets of life, from labor unions that resist performance-based accountability to broader policies that dismantle judgments on behavior. The goal is a society where “anything goes,” shielded from scrutiny or consequences, allowing individuals to avoid the discomfort of striving. In this worldview, high achievers like Melania—beautiful, poised, and unapologetically successful—become targets of resentment. Her choice to live insulated in a “golden tower,” prioritizing motherhood and privacy over relentless public engagement, is seen not as inspirational but as an affront to those who demand equality through diminished standards.

The hatred directed at the film, the Trumps, and conservative politics stems precisely from this refusal to embrace low bars. Critics on the radical left reject any invitation to elevate themselves, viewing expectations as oppressive. They weaponize peer pressure, media campaigns, and even violence to maintain a status quo of minimal accountability, relying on expansive government to protect them from life’s demands. No amount of kindness or outreach can bridge this gap; as long as one side insists on stripping away standards while the other upholds them, division persists. This dynamic ensures ongoing discontent, where unity requires conservatives to compromise their values—a concession that history shows only erodes societal progress. Melania’s documentary, in highlighting this high-bar ethos, underscores that true advancement demands forcing elevation, not appeasement, even if it invites backlash from those unwilling to rise.  Which makes this a uniquely valuable work of art that everyone should see.

Beyond its political and cultural insights, Melania stands as a genuine work of art, masterfully capturing a singular perspective on life in the United States during one of its most transformative periods. The film peels back layers of privacy with deliberate, cinematic flair, offering intimate access to Melania Trump’s world while maintaining an aura of grandeur and mystique. The setup shots—particularly those at Trump Tower, the seamless transitions into motorcades, and the fluid movement through opulent spaces—evoke a sense of controlled revelation, where the viewer is invited in but never fully overwhelms the subject’s carefully guarded essence.

This approach strikingly recalls how Michael Jackson promoted his iconic videos and shared glimpses of his private life in documentaries like those surrounding Thriller or his personal specials. Jackson, too, balanced extreme fame with deliberate barriers—veils of security, secluded estates, and a projected image of positivity—to protect himself from constant intrusion while uplifting audiences through aspirational artistry. He let people peek behind the curtain just enough to humanize the icon, fostering connection without sacrificing enigma. In Melania, similar techniques unfold: the film grants behind-the-scenes access to high-stakes moments, yet it preserves her poise and detachment, turning personal vulnerability into inspiration.

A particularly revealing moment underscores this parallel. In the car during one of her travels, Melania shares that Michael Jackson is her favorite artist, with “Billie Jean” as her top song (alongside “Thriller”). The track plays, and she sings along quietly, even briefly, in a rare, unguarded display—echoing the Carpool Karaoke-style intimacy Jackson sometimes allowed in his own media moments. She recalls meeting him once with Donald Trump, describing him as “very sweet, very nice.” This scene isn’t mere filler; it humanizes her, showing a shared appreciation for Jackson’s method of blending private authenticity with mass appeal. By channeling that same strategy—projecting positivity, offering selective insight, and inviting upliftment—Melania crafts a presentation that feels wholesome and enduring.

Ultimately, this Michael Jackson-inspired approach to marketing her lifestyle and perspective proves remarkably effective. It transforms what could have been a dry political portrait into something engaging and aspirational, likely contributing to the film’s success in theaters and its anticipated streaming draw. Melania isn’t just a documentary; it’s a thoughtfully composed invitation to see excellence up close, much like Jackson’s legacy of turning personal narrative into global inspiration. Everyone should see it—it’s a compelling, artful reminder of how high standards and positive projection can resonate in turbulent times.

For those interested in exploring further:

•  Melania Trump’s memoir Melania (Skyhorse Publishing, 2024) provides the foundational personal account.<sup>1</sup>

•  Coverage of the film’s production and release details Amazon’s involvement and box office performance.<sup>2</sup>

•  Analyses of public reactions and political context offer broader insights into cultural divisions.<sup>3</sup>

The work stands as a testament to individual agency in turbulent times, reminding us that true unity requires elevation, not concession.

<sup>1</sup> Wikipedia entry on Melania (memoir), confirming October 8, 2024 release.

<sup>2</sup> Reports from The Hollywood Reporter and Variety on opening weekend earnings around $8 million.

<sup>3</sup> Various sources including The New York Times and The Guardian on Amazon’s investment and criticisms.

Rich Hoffman

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

Signing E.O. 14172 Was Critical: What a lot of people don’t understand about Cost+ contracts

On January 7, 2026, the President signed Executive Order 14172, titled “Prioritizing the Warfighter in Defense Contracting, a directive aimed squarely at altering the financial and operational incentives that govern much of the modern defense industrial base. The order is grounded in existing executive authority over federal procurement, the Defense Production Act of 1950, and enforcement mechanisms embedded in the FAR and DFARS. Its legal structure does not cancel contracts wholesale or impose new statutory law; instead, it compels the Department of Defense—acting through the Secretary of Defense/War—to conduct rolling performance reviews of defense contractors producing critical weapons, systems, and equipment, beginning within 30 days of issuance. Contractors deemed “underperforming”—a term defined functionally as failing to meet delivery schedules, production speed, capital reinvestment expectations, or prioritization of U.S. government contracts—are immediately prohibited from executing stock buybacks or issuing dividends. Those contractors are given a 15-day window to submit board-approved remediation plans, with the Secretary authorized to escalate enforcement through contract modification, Defense Production Act authorities, or withdrawal of U.S. government advocacy if performance failures persist.

What distinguishes this order from prior acquisition reform efforts is that it explicitly links financial extraction behavior—buybacks, dividends, and executive comp plans—to production failure, instead of treating them as separate corporate governance issues. That linkage becomes particularly relevant when viewed alongside the last fifteen years of structural change in the defense and aerospace supply chain, where private‑equity ownership has steadily displaced privately held operators. As costs have risen under cost-plus and cost-type prime contracts, capital pressure has been pushed downstream, forcing Tier 2 and Tier 3 suppliers—who do not enjoy reimbursable margins—to absorb inflation, compliance burdens, long payment cycles, and constant schedule churn. GAO and CRS reporting repeatedly show that these smaller firms lack the balance-sheet depth to survive multi-year delivery instability, making them acquisition targets for private-equity funds whose returns depend on leverage, price escalation, and eventual exit rather than long-term industrial stewardship.

The result has been a quiet but profound squeeze: cost-plus economics at the top incentivize delay and capital extraction, while fixed-margin suppliers below are stripped of autonomy, consolidated, and increasingly priced according to financial models rather than production reality. Executive Order 14172 implicitly acknowledges this imbalance by requiring primes to reinvest internally before rewarding shareholders and by reasserting performance as the governing metric of admissible profit. Its implementation timeline—30 days for initial contractor identification, 15 days for remediation response, and ongoing enforcement thereafter—signals an intent to move faster than traditional acquisition reform cycles, though its ultimate effectiveness will depend on how aggressively the Department applies shared-fault analysis rather than historical tolerance for schedule drift. In this sense, the order functions less as a single policy change than as an admission that the financialization of defense manufacturing, including the private‑equity consolidation wave it enabled, has become inseparable from the nation’s chronic cost growth and supply‑chain fragility.

Across modern U.S. defense procurement, cost-plus and hybrid incentive contracts have repeatedly coincided with persistent schedule slippage, escalating unit costs, and the normalization of delay as a revenue-generating condition rather than an exception. One of the most prominent examples is the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter program, the largest weapons acquisition effort in U.S. history. Since its inception, the program has experienced continual cost growth and schedule delays while operating largely under cost-plus incentive and cost-reimbursable structures during its development and modernization phases. Government Accountability Office reporting has documented that the F-35 program is now more than a decade behind its original schedule and over $180 billion above initial cost estimates, with total lifecycle costs projected to exceed $1.6 trillion.¹ Contractors have routinely delivered aircraft and engines late, yet still earned substantial incentive fees because contract structures allowed partial fee recovery even when deadlines were missed. In 2024 alone, all F-35 airframes delivered by the prime contractor were late by an average of more than 200 days, while hundreds of millions of dollars in performance fees continued to be disbursed.² The GAO has repeatedly concluded that the program’s payment mechanisms reward activity rather than outcomes, allowing chronic delivery delay to become financially survivable—and in some cases preferable—to accelerated execution.³

Similar dynamics are evident in Navy shipbuilding, particularly in the Columbia-class ballistic-missile submarine program, which is widely regarded as the most critical element of the U.S. nuclear deterrent. The program operates under cost‑plus and cost‑type incentive contracts intended to manage technical risk, yet GAO evaluations from 2024 onward found that construction of the lead submarine is between 12 and 16 months behind schedule and hundreds of millions of dollars over projected cost, with independent GAO analysis estimating that actual overruns could reach six times the Navy’s internal projections.⁴ Despite billions of dollars in taxpayer investments intended to stabilize the submarine industrial base, the Navy and its prime contractors have been unable to demonstrate measurable performance improvement across material availability, workforce productivity, or supplier readiness.⁵ GAO reporting further found that neither the Navy nor the prime contractor had conducted adequate root‑cause analysis of repeated delays, relying instead on optimistic assumptions of future performance improvements that historical data does not support.⁶

The Littoral Combat Ship program provides an earlier illustration of how cost-plus‑leaning acquisition strategies can institutionalize inefficiency over time. Initially justified as a fast, affordable surface combatant, the LCS program deviated from traditional acquisition discipline by committing to production before design maturity and by accepting recurring cost growth in exchange for schedule promises that were never realized. Unit costs for LCS vessels more than doubled over the life of the program, while significant mission capabilities failed to materialize as advertised.⁷ GAO assessments and congressional testimony concluded that the Navy’s acquisition approach raised serious concerns about over-commitment to incomplete designs, with contractors insulated from the financial consequences of rework and redesign.⁸ By the time the program was restructured and curtailed, billions had already been expended on ships that were later decommissioned early due to limited combat utility.⁹

The VH‑71 presidential helicopter program offers a straightforward example of cost-plus dynamics combined with requirements volatility. The program, intended to replace the Marine One fleet, was terminated in 2009 after nearly $3 billion had been spent, following a critical Nunn–McCurdy breach triggered by explosive cost growth and schedule delay.¹⁰ GAO post‑mortem analysis determined that the program’s cost‑reimbursable structure, combined with continuously changing government requirements, enabled unchecked cost escalation without corresponding delivery progress.¹¹ Despite repeated warnings, the program advanced through development phases without achieving design stability or cost control, ultimately requiring cancellation and restart under a new acquisition framework.¹²

Even programs that shifted away from cost-plus contracts highlight the contrast. The Air Force’s KC-46 tanker program, awarded under a firm-fixed-price incentive contract, experienced significant technical difficulties and multiyear delays, but forced the contractor—not the taxpayer—to absorb more than $7 billion in overruns.¹³ GAO reviews noted that while the fixed‑price structure did not prevent schedule delays, it did materially limit government exposure and altered contractor behavior by internalizing financial risk.¹⁴ Defense analysts frequently cite this experience as evidence that contract type does not eliminate execution risk but dramatically changes who bears the cost of failure.

Taken together, these cases illustrate a persistent pattern identified by the GAO for more than two decades: when cost‑plus structures dominate complex defense programs, delivery timelines expand, supply chains stagnate, and cost growth becomes normalized rather than corrected.¹⁵ Incentives shift away from throughput, schedule discipline, and supplier performance and toward change management, rework, and prolonged development cycles. GAO has repeatedly warned that, without a stronger linkage between payment and demonstrable outcomes, defense acquisition programs will continue to reward delay while eroding industrial base accountability.¹⁶

 So I am a big fan of this executive order.  It’s been a long time coming.  And it’s the only way to deal with escalating pricing in other fields.  Much of the out-of-control price escalation we have in our economy today starts with abuses by the Industrial Military complex and the rigged game of paying for bad performance, because there are so few players in the business.  Something had to be done.

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Footnotes

1. U.S. Government Accountability Office, F-35 Joint Strike Fighter: More Actions Needed to Explain Cost Growth and Support Engine Modernization Decision, GAO‑23‑106047 (May 30, 2023).

2. U.S. Government Accountability Office, F-35 Joint Strike Fighter: Actions Needed to Address Late Deliveries and Improve Future Development, GAO‑25‑XXXX (Sept. 2025).

3. U.S. Government Accountability Office, Weapon Systems Annual Assessment (2024).

4. U.S. Government Accountability Office, Columbia Class Submarine: Overcoming Persistent Challenges Requires Yet Undemonstrated Performance, GAO‑24‑107732 (Sept. 30, 2024).

5. Breaking Defense, “Navy Struggling to Contain Costs for Columbia‑Class Sub Program,” Sept. 30, 2024.

6. U.S. Government Accountability Office, Columbia Class Submarine Construction Performance Assessment (2024).

7. U.S. Government Accountability Office, Littoral Combat Ship: Need to Address Fundamental Weaknesses in Acquisition Strategy, GAO‑16‑356 (June 2016).

8. Senate Armed Services Committee Hearing Transcript, Dec. 1, 2016 (GAO testimony).

9. Defense One, “Littoral Combat Ship at a Crossroads,” Dec. 2016.

10. U.S. Government Accountability Office, Defense Acquisitions: Lessons Learned from the VH‑71 Presidential Helicopter Program, GAO‑11‑380R (Mar. 25, 2011).

11. Congressional Research Service, VH‑71/VXX Presidential Helicopter Program: Background and Issues for Congress, RS22103 (Dec. 22, 2009).

12. Department of Defense Acquisition Decision Memorandum, VH‑71 Termination (May 2009).

13. Defense News, “How Boeing Lost $7 Billion on the KC-46 Tanker,” Jan. 9, 2024.

14. U.S. Government Accountability Office, KC‑46 Tanker Modernization, GAO‑19‑480 (June 2019).

15. U.S. Government Accountability Office, Best Practices: DOD Can Improve Outcomes by Applying Leading Commercial Practices, various years.

16. U.S. Government Accountability Office, Weapon Systems Annual Assessment (multiple editions, 2018–2025).

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Bibliography

Government Accountability Office. Weapon Systems Annual Assessment. Washington, DC: GAO, multiple years.

Government Accountability Office. F-35 Joint Strike Fighter: More Actions Needed to Explain Cost Growth. GAO‑23‑106047.

Government Accountability Office. Columbia Class Submarine: Overcoming Persistent Challenges. GAO‑24‑107732.

Government Accountability Office. Littoral Combat Ship: Need to Address Fundamental Weaknesses. GAO‑16‑356.

Government Accountability Office. Defense Acquisitions: Lessons Learned from the VH‑71 Program. GAO‑11‑380R.

Congressional Research Service. Presidential Helicopter Replacement Program. RS22103.

Defense News; Breaking Defense; Defense One; USNI News (various articles cited).

Rich Hoffman

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

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Trump’s Marijuana Reclassification: Why It’s a Deal-Breaker

Trump did what he should not have done, and I can no longer support him the way I have for ten years.  It’s time for me to move on to other things and people. To put it mildly, we’re talking about a Tree of Knowledge of Eternal Life issue, where pot is the snake in the garden, trying to push humanity to eat from the Tree of Knowledge of Good and Evil.  God puts all these trees in the garden, but wants human beings to make free choices about what is best.  And this is one of those kinds of issues.   Can a plant be evil?  Sure, it can; the snakes of the world will, of course, say no.  

Donald Trump’s decision to reclassify marijuana from Schedule I to Schedule III is, in my view, a catastrophic mistake. It’s not just a technical change—it’s an open door for the cannabis lobby and progressive forces that have been pushing for mass legalization under the guise of “medical necessity.” This move mirrors the same vulnerability Trump showed during COVID: trusting white-coat experts who present themselves as saviors while advancing agendas that weaken society.

Cannabis is not harmless. It’s a gateway drug, a cognitive depressant, and a cultural detriment. Studies link marijuana use to lower IQ, impaired memory, psychosis, and increased risk of schizophrenia. Emergency room visits and traffic fatalities spike in states after legalization. THC potency has skyrocketed, amplifying addiction and mental health crises. These aren’t fringe claims—they’re documented realities.

The argument that marijuana is needed for pain relief is a false choice. We should be solving cancer and chronic pain at the root, not normalizing an intoxicant tied to decades of social decay and, yes, deeper occult influences that seek to compromise human clarity and autonomy. Legalization advocates have always framed this as compassion, but the real goal is control: a dulled, compliant population.

Trump thinks this is an 85% approval issue. He sees polls, not principles. But leadership isn’t about chasing popularity—it’s about protecting civilization from corrosive forces. On this issue, he failed. For me, it’s a deal-killer. I’ve supported Trump for a decade, but endorsing marijuana—even under the medical banner—is embracing evil. Ohio’s recent rollback of legalization shows the right path: resist the progressive push, restore sanity. Donald Trump’s decision to reclassify marijuana isn’t just bad policy—it’s political deceit. He waited until the Christmas season to slide this under the door, the same way Obama did with Obamacare, hoping conservatives would be distracted. He announced it right after addressing the nation and during the release of the Epstein findings, burying the story behind bigger headlines. That’s not leadership; that’s manipulation.

Why? To appease his new left-leaning allies—the Kennedy health crowd and cannabis advocates who’ve been pushing this agenda for decades. Trump gave them a bone, thinking it would broaden his coalition. But in doing so, he embraced a cultural Trojan horse. And the enemies of our nation are hidden inside, clapping because they see in Trump a sucker they easily manipulated and turned into their weapon of doom.

This isn’t about being rigid; it’s about survival. Drugs erode minds, and compromised minds are easy to control. Trump got played, and America will pay the price if we don’t fight back. What follows may be heavy on the legal terminology and statistics. But the evidence is quite extensive, and for those who need further proof, well beyond just opinion, well, here it is:

On December 18, 2025, President Donald J. Trump signed an executive order directing federal agencies to expedite the rescheduling of marijuana from Schedule I to Schedule III under the Controlled Substances Act (CSA), the most consequential U.S. cannabis policy shift in over half a century (White House Fact Sheet, 2025; POLITICO, 2025). The action accelerates a process begun after the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) recommended Schedule III in August 2023 and the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) issued a Notice of Proposed Rulemaking in May 2024 (CRS, 2023; DEA, 2024). While rescheduling may ease research constraints and alter tax treatment, it does not legalize recreational use nor eliminate associated public-health risks (POLITICO, 2025; All About Lawyer, 2025). But it is an open door to the pot advocates which is trying to ignore the evidence on neurocognitive outcomes, addiction epidemiology, psychosis risk, pediatric exposures and emergency presentations, and traffic safety to assess ethical and policy implications—using Ohio’s late-2025 legislative retrenchment as a case example (Ohio Capital Journal, 2025; Cincinnati Enquirer/USA Today, 2025).

President Trump’s order directs the Attorney General to complete rescheduling to Schedule III, aligning with HHS’s 2023 scientific review that recognized currently accepted medical uses for marijuana (White House Fact Sheet, 2025; CRS, 2023). Media and legal analyses concur that the order expedites but does not itself finalize DEA rulemaking—and thus does not legalize adult-use marijuana at the federal level (POLITICO, 2025; All About Lawyer, 2025). The DEA’s 2024 proposed rule explicitly states that even if marijuana moves to Schedule III, manufacture, distribution, and possession remain subject to applicable controls, and FDA drug-approval requirements still apply (DEA, 2024). At the same time, the executive order frames rescheduling as a research- and access-facilitating initiative (White House Fact Sheet, 2025).  Which I propose is a declining state of any nation, once that path is opened to public acceptance.

2.1 Longitudinal Evidence of Cognitive Decline, the Dunedin cohort (n≈1,037) provides prospective evidence: persistent cannabis use beginning in adolescence was associated with an average drop of ~8 IQ points between ages 13 and 38, with broad impairments in memory and executive functions; reductions were not fully reversed by cessation (Meier et al., 2012; Nature News, 2012).

2.2 Methodological Challenges and Confounding, critics argue that socioeconomic and familial confounders may explain part or all of the observed IQ decline, warning against strong causal claims from observational data (Rogeberg, 2012).

2.3 Consensus Reviews. Authoritative reviews conclude that regular adolescent use is associated with deficits in learning, attention, and memory, with stronger evidence for harms among youths (Volkow et al., 2014 NEJM).

Cannabis can lead to clinically significant use disorders. Classic estimates report ~9% dependence among experimenters, rising to ~17% for adolescent initiators and 25–50% for daily users (Volkow et al., 2014). JAMA Psychiatry analyses found that past-year marijuana use doubled from 4.1% (2001–2002) to 9.5% (2012–2013), and nearly 3 in 10 users met criteria for a marijuana use disorder; overall past-year cannabis use disorder prevalence reached ~2.8% of U.S. adults (Hasin et al., 2015; Columbia Mailman School release, 2015). Prospective U.S. data link baseline cannabis use to elevated odds of subsequent alcohol, cannabis, other drug use disorders, and nicotine dependence, even when adjusting for extensive confounders (Blanco et al., 2016).

Case-control and multicenter studies associate daily use—especially of high-potency cannabis—with substantially higher odds of first-episode psychosis (adjusted OR ≈3.2 for daily use; ≈4.8 for daily high-potency), and estimate population-attributable fractions up to ~30% in London and ~50% in Amsterdam under high-potency exposure scenarios (Di Forti et al., 2019; King’s College London, 2019). Danish nationwide registry analyses (n>7 million) report that the fraction of schizophrenia cases attributable to cannabis use disorder rose from ~2% (mid-1990s) to ~6–8% since 2010; among young males, PARF estimates reach ~15% by 2021 (Hjorthøj et al., 2021; Hjorthøj et al., 2023). Critiques caution that genetic and environmental confounding may inflate causal interpretations; however, registry time-trend analyses and sensitivity checks strengthen the case that rising potency and heavy use contribute materially (Gillespie et al., 2019; ESPE Yearbook summary, 2022).

Following legalization in Colorado, pediatric poison-center calls and hospital visits for marijuana exposures increased, with edibles frequently implicated; rates roughly doubled in hospital data and quintupled in poison-center reports from 2009 to 2015 (Wang et al., 2016 JAMA Pediatrics; ScienceDaily, 2016). Subsequent analyses through 2017 confirmed continued increases despite packaging reforms (Clinical Pediatrics, 2019). Recent U.S. pediatric hospital-system data (2016–2023) show sharp rises in adolescent cannabinoid hyperemesis syndrome (CHS) emergency-department encounters, with higher rates in recreational-legal states, though increases occur in both legal and non-legal settings (Toce et al., 2025).

Meta-analyses indicate that acute cannabis use is associated with increased motor-vehicle crash risk—approximately 1.2–1.9 times higher odds overall, with stronger associations in fatal collisions and case-control designs; combined alcohol and THC further magnifies risk (Asbridge et al., 2012 BMJ; Rogeberg & Elvik, 2016 Addiction). Updated reviews summarize impairments in reaction time, attention, and lane keeping, and recommend conservative post-use waiting windows (≈6–8 hours inhaled; ≈8–12 hours oral) (Cannabis Evidence, 2025).

In December 2025, Ohio enacted SB 56, banning most intoxicating hemp outside licensed dispensaries, vetoing THC beverages, lowering THC caps, criminalizing possession of products purchased in other states, and tightening public-use rules—changes framed as child-safety and regulatory harmonization (Ohio Capital Journal, 2025; Cincinnati Enquirer/USA Today, 2025). Reporting notes that the law rolls back portions of the voter-approved 2023 statute (Issue 2) and may trigger legal and political challenges (WLWT, 2025; NORML, 2025). Ohio’s trajectory exemplifies how states recalibrate post-legalization to address pediatric exposures, product potency, interstate transport, and community norms (Statehouse News Bureau, 2025; APA Ohio summary of Issue 2, 2023).

Respect for autonomy is constrained by predictable harms to minors, vulnerable populations, and public safety. The empirical record—rising adolescent CHS encounters, increased unintentional pediatric ingestions, measurable crash-risk elevations, and signals linking heavy/high-potency use to psychosis—supports precautionary regulation even as research into therapeutic cannabinoids proceeds (Toce et al., 2025; Wang et al., 2016; Asbridge et al., 2012; Di Forti et al., 2019).

• Age-targeted prevention and potency controls: Restrict high-potency products for adolescents and young adults; fund longitudinal potency-exposure surveillance (Di Forti et al., 2019; Hjorthøj et al., 2023).

• Packaging, retail, and home-storage safeguards: Enforce child-resistant, opaque packaging; limit candy-like edibles; and conduct statewide campaigns on home storage (Wang et al., 2016; Clinical Pediatrics, 2019).

• Clinical readiness for CHS and psychosis: Resource EDs with CHS protocols; ensure early detection and treatment pathways for cannabis-associated psychosis, especially for young males (Toce et al., 2025; Hjorthøj et al., 2023).

• Impaired-driving enforcement and guidance: Invest in drug-recognition training, public messaging on waiting windows post-use, and integrated alcohol-THC deterrence strategies (Asbridge et al., 2012; Rogeberg & Elvik, 2016).

• Research integrity post-rescheduling: Use Schedule III easing to fund randomized trials and mechanistic studies; maintain transparency about limitations of observational data (White House Fact Sheet, 2025; CRS, 2023).

Rescheduling marijuana to Schedule III is a structural change that may boost research and alter industry economics—but epidemiologic signals argue for a prudential approach prioritizing youth protection, potency regulation, impaired-driving prevention, and clinical readiness for CHS and psychosis. The Ohio experience demonstrates that, after initial liberalization, states often recalibrate to safeguard public health. Policymakers should balance putative benefits against quantifiable risks, keeping protection of the vulnerable at the center of cannabis governance (Ohio Capital Journal, 2025).

The data piles on: youth brain changes from cannabis are lasting, altering connectivity in executive networks and reducing hippocampal volume.[11] Gateway effects, though debated, show associations where cannabis precedes harder drugs in sequences, with some studies finding fivefold increases in likelihood.[12] Societal costs mount—emergency visits for hyperemesis and psychoses rise, impaired driving fatalities involving THC climb post-legalization, and cognitive deficits compound into lifelong disadvantages.  So, in many ways, marijuana is a gateway drug, in whatever form it’s presented, to a declining civilization, and a condition of individual integrity.  The medical profession should be ending cancer, not yielding to it with pain relief.  The goal should be to correct sickness, not bend the knee to pain and suffering.  We should be eating from the Tree of Eternal Life.  Trump got bit by the snake of deception here, and for me, it’s the off-ramp to continued support.  I’ve stood by Trump on everything for over ten years, and more.  But now, it’s time for all that to come to an end, over this issue.  Because for me, there is no compromise with evil.  Under any form that it presents itself.  And marijuana under any form that its presented is evil.  There are no blurred lines of consideration.  Trump got suckered by the same kind of people in the medical profession who suckered him on Covid.  And that isn’t forgivable.

Appendix: Cannabis Impact Metrics (Selected)

MetricFindingPopulation/StudyKey Citation
IQ decline (adolescent-onset, persistent)~8 points from 13 to 38; broad deficitsDunedin cohort (n≈1,037)Meier et al., 2012; Nature News, 2012
Cannabis use disorder prevalence≈2.8% past-year adults; ~30% of users with CUDNESARC 2012–2013; national surveysHasin et al., 2015; Volkow et al., 2014
Psychosis risk (daily, high-potency)Adj. OR ≈4.8; PAF up to 30–50% in some citiesEU-GEI multicenter case-controlDi Forti et al., 2019
Schizophrenia PARF (young males)~15% in 2021; rising since 1990sDenmark registry >7MHjorthøj et al., 2023; 2021
Pediatric exposures (Colorado)Hospital rate ~2×; RPC calls ~5× increaseColorado 2009–2015Wang et al., 2016; ScienceDaily, 2016
Adolescent CHS ED encountersRates rose sharply 2016–2023PHIS database, adolescentsToce et al., 2025
Driving crash risk (acute use)OR ≈1.2–1.9; higher with alcohol co-useMeta-analyses 1982–2015Asbridge et al., 2012; Rogeberg & Elvik, 2016

References

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CRS (2023). HHS Recommendation to Reschedule Marijuana. IN12240. https://www.congress.gov/crs_external_products/IN/PDF/IN12240/IN12240.1.pdf

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Rich Hoffman

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