Category: Regulations

Free Tina Peters: The Battle for Honest Elections in America

You know, here’s the thing: if President Trump doesn’t get Tina Peters out of that Colorado prison, then everything we’ve fought for on election integrity is just theater. It’s all optics without substance. Because if you don’t control your election systems, you don’t control your government. And that’s the bottom line. People say, “There’s no evidence of fraud.” Really? Then why is Tina Peters sitting in a cell for nine years? She was the Mesa County Clerk, the one person in Colorado who had the guts to blow the whistle during the heaviest part of the 2020 election scandal. She saw irregularities, she reported them, and for that, they threw her in prison.

Let’s get the facts straight. Tina Peters was convicted in October 2024 on seven counts—four felonies and three misdemeanors—for allegedly breaching election systems during a 2021 update.¹ They said she conspired to commit criminal impersonation, attempted to influence a public servant, and violated her official duties. Nine years in state prison for trying to preserve election records? That’s not justice; that’s retaliation. And where is she now? La Vista Correctional Facility in Pueblo, Colorado, locked away like a political prisoner.²

And don’t forget, she wasn’t alone in this fight. Mike Lindell—the MyPillow guy—stood shoulder to shoulder with her, pouring millions into exposing voting machine companies.³ Steve Bannon and Peter Navarro? They got four months each for contempt of Congress because they wouldn’t play ball with the January 6 narrative.⁴ Rudy Giuliani? Bankrupted for daring to question election results. This is a pattern: punish the whistleblowers, destroy the evidence, and control the narrative.

Now, here’s the legal reality: Trump can’t just sign a pardon and free Tina Peters. Article II of the Constitution gives the president the power to grant pardons for federal crimes, not for state convictions.⁵ Colorado prosecuted her under state law, and Governor Jared Polis isn’t about to hand Trump a win. So what do we do? Sit back and let her rot? Absolutely not. There are practical steps Trump can take, and they start with leverage—political, legal, and financial.

First, a pressure campaign. Trump needs to call out Polis and AG Phil Weiser by name, which he has been doing lately. Make it politically toxic for them to keep Peters locked up. Rallies, Truth Social posts, interviews—turn up the heat. When the public sees a grandmother rotting in prison for questioning election fraud, the optics shift fast.

Second, DOJ leverage. This is where it gets interesting. The Department of Justice can’t override a state conviction, but it can make life very uncomfortable for Colorado. How? Start with federal election law hooks. The 2020 election was a federal election. Peters’ actions were tied to preserving federal election records. File a federal habeas corpus petition arguing her imprisonment violates constitutional rights under federal election statutes like the Help America Vote Act. Force Colorado to defend its conviction in federal court.

Then there’s civil rights enforcement. Frame this as retaliation against a whistleblower exercising First Amendment rights. The DOJ Civil Rights Division can open an investigation into political persecution. Even if it doesn’t overturn her sentence immediately, it creates a legal basis for federal intervention and puts Colorado under a microscope.

Now, here’s the big one: federal funding leverage. Colorado gets millions in federal grants for election security and compliance under HAVA and EAC programs. Those funds are discretionary. Condition future funding on transparency and whistleblower protections. Announce that Colorado risks losing federal election security money because it retaliated against Peters. That’s constitutional under the Spending Clause, and it hits where it hurts—the budget.

Another angle: federal subpoenas and custody transfers. If Peters has evidence relevant to federal crimes—say, election tampering—the DOJ can subpoena her testimony. Request a temporary transfer to federal custody for questioning. That doesn’t erase her sentence, but it moves her out of state prison and into a federal process where deals can happen.

Finally, amplify public awareness. Trump should feature Peters’ case in speeches, rallies, and interviews. Get Mike Lindell, Steve Bannon, and the Warroom team hammering this story every day, give them some red meat. When people see the truth—that Peters was jailed to bury evidence of election fraud—the pressure becomes unbearable.  And Trump is naturally good at that kind of thing.  But if he’s waiting for help from other Republicans, they don’t have the guts.  It will have to come from him, and him alone.  The damage from this case will benefit other efforts around the country.  Allowing the radical left to control the discussion, as they have, will not help with the Midterms, where Democrats are planning to cheat, because it’s their only strategy.  This case could greatly frustrate those efforts. 

And let’s talk numbers because facts matter. The Heritage Foundation database lists 1,561 proven cases of election fraud over decades, with 20 cases in 2024 alone.⁶ Brookings says fraud rates are minuscule—0.0000845% in Arizona over 25 years—but those stats ignore systemic vulnerabilities in digital voting systems.⁷ Globally, we know electronic manipulation happens—Venezuela, China, Russia. You give people the illusion of choice, then flip the results. That’s the game. And it happened here in 2020.

So when they say, “There’s no evidence,” what they mean is, “We buried the evidence and jailed the people who had it.” Tina Peters had the proof. She tried to show it. They raided her home, seized her devices, and threw her in prison. That’s tyranny, plain and simple. And if Trump doesn’t act, it sends a message: whistleblowers will be crushed, and election integrity will remain a myth.

Here’s the bottom line: Trump has tools. He can’t wave a magic wand, but he can apply pressure—legal, financial, and political—until Colorado cracks. And he must. Because if we don’t fight for Peters, we don’t fight for honest elections. And without honest elections, we don’t have a republic.

Summary of Key Actions for President Trump

1. Launch a Pressure Campaign

    • Publicly call out Colorado Governor Jared Polis and AG Phil Weiser.

    • Mobilize grassroots and media to demand Tina Peters’ release.

2. Leverage DOJ Authority

    • File federal habeas corpus petitions citing election law violations.

    • Open a Civil Rights investigation into political retaliation.

3. Use Federal Funding Leverage

    • Condition Colorado’s federal election security funds on transparency and whistleblower protections.

    • Publicize potential funding cuts to increase pressure.

4. Subpoena Tina Peters for Federal Testimony

    • DOJ can request a temporary transfer to federal custody for testimony related to election integrity.

5. Amplify Public Awareness

    • Feature Peters’ case in speeches, rallies, and media appearances.

    • Encourage allies like Mike Lindell, Steve Bannon, and WarRoom to keep the story alive; they need red meat to pound away at the base.

This is one of the most critical agenda items for the Trump administration because much remains unsaid.  All the horrible things going on in the world with Hamas, China, Russia, Venezuela, and our own domestic money policy that is under siege are nothing compared to the villainy that occurred against Tina Peters.  If she is allowed to be held in jail by a corrupt, leftist Democrat government in Colorado, people will lose faith in fighting for an honest election in 2026.  And without an honest election, the radical left plans to capture enough seats to impeach Trump and give the government back to the Deep State.  So this is a critical time.  We need a very vicious pressure campaign that forces this issue on the nightly news, because so far, they have been able to ignore it.  Once Trump won the last election, all the hostile forces treated it as a concession to buy a little time.  And the Midterms were their target.  If Tina Peters is not freed, then Trump will have a hard time holding power, and those who will fight for him will become discouraged.  So freeing Tina from jail is a must-do occasion.  There is no other option. Yes, there was election fraud in the 2020 election, and those who committed it, numbering in the many thousands, have to be punished for what they did.  Otherwise, we don’t have a country. 

Bibliography (Chicago Style)

1. Colorado Judicial Branch. “People v. Tina Peters: Sentencing Order.” October 2024.

2. CBS News. “Tina Peters Sentenced to Nine Years in State Prison.” October 2024.

3. Fox News. “Mike Lindell Faces $1 Billion Lawsuit Over Election Claims.” 2023.

4. ABC News. “Steve Bannon, Peter Navarro Sentenced for Contempt of Congress.” 2024.

5. U.S. Constitution, Article II, Section 2.

6. Heritage Foundation. “Election Fraud Database.” 2024.

7. Brookings Institution. “Election Fraud Rates in U.S. Elections.” 2023.

Rich Hoffman

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

Justice in the Shadows: The Asiah Slone Murder and America’s Hidden Epidemic of Unsolved Crime


On a quiet street in Middletown, Ohio, a small house stands as a grim monument to the collapse of a once-thriving community. Behind that house, in a trash bin parked in an alley, police discovered the dismembered remains of Asiah Slone—a woman whose life ended violently in June 2024. Her murder was shocking not only for its brutality but for what it revealed about the social decay festering in America’s forgotten towns. Slone’s death was not an isolated tragedy; it was a symptom of a deeper disease—economic collapse, drug addiction, homelessness, and the erosion of moral and civic order.


The Slone case is a lens into the broader epidemic of violent crime in economically depleted communities.  Murders, like Slone’s, are usually prosecuted successfully, but many countless others remain unsolved, creating an illusion of justice—celebrating convictions in high-profile cases—masks a systemic failure to address the conditions that breed violence and what these failures mean for law enforcement, policy, and the future of American society.


Asiah Slone disappeared in late June 2024. For weeks, her absence drew little attention. In neighborhoods hollowed out by poverty and addiction, people vanish often—sometimes to rehab, sometimes to jail, sometimes to the grave. It wasn’t until July 1, when the stench of decomposition led authorities to a trash bin behind a house on Centennial Avenue, that the horror came to light. Inside were Slone’s remains, cut into pieces and stuffed into garbage bags.¹


Investigators quickly focused on Brandon Davis, a 46-year-old man with a long history of drug abuse and petty crime. Witness testimony and forensic evidence revealed that Davis shot Slone in the head while she slept, then ordered Perry Hart, who has an addiction, to finish the job in the basement. Hart complied, firing a second shot to ensure death. Together, they dismembered the body and disposed of it in the alley.²


The motive was depressingly banal: a dispute over stolen items and simmering resentment among a group of people living on society’s margins. Drugs were everywhere. Homelessness was common. Violence was inevitable.³


As grand jury foreman, I signed the indictment that set the case in motion. The prosecutors did their job well, securing a conviction in February 2025. Davis received life without parole for 45 years. Hart pleaded guilty to involuntary manslaughter and kidnapping. Justice, in the narrow sense, was served. But the deeper question remains: What does justice mean in a world where desperation breeds murder, and where countless similar crimes go undetected or unpunished?

Slone’s case was prosecuted because it was apparent. The evidence was overwhelming: a body in a dumpster, confessions, and DNA on the weapon. But what about the murders that leave no such trail? What about the victims whose bodies are never found, or whose killers are careful enough to erase their tracks?


The numbers are sobering. In 1964, the U.S. homicide clearance rate—the percentage of murders solved—was 83.7%. Today, it hovers around 50%.⁴ In 2022, the rate hit a historic low of 52.3%.⁵ Even with slight improvements in 2024, nearly half of all murders in America remain unsolved. In Ohio, the rate is about 64%, meaning one in three killings goes unpunished.⁶


Why? Several factors converge:
• Resource Constraints: Police departments are understaffed and underfunded.
• Community Distrust: Witnesses fear retaliation or don’t trust law enforcement.
• Complexity of Cases: Drug-related killings often involve transient populations and chaotic circumstances.
• Legal Barriers: Prosecutors need airtight evidence to avoid wrongful convictions.


The Slone case stands out because it was reckless. The killers left a body in a public alley. They talked. They confessed. Most killers are not so careless.  This case is emblematic of a much larger crisis. Across the United States, violent crime statistics reveal a staggering reality.  The Bureau of Justice Statistics confirms that more than 250,000 homicides since 1980 remain unsolved. These numbers represent not just data points but shattered families and communities living under the shadow of fear.

Drug epidemics amplify this violence. The CDC reports that fentanyl-related overdose deaths reached 72,776 in 2023, accounting for 69% of all overdose fatalities. DEA intelligence shows cartels dominate fentanyl distribution, sourcing precursors from Chinese suppliers and flooding U.S. streets with synthetic opioids. These networks fuel turf wars, retaliatory killings, and systemic corruption, creating a perfect storm of addiction and violence.

Racial disparities compound the crisis: murders of Black victims are significantly less likely to be solved than those of White victims, according to a 2023 study by the Murder Accountability Project.  A lot of that reason is cultural, because of a lack of cooperation in black communities to provide testimony against crime.  Police departments face chronic staffing shortages, and under labor union guidelines, paint themselves in corners that don’t match public sentiment all too often, with the International Association of Chiefs of Police reporting a 14% vacancy rate nationwide. Forensic labs struggle with DNA backlogs exceeding 100,000 cases. Community distrust further hampers investigations, as witnesses fear retaliation or lack confidence in the justice system.  The overall story on the labor side of crime fighting is that too many employees in the industry are too lazy to do the job, causing serious capacity problems in doing the actual work.  So the industry sets the bar low, goes after all the most obvious cases, while many of the real crimes go unreported and unpunished. 

The opioid crisis intersects with violent crime in devastating ways. Cartels have diversified beyond narcotics into human trafficking, generating $236 billion annually through forced labor and sexual exploitation. Millions of women and children are entrapped in these networks, often under the same criminal syndicates orchestrating narcotics flows. This duality magnifies humanitarian crises, rendering cartels not merely criminal enterprises but systemic violators of fundamental rights.

Solutions require investment in technology, expansion of cold case units, and robust witness protection programs. Federal funding for violent crime investigations has stagnated, even as homicide rates rise. Legislative initiatives must prioritize improvement in the clearance rate as a metric of justice, not just crime reduction.  But the reality of the story is that we have a society that has stopped looking in trash cans. When they smell something bad, they don’t regulate crime in their own communities for fear of that crime coming in their direction.  Cops don’t work enough, and the unions frustrate full employee engagement.  There aren’t enough volunteer law enforcement efforts.  I can say that when I was on the grand jury, I was the top cop of my community for a month.  I didn’t get paid, but a minimal amount for the effort.  But it was one of the best jobs I ever did, and I was very proud to sign the indictment on Brandon Davis, the murderer of Asiah Slone.  I would do that every day for free.  So I don’t understand cops who have to go to Walgreens for a tampon run every time they have to work a few hours of overtime.  Getting shot at and living dangerously is part of the fun.  So I’m not sympathetic to complaining at all.  Because the criminals know that the cops really don’t care, that for most of them, it’s just a job.  And the courts are only prosecuting the most obvious cases, the easy ones.  And the Slone case was an easy one.  But one thing is sure in all this, it can’t continue at this rate.  Society has to reform at the level of the family, because none of this is working.

[1] FBI Uniform Crime Reports, Historical Clearance Data, 1964–2024.

[2] Bureau of Justice Statistics, Homicide Trends in the United States, 2023.

[3] Murder Accountability Project, Clearance Rate Analysis, 2023.

[4] Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Drug Overdose Mortality Data, 2023.

[5] U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration, Fentanyl Threat Assessment, 2024.

[6] International Association of Chiefs of Police, Workforce Crisis Report, 2024.

[7] National Institute of Justice, Forensic Backlog Study, 2023.

Rich Hoffman

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

The Cannibals of China and their Democrat Party Friends: Collectivists literally want to eat the living

The recent shooting of National Guardsmen in Washington, D.C., allegedly by an Afghan national with ties to intelligence networks, underscores a profound ideological divide in American politics. The incident was not merely an act of violence; it became a prism through which competing visions of governance and societal order were revealed. While some sought to frame the tragedy as a consequence of deploying the National Guard—a measure implemented to restore law and order—others attempted to deflect responsibility by invoking narratives of provocation and systemic grievance. This rhetorical maneuver, blaming the presence of security forces for inciting violence, reflects a deeper philosophical orientation rooted in collectivist ideologies that have historically justified chaos as a means to consolidate power.  Democrats, like Mark Kelly, who have recently found themselves in a lot of trouble due to attempts at seditious behavior against President Trump’s administration, are showing a much deeper problem with their entire political ideology that traces to ideological roots from the home country of their movement, Chinese communism.  And the cannibalistic nature of that country and its general philosophy of life, compared to the West. 

Empirical evidence demonstrates that the deployment of the National Guard in Washington, D.C., during periods of heightened unrest significantly reduced crime rates. Under Trump’s administration, violent crime in the District fell by approximately 35% between 2023 and 2024, with homicides declining from a peak of 274—the highest since 2005—to markedly lower levels in subsequent years. Even in 2025, violent crime decreased by an additional 26% compared to the previous year, signaling the deterrent effect of a visible security presence.¹ These figures stand in stark contrast to earlier trends under Democratic leadership, where policy emphasis on police defunding and social work interventions coincided with escalating urban violence.²

The paradox of Democrat lawmakers advocating stringent gun control while privately securing concealed carry permits further illustrates the inconsistency of their position. Representative Anna Paulina Luna recently highlighted that numerous members of Congress, including those who champion restrictive firearm legislation, have obtained permits to carry weapons in the District.³ This duality—publicly opposing individual self-defense while privately embracing it—reveals a pragmatic concession to the realities of urban crime, even as ideological commitments demand the perpetuation of vulnerability among the populace.

To comprehend this contradiction, one must examine the intellectual lineage of collectivist thought. Marxist theory, which informs much of the progressive agenda, posits that individual identity is subordinate to the collective good.⁴ Within this framework, personal sacrifice is valorized as a moral imperative, and systemic inequities are construed as justifications for redistributive violence. The logic underpinning such views is evident in the rhetorical claim that the Afghan assailant’s actions were provoked by the presence of the National Guard—a formulation that shifts culpability from the perpetrator to the state apparatus tasked with maintaining order. This inversion of responsibility is not incidental; it is symptomatic of a worldview that privileges structural explanations over individual accountability.

Historical analogues amplify the gravity of this ideological orientation. During the Great Chinese Famine (1959–1961), precipitated by Mao Zedong’s collectivist policies, an estimated 15 to 55 million people perished.⁵ The obliteration of market mechanisms and private property rights engendered conditions so dire that cannibalism became a widespread survival strategy.⁶ Archival records and eyewitness testimonies recount instances where families consumed the flesh of deceased relatives, and concubines reportedly volunteered for slaughter to sustain their households.⁷ These macabre episodes were not aberrations; they were logical extensions of a system that negated individual sanctity in favor of an abstract communal ideal. The psychological residue of such practices persists in cultural norms that valorize self-abnegation, reinforcing the collectivist axiom that the organism of society supersedes the autonomy of its constituent cells.

The resonance of these historical patterns in contemporary American discourse is disquieting. When policymakers suggest that victims of crime should acquiesce to dispossession for the sake of social harmony, they echo the same moral calculus that sanctioned atrocities under communist regimes. The proposition that one’s property—or even life—may be forfeited to appease the grievances of the marginalized is not merely a policy stance; it is a philosophical commitment to the erasure of individuality. In this schema, the Afghan shooter is transfigured from a culpable agent into a symptom of systemic dysfunction, and the act of violence becomes an indictment of order rather than chaos.

Such reasoning is inimical to the principles of a constitutional republic. The sanctity of individual rights, enshrined in the American political tradition, is antithetical to the collectivist dogma that animates these apologetics. To capitulate to narratives that rationalize violence as a byproduct of structural inequity is to invite the dissolution of civil society. The deployment of the National Guard, far from constituting a provocation, represented an affirmation of the state’s obligation to safeguard its citizens—a function that cannot be abdicated without imperiling the very foundations of governance.

The Afghan shooter incident is not an isolated tragedy; it is a harbinger of the ideological contest that will define the trajectory of American democracy. The attempt to reframe culpability, the oscillation between public disarmament and private armament, and the invocation of systemic grievance as exculpation—all bespeak a worldview that esteems the collective over the individual. History admonishes us that such a worldview, when operationalized, engenders not utopia but barbarism. The cannibalistic horrors of Maoist China are not relics of a distant past; they are cautionary tales inscribed in the ledger of human folly. To ignore these lessons is to court a future in which the logic of sacrifice metastasizes from metaphor to corporeal reality.  And that is what Democrats are proposing for our society when they speak of defunding the police, or yielding to crime with chaos, and in suggesting that gun control should be a priority when crime is used to perpetuate their power through fear by the ruthless and aggressive.  They want the crime because they literally feed off it. 

I was eating with some friends the other day at a nice Chinese restaurant buffet in West Chester, Ohio, that had a lot of great options.  I reminded everyone that all this nice food would not be typical in China.  In China, they actually eat just about anything that moves: dogs, cats, turtles, moms and dads, and body parts.  In most places in the world, where collectivist politics reside, the food is not as sanitized from the violence behind death as you will find in Chinese restaurants in the United States.  The standard of individualized thought is enough to affect how we eat.  Let alone process government functions.  But make no mistake about it, if it were up to the Mark Kellys of the world and their seditious function as communist insurgents, they would drive a society into cannibalism because that is the unspoken party platform.  They represent in America the Great Leap Forward that all academic leftists in the world, and especially in America, have been yearning for.  They aren’t trying to preserve society.  They are trying to eat it and gain the power of their enemies from the literal consumption of flesh and the destruction of the living.  And the Afghan terrorist, Rahmanullah Lakanwal, who shot the two D.C. National Guard members just a block away from the White House, serves their aims at the destruction of society for the consumption of its contents, just as their home country of China would be very proud of.

—

Footnotes

1. Metropolitan Police Department, “Annual Crime Report,” Washington, D.C., 2024–2025.

2. U.S. Department of Justice, “Crime Trends in Urban Centers,” 2023.

3. Luna, A.P., Congressional Briefing on Security Measures, 2025.

4. Marx, K., Critique of the Gotha Program, 1875.

5. Dikötter, F., Mao’s Great Famine: The History of China’s Most Devastating Catastrophe, 2010.

6. Yang, Jisheng, Tombstone: The Great Chinese Famine, 1958–1962, 2012.

7. Chinese State Archives, Oral Histories of the Great Leap Forward, 1961.

Rich Hoffman

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

Butler County Commissioner Cindy Carpenter Runs Willingly Into a Buzz-saw: Nothing says “vote for me” like giving the public the finger

The Butler County 2026 primary election is shaping up to be one of the most consequential political battles in recent memory. For years, local politics have simmered under the surface, but now, with Cindy Carpenter’s long tenure as commissioner under scrutiny, the stakes couldn’t be higher. This isn’t just another election—it’s a referendum on leadership, accountability, and the future direction of Butler County. And when it mattered most, how did Cindy Carpenter present herself? Well, she flipped off everyone in a wild, out-of-control tirade that could have easily been avoided, showing the world that what people say about her behind closed doors is actually true. When everyone was out of the room at the Level 27 apartment complex at Miami University, we saw on camera what Cindy Carpenter thinks of people who disagree with her. [1]



As the Journal-News reported, witnesses described the scene as ‘shocking and unbecoming of an elected official,’ noting that Carpenter was visibly angry and used gestures that ‘crossed the line of professionalism.’ [1] One resident quoted in the article said, ‘We expect leaders to solve problems, not escalate them.’ These words echo what many voters already feel: that Carpenter’s behavior reflects a deeper problem of temperament and judgment.

Cindy Carpenter has held her seat for a long time, and with that longevity comes a confident expectation of stability and integrity. Unfortunately, recent events have cast a long shadow over her reputation. For years, whispers of her being a ‘RINO’—Republican In Name Only—have circulated among grassroots conservatives. Those whispers turned into shouts last year when she was caught openly campaigning for a Democrat in Middletown. For a commissioner in a county that prides itself on conservative values, this was more than a lapse in judgment—it was a betrayal of trust. At the time, she was the endorsed Republican commissioner, and she showed tremendous disrespect for that endorsement. As one Journal-News editorial put it, ‘Carpenter’s actions raise serious questions about her loyalty to the party and her constituents.’ [2]

Cindy Carpenter, at her best



But if that weren’t enough, another controversy erupted that speaks volumes about character and temperament. A video surfaced from a security camera at an apartment complex where a family member of Carpenter—reported as her daughter by some, her granddaughter by others—was facing eviction for unpaid rent. Instead of handling the matter privately and with grace, Carpenter was caught on camera engaging in a heated argument and flipping off someone during the dispute. This isn’t the behavior of a seasoned leader; it’s the optics of chaos, entitlement, and poor judgment. When you’re an incumbent fighting to keep your seat, the last thing you want is to look like an overbearing parent abusing influence to protect a relative. [3]

Michael Ryan, one of Carpenter’s challengers, issued a press release shortly after the incident, stating: ‘The people of Butler County deserve leaders who act with dignity and respect, even in difficult situations. What we saw on that video does not reflect those values.’ [4] Ryan’s statement went further, pledging to ‘restore trust and transparency in county government’ and to ‘end the cycle of favoritism and dysfunction.’ These are not just campaign slogans—they are commitments grounded in a vision for better governance.

Ryan’s involvement in the Spooky Nook Sports Complex development showcased his ability to think big and deliver results. In his press release, he reminded voters of that success: ‘When others said it couldn’t be done, we brought stakeholders together and made it happen. That’s the kind of leadership Butler County needs.’ [4]



Contrast that with Roger Reynolds, another challenger in this race. While Reynolds may present himself as a viable alternative, his baggage is well-documented. From ethical questions to controversies that have dogged his career, Reynolds represents the kind of old-guard politics that Butler County needs to move beyond. Supporting Reynolds would be a step backward—a return to the same entrenched interests that have stifled progress for years. As Michael Moser commented in a recent interview, ‘We cannot afford to recycle the same problems under a different name.’ [5]

This primary isn’t just about personalities; it’s about the future of Butler County. Will voters choose a path of renewal and accountability, or will they cling to incumbency and compromise? Carpenter’s recent behavior suggests a leader out of touch with her constituents’ values and expectations. Ryan, on the other hand, embodies the principles of transparency, collaboration, and forward momentum.

Michael Ryan and his wife, Amanda. A fresh start without the baggage for Butler County


As we approach May 2026, the choice is very clear. Butler County deserves leadership that reflects its best qualities—not the worst impulses of entitlement and political expediency. Cindy Carpenter’s controversies aren’t just unfortunate—they’re disqualifying. Michael Ryan offers a better way forward, and for those who care about the integrity and prosperity of this community, the time to act is now.  And this isn’t just an opportunity to talk about Michael Ryan, or to re-assess the Roger Reynolds case, but Cindy should have known better.  The impaired judgment alone should be enough to eliminate her from the job now, without even waiting for the primary to be over.  When you walk into an apartment complex and communicate with people who work with students at a college or university, and you end up turning the whole room against you, which is clearly the case when she finally did leave, which was seen on camera, it’s a lack of skill thing more than any other attribute.  Whether or not Cindy Carpenter abused her authority, depending on who’s telling the story, what we did see was what she does when nobody is looking.  Being in a public place and giving the finger to employees of a business in anger is irrational at best.  We need people who build relationships, not those who can turn entire groups of people against them.  Dealing with this apartment payment issue with cash in hand should have been easy, and for anybody who does business at a high level, she should have had much better command of the situation.  But instead, she only confirmed what all her critics have said about her and showed why politicians can be so dangerous.  On the one hand, they put on a happy face, but when they think no one is looking, they flip people off when they fail to convince them to listen to reason.  A good negotiator never does something like this.  They should be, at a high level of politics, skilled in negotiations.  Because Cindy has been caught on camera doing really dumb things as a politician many times, I am excited to have someone like Michael Ryan running for a commissioner seat.  When we talk about the need for fresh, new faces in government, it’s because of failures like Cindy Carpenter that we make the statement.  And there is only one person to blame; this isn’t dirty politics or a gotcha to harm Cindy out of some sense of unfairness.  She walked into this buzzsaw, willingly on her own accord.  And she wasn’t even smart enough to be careful in a public place full of cameras.  So when we talk about these offices and who should be in them, no matter who is voting, I think we can all agree, that we need someone in an important office that doesn’t give young people the finger at a very public apartment complex when trying to resolve a family members back payment on rent, all events that could have been handled, much, much, better.

References:
[1] Journal-News, ‘Video Shows Cindy Carpenter in Heated Exchange at Apartment Complex,’ 2025.
[2] Journal-News Editorial, ‘Carpenter’s Campaign Misstep Raises Questions,’ 2024.
[3] Security Footage Report, Level 27 Apartments, Miami University, 2025.
[4] Michael Ryan Campaign Press Release, ‘Restoring Trust in Butler County,’ 2025.
[5] Interview with Michael Moser, Butler County GOP Leadership Forum, 2025.

Rich Hoffman

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

Aggressive Interdiction and Human Rights: A Legal and Ethical Analysis

The controversy surrounding aggressive U.S. actions against drug cartels, including the destruction of narcotics-laden vessels, has ignited a global debate. Critics frame these measures as violations of human rights, while proponents argue that cartels themselves are the most egregious violators of human dignity.  I would contend that decisive interdiction, even through kinetic means, aligns with international law principles and humanitarian imperatives. To understand this, we must delve into the historical evolution of international law, the staggering scale of the global drug trade, and the human suffering perpetuated by these criminal networks.  But here’s the deal for context: there is no International Law, only American law.  The same people criticizing the Trump administration for blowing up the drug boats in Venezuela are the same kind of Democrats who wanted to defund the police.  And have produced videos promoting seditious actions against America, particularly Mark Kelly.  He should be in jail, not ranting about preserving the rights of drug boats or their cartel occupants.  I’m a big supporter of blowing up drug boats and taking the fight to the cartels’ front door.  There are a lot of flawed characters involved in this drug business, so anyone protesting human rights as a defense for the continued practice is purposely trying to make the world less stable for benefits that are not in our favor. 


International law governing narcotics control did not emerge in a vacuum. Its roots trace back to early 20th-century efforts to regulate opium and morphine, culminating in the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs. This treaty, alongside the 1971 Convention on Psychotropic Substances and the 1988 United Nations Convention Against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances, sought to harmonize global efforts against drug trafficking. Yet these frameworks were never designed to override national sovereignty. Enforcement remains the prerogative of individual states, a reality that underscores why nations like the United States resort to unilateral action when multilateral mechanisms falter. Scholars emphasize that Article 14 of the 1988 Convention explicitly encourages states to adopt stringent interdiction strategies to suppress trafficking. [1]  It was a good time when most of the world still thought of drugs as dangerous, but too many people have fallen under their seduction and are now part of the problem.  And that is undoubtedly the case of the very socialist body of the United Nations.  Any defense of the drug network, knowing what we do now of the costs, is reprehensible and unforgivable. 


Consider the plight of communities ravaged by cartel violence. In Mexico, entire towns have been depopulated as families flee the terror of organized crime. Mothers bury sons lost to gang wars, while children grow up in landscapes dominated by fear. Since 2006, Mexico has recorded over 460,000 homicides, mainly attributable to cartel-related violence. [3] These are not abstract numbers; they represent shattered lives and broken futures. The global drug economy, valued between $360 and $652 billion annually, rivals the GDP of mid-sized nations. Cocaine production alone reached 2,757 metric tons in 2022, per UNODC data. [2] Each shipment fuels a cycle of addiction, corruption, and death that transcends borders.  This is not an issue that we can turn our backs on.  Ignoring this desperate evil is not responsible; it’s reprehensible.  There is no greater human rights violator on planet earth than these murderous drug cartels.  And no war has ever been fought that was more important than this one.   Here, we have a clear villain.  And if Democrats can’t see and agree to that, well, then they are part of the problem.  Which I would say has always been the case.  Only now do we have context for their actions.  They want to topple the stability of the world.  When you are fighting for the lives of drug dealers, you are fighting the wrong things. 


The fentanyl crisis epitomizes the lethal evolution of narcotics trafficking. Between 2020 and 2023, U.S. overdose deaths linked to synthetic opioids surged by 279%. In 2023 alone, fentanyl claimed 72,776 lives, constituting 69% of all overdose fatalities. [4] Behind these statistics are stories of young lives extinguished in their prime—college students, parents, veterans—victims of a substance so potent that two milligrams can kill. Economically, fentanyl’s profitability is unparalleled: one kilogram, costing $80,000 wholesale, yields $1.6 million on the street. Cartels exploit Chinese precursor suppliers, with investigations identifying 188 companies complicit in this trade. [5] These dynamics illustrate the intersection of organized crime, public health, and international security.  We are talking more lives lost than what the Vietnam War cost Americans.  This isn’t a remote threat; it’s a very personal one where the war has been brought literally into our backyards.  The only difference is that the weapons used are not guns and bombs.  But the destruction of the mind itself.  And this isn’t some market-driven intent.  It’s a sinisterly plotted scheme that starts in places like China to destroy Western civilization itself.  And with a smile on their faces as they watch the death of many innocents. 


Cartels have diversified beyond narcotics into human trafficking, generating $236 billion annually through forced labor and sexual exploitation. [6] Millions of women and children are entrapped in these networks, often under the same criminal syndicates orchestrating narcotics flows. This duality magnifies humanitarian crises, rendering cartels not merely criminal enterprises but systemic violators of fundamental rights. Survivors recount harrowing tales of coercion, violence, and despair—stories that rarely make headlines but define the lived reality of cartel dominance.  There are untold numbers of women and children who are literally destroyed in this process, and they are ruined for life.  There is a cost to this that nobody has yet put their mind around, and it poses the most significant problem of them all in sheer magnitude. 


Venezuela’s transformation into a narcotics hub exemplifies state complicity. The Cartel de los Soles, allegedly embedded within the Venezuelan military, facilitates cocaine transshipment to global markets. U.S. indictments implicate senior Maduro regime officials in narco-terrorism conspiracies. [7] Geopolitical entanglements with Russia and China furnish economic lifelines, complicating enforcement and underscoring the nexus between organized crime and authoritarian resilience. Remote airstrips launch drug flights under the cover of night, while maritime routes snake through Caribbean waters, evading interdiction. Each shipment represents not just contraband but the erosion of governance and the triumph of criminality over law.


Critics decry kinetic interdiction as extrajudicial, yet proportionality under international humanitarian law permits force when confronting actors whose conduct precipitates mass atrocity. Analogies to anti-piracy operations and counterterrorism frameworks validate such measures. [8] The principle of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) arguably extends to dismantling cartels, given their role in orchestrating transnational violence and exploitation. To frame interdiction as mere aggression is to ignore the moral calculus of inaction—a calculus measured in lives lost, communities shattered, and futures foreclosed.


Drug cartels epitomize systemic human rights violators, perpetuating cycles of death, addiction, and exploitation. Aggressive interdiction, including the destruction of narcotics vessels, aligns with both legal norms and moral imperatives. Inaction sustains a status quo wherein criminal syndicates eclipse state authority, eroding global security and humanitarian values. History will judge not the audacity of action but the complacency of silence.  And for my part, I say blow up many more drug boats.  And if they want help, call me.  I’d be happy to lend support in the destruction of drug cartels and their evil minions. 

[1] United Nations Convention Against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances, 1988.

[2] UNODC World Drug Report 2023.

[3] Mexico Homicide Data, INEGI, 2023.

[4] CDC Overdose Mortality Statistics, 2023.

[5] U.S. DEA Fentanyl Intelligence Report, 2024.

[6] ILO Global Estimates on Modern Slavery, 2022.

[7] U.S. DOJ Indictments on Venezuelan Officials, 2023.

[8] International Committee of the Red Cross, Principles of Proportionality, 2021.

Rich Hoffman

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

UFO Disclosure: Historical Context, Cultural Impact, and the Interdimensional Reality

Unidentified Flying Objects (UFOs), now officially termed Unidentified Anomalous Phenomena (UAPs), have transitioned from fringe speculation to mainstream discourse in recent years. The concept of UFO disclosure refers to the systematic release of information by governments, military agencies, and credible institutions regarding unexplained aerial phenomena. This shift has profound implications for science, security, and culture. While the notion of extraterrestrial visitation has long captivated the public imagination, recent developments—including congressional hearings, Pentagon reports, and high-profile media coverage—suggest that the phenomenon warrants serious consideration beyond conspiracy theories. The question is no longer whether UFOs exist, but what they represent and how society should respond to their disclosure.

Historically, UFO sightings surged in the mid-20th century, coinciding with technological advancements and geopolitical tensions during the Cold War. The Roswell incident of 1947, often cited as the genesis of modern UFO lore, sparked widespread speculation about crashed alien spacecraft and government cover-ups. In response, the U.S. Air Force launched Project Sign in 1947, followed by Project Grudge in 1949, and ultimately Project Blue Book in 1952. Project Blue Book became the most extensive government program investigating UFOs, collecting over 12,000 reports before its termination in 1969. While most cases were attributed to natural phenomena or misidentified aircraft, 701 remained unexplained (Britannica, 2025; Wikipedia, 2025). The official stance concluded that UFOs posed no threat to national security and lacked evidence of extraterrestrial origin. However, critics argue that the Condon Report, which justified the program’s closure, reflected institutional bias rather than scientific rigor (History.com, 2025). These early investigations established a pattern of secrecy and skepticism that shaped public perception for decades.

The modern era of disclosure began in 2017 when The New York Times revealed the existence of the Pentagon’s Advanced Aerospace Threat Identification Program (AATIP). This revelation, coupled with the release of declassified Navy videos depicting objects with extraordinary flight characteristics, reignited global interest. Subsequent reports by the Office of the Director of National Intelligence (ODNI) and the Department of Defense’s All-Domain Anomaly Resolution Office (AARO) have documented hundreds of UAP incidents, some defying conventional explanations (ODNI, 2023; DoD, 2024). The 2024 consolidated report noted that while many sightings were attributable to balloons or drones, a subset exhibited anomalous behavior, including transmedium travel and acceleration beyond known propulsion systems (DoD, 2024). Congressional hearings featuring whistleblowers such as David Grusch further intensified the debate, with claims of crash retrieval programs and non-human biologics entering the public record. Although these assertions remain controversial, they underscore a growing consensus that UAPs merit scientific investigation rather than dismissal.

Media figures have played a pivotal role in amplifying the disclosure narrative. Tucker Carlson, once reticent on the subject, has devoted extensive coverage to UAPs, interviewing lawmakers like Rep. Tim Burchett and discussing classified briefings that suggest underwater UFOs—so-called USOs—capable of moving at 200 mph in ocean trenches (Carlson Interview, 2025). Carlson has hinted at a “spiritual component” to the phenomenon, describing aspects so disturbing that he hesitates to share them publicly (Newsweek, 2023). Similarly, Megyn Kelly has hosted discussions with historian Victor Davis Hanson and former intelligence officials, exploring claims of reverse-engineered alien technology and the cultural ramifications of disclosure (Kelly Show, 2025). Joe Rogan’s podcast has featured prominent voices such as Bob Lazar, Jacques Vallée, and David Grusch, delving into theories ranging from extraterrestrial visitation to simulation hypotheses (JRE Library, 2025). These platforms have not only normalized UFO discourse but also framed it within broader philosophical and scientific contexts, challenging audiences to reconsider humanity’s place in the cosmos.

The cultural impact of UFO disclosure extends beyond media sensationalism. It intersects with epistemology, theology, and sociology, raising questions about authority, trust, and existential meaning. Historically, UFO narratives have mirrored societal anxieties—from Cold War fears of Soviet technological superiority to contemporary concerns about government transparency. Today, disclosure challenges entrenched paradigms, compelling institutions to reconcile empirical anomalies with scientific orthodoxy. Popular culture, from Hollywood films to streaming documentaries like The Age of Disclosure, reflects this tension, oscillating between skepticism and wonder. As anthropologist Diana Walsh Pasulka observes, UFOs function as “technological angels,” embodying both scientific mystery and spiritual symbolism (Pasulka, 2019). This duality explains why disclosure evokes not only curiosity but also apprehension, as it destabilizes ontological certainties that underpin modern civilization.

Speculative theories about UAP origins further complicate the discourse. The extraterrestrial hypothesis (ETH), positing that UFOs are spacecraft from other planets, remains the most popular explanation. However, the interdimensional hypothesis (IDH) has gained traction among scholars and ufologists. Pioneered by thinkers like J. Allen Hynek and Jacques Vallée, IDH suggests that UAPs may originate from parallel realities or higher dimensions, exploiting quantum anomalies to traverse spacetime (Patheos, 2024; Vallée, 1975). Contemporary research in quantum physics and multiverse theory lends conceptual plausibility to this idea, even if empirical validation remains elusive. Tim Lomas (2023) argues for “epistemic humility” in evaluating such hypotheses, noting that UAP behavior—such as instantaneous acceleration and materialization—defies classical physics and may indicate non-local phenomena (Lomas, 2023). If true, the implications are staggering: reality may be far more complex than the materialist paradigm assumes, encompassing layers of existence beyond human perception. This perspective resonates with ultraterrestrial models proposed by physicist Harold Puthoff, which entertain scenarios involving time travelers, ancient civilizations, or entities operating outside conventional spacetime (Journal of Cosmology, 2024).

The philosophical and theological ramifications of these theories are profound. If UAPs represent interdimensional intelligences, traditional dichotomies between science and spirituality collapse, inviting a synthesis of metaphysics and empirical inquiry. Such a paradigm shift could redefine humanity’s understanding of consciousness, agency, and destiny. It may also catalyze ethical debates about contact protocols, planetary stewardship, and the moral status of non-human intelligences. As Vallée cautions, disclosure is not merely a scientific event but a cultural transformation with unpredictable consequences for religion, governance, and social cohesion. Governments have reportedly convened think tanks to assess these impacts, with some concluding that full disclosure could destabilize global institutions—a rationale often cited for continued secrecy (NewsNation, 2025). Whether this paternalism is justified remains contentious, but it underscores the gravity of the issue.

UFO disclosure represents a watershed moment in human history, challenging epistemic boundaries and cultural norms. From the secrecy of Project Blue Book to the transparency of ODNI reports, the trajectory of UAP discourse reflects a gradual shift from ridicule to legitimacy. Media figures like Carlson, Kelly, and Rogan have accelerated this transition, framing UFOs as both scientific enigmas and philosophical provocations. While the extraterrestrial hypothesis dominates popular imagination, interdimensional models invite deeper reflection on the nature of reality and consciousness. Ultimately, disclosure is not an end but a beginning—a call to expand our intellectual horizons and prepare for a future where the unknown becomes knowable. Whether humanity meets this challenge with wisdom or hubris will determine the contours of the next great chapter in our cosmic story.

UFO disclosure has evolved from Cold War secrecy under Project Blue Book to contemporary transparency through ODNI and AARO reports. Media figures such as Tucker Carlson, Megyn Kelly, and Joe Rogan have mainstreamed the debate, while documentaries like The Age of Disclosure amplify claims of crash retrieval programs and non-human biologics. Beyond empirical anomalies, disclosure raises cultural, philosophical, and theological questions, challenging materialist assumptions and inviting consideration of interdimensional hypotheses. Whether UAPs are extraterrestrial, ultraterrestrial, or manifestations of higher-dimensional realities, their study demands epistemic humility and interdisciplinary inquiry. Disclosure is not merely about UFOs—it is about redefining humanity’s place in a universe that is likely far stranger than imagined.

—

References (APA Style)

• Britannica. (2025). Project Blue Book. Retrieved from https://www.britannica.com/topic/Project-Blue-Book

• Department of Defense. (2024). Fiscal Year 2024 Consolidated Annual Report on Unidentified Anomalous Phenomena. Retrieved from https://media.defense.gov

• History.com. (2025). Project Blue Book: The US Government’s Secret UFO Investigations. Retrieved from https://www.history.com/articles/project-blue-book

• Lomas, T. (2023). The Ultraterrestrial Hypothesis: A Case for Scientific Openness to an Interdimensional Explanation for UAP. Journal of Transpersonal Psychology.

• Newsweek. (2023). Why Tucker Carlson’s Scared to Report on UFOs. Retrieved from https://www.newsweek.com

• Patheos. (2024). UAP: The Interdimensional Hypothesis. Retrieved from https://www.patheos.com

• Pasulka, D. W. (2019). *

Rich Hoffman

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

From Bomb-Throwing to Governance: The Case of Marjorie Taylor Greene

Marjorie Taylor Greene’s resignation doesn’t surprise me, though the commentary swirling around it is fascinating. There’s a fundamental truth here: campaigning and governing are two entirely different skill sets. It’s one thing to be a firebrand, to throw bombs and rally people off the couch to vote. It’s another thing entirely to manage the daily grind of legislative work—bullet-point tasks that must be accomplished to keep momentum alive. Once you’re in the House, you’re no longer just shouting from the sidelines; you’re negotiating with people you’d rather not talk to, navigating a body of representatives from every corner of the country. That transition—from rhetoric to action—is where many stumble. Greene’s story is a case study in that struggle, and frankly, I’ve seen it before. I watched the Reform Party rise under Ross Perot in the ’90s, morph into the Tea Party in the 2000s, and then evolve into MAGA with Trump around 2015. Each phase had its own language—small government, term limits, anti-bureaucracy—but the moment you win, the game changes. Winning isn’t the finish line; it’s the starting gun for a more challenging race.

Greene’s difficulty wasn’t ideological—it was managerial. She thrived as a bomb thrower, but bombs don’t build coalitions. Once you have the House, the Senate, and the White House, the question becomes: now what? How do you turn victory into governance? That’s where the metaphors matter. Think of my favorite football team, the Tampa Bay Buccaneers: they started the season strong, dominated the power rankings, and when every team studies their film, they make the Bucs the game of the week.  And now they can’t find wins under any condition.  They are getting the best of what everyone has to offer.  And that is a familiar story, no matter what the sport or endeavor. Suddenly, staying on top is more complicated than getting there. Winning demands adaptation, resilience, and a willingness to play the long game. Trump understood that. He’s the Rocky figure who keeps getting off the mat, who knows that staying on top requires more than bravado—it requires strategy. Greene never made that pivot. She kept throwing bombs even as the battlefield shifted to committee rooms and policy negotiations. And when the Epstein papers resurfaced—a story long litigated and largely devoid of new substance—she tried to weaponize it as if it were fresh ammunition. But that playbook belongs to the Democrats now, a desperate attempt to tarnish Trump when other avenues failed. Greene misread the moment, and that miscalculation cost her.

Her emotional framing of the resignation—likening herself to a discarded wife—reveals something more profound. Politics isn’t just strategy; it’s psychology. Greene tied her identity to Trump, and when she realized she didn’t have the levers she imagined she did, the disillusionment hit hard. That’s not unique to her; thousands of activists and politicians experience the same whiplash when the fire of insurgency cools into the gray routine of governance. The Epstein saga, for all its grotesque realities, is a metaphor too—a Pleasure Island for the powerful, where short-term indulgence costs long-term integrity. Trump, for all the speculation, walked away from that world years ago, building a family life that insulated him from the fallout. Greene, by contrast, clung to the drama, hoping it would keep her relevant. But relevance in politics isn’t sustained by outrage alone; it’s earned through results. And when outrage becomes your only currency, bankruptcy is inevitable.

So Greene exits the stage, and the movement moves on. MAGA will evolve, just as the Tea Party did, just as the Reform Party did before it. The question isn’t whether the fight continues—it will—but whether its champions learn the hardest lesson of winning: victory demands governance. It demands coalition-building, patience, and the humility to trade the thrill of bomb-throwing for the grind of policymaking. Greene couldn’t make that trade, and now she joins a long list of figures who mistook the campaign trail for the summit. The truth is, staying on top is more complicated than getting there. It’s the eye of the tiger, the discipline to keep punching when the cameras are gone, and the work is thankless. Trump understood that, which is why he remains the center of gravity. Greene didn’t, and that’s why her story ends here—not with a bang, but with a quiet admission that winning was never the hard part. Staying a winner was.

1. Campaigning and governing are distinct skill sets. Greene’s resignation underscores this divide, revealing the structural and psychological hurdles that confront insurgent politicians upon entering formal institutions.

2. Historical Context

The lineage from Ross Perot’s Reform Party in the 1990s to the Tea Party in the 2000s and MAGA in the 2010s illustrates a continuum of anti-establishment energy. Each movement promised disruption but faltered when tasked with governance. [Footnote: Skocpol & Williamson, 2012]

3. Legislative Record and Statistics

According to GovTrack, Greene introduced 26 bills in the 118th Congress, none of which gained bipartisan cosponsors, and missed 5.7% of votes—ranking in the 84th percentile for absences. [Footnote: GovTrack Report Card, 2025]

Congressional productivity overall has declined, with only 34 bills passed in 2023—the lowest since the Great Depression. [Footnote: Brookings, 2024]

4. Comparative Populism

Similar patterns emerge globally: Bolsonaro in Brazil and Le Pen in France faced analogous governance challenges, often resorting to executive maneuvers when legislative coalitions proved elusive. [Footnote: Norris & Inglehart, 2019]

5. Psychological Dimensions

Political identity theory explains Greene’s disillusionment. When identity is fused with ideology, setbacks trigger existential crises. [Footnote: Mason, 2023]

6. Victory demands governance. Greene’s failure to pivot from insurgency to coalition-building exemplifies the Achilles’ heel of populist movements.  The form of rebellious movements traces back logically to the Teacher of Righteousness in the Damascus Document of the Dead Sea Scrolls, and they will continue no matter who thinks they are running the government in the background.  It is not enough to throw stones at the establishment and go home in frustration when things don’t go the way you want them to.  When you win, you have to build on those wins.  And the effort of the win may not be about personal satisfaction, but about the evolution of governance in general.  People do not wish to be ruled over by kingly figures, so they will continue to support bomb throwers.  But it’s up to those bomb throwers to connect the dots and to actually accomplish something.  You can’t just say you proposed a bill and everyone rejected it.  Or that I tried to call President Trump 50 times and he never answered.  So I quit!  To win these fights, you have to be willing to do the thankless part for all the thankless, but critical reasons.  And to wake up each morning as a winner, intent on staying a winner.  And not lost because the definitions of success moved under the pressure of reality.  Winning is what people want, and it’s what they expect out of their government.  And if Margorie Taylor Greene can no longer have that attitude, then she should leave and turn it over to someone who will.

References:

– Skocpol, T., & Williamson, V. (2012). The Tea Party and the Remaking of Republican Conservatism.

– GovTrack.us. (2025). Legislative Report Card.

– Brookings Institution. (2024). Vital Statistics on Congress.

– Norris, P., & Inglehart, R. (2019). Cultural Backlash: Populism and Authoritarianism.

– Mason, L. (2023). Political Identities. Oxford Handbook of Political Psychology.

Rich Hoffman

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

Justice Deferred: Why Prosecutions Under Trump’s Second Term Remain Slow—and What Global Parallels Reveal

Donald Trump’s second term reignited expectations of sweeping accountability for political corruption. Yet, despite strong rhetoric and high-profile promises, major prosecutions remain elusive.  One year into Trump’s second term, the question persists: Why haven’t the big names gone to jail? Hillary Clinton remains free, despite years of allegations. The Clintons’ ties to corruption, Epstein’s network, and the weaponization of law enforcement against Trump allies have fueled public frustration. From Rudy Giuliani to Peter Navarro, loyalists have faced bankruptcy and imprisonment for defending election integrity. Meanwhile, figures like Letitia James and James Comey—central to prosecutorial misconduct—walk free after cases were dismissed due to procedural irregularities, not innocence.

This paradox underscores a deeper truth: prosecutions are not merely legal acts—they are political acts requiring stability, mandate, and timing. In a polarized nation, aggressive prosecutions without securing legislative dominance risk triggering retaliatory cycles, undermining the very agenda they aim to protect.

The dismissal of cases against Letitia James and James Comey illustrates the fragility of prosecutorial authority. A federal judge recently threw out charges citing the unlawful appointment of Lindsey Halligan as interim U.S. attorney, despite clear evidence of misconduct. The crime was procedural, not substantive—a loophole exploited to shield political elites from accountability1.

This is not unique. DOJ statistics reveal that high-profile political cases often span 3–7 years from indictment to resolution, with declination rates exceeding 39% when political volatility threatens institutional legitimacy2. Prosecutors, like any actors, weigh personal risk: firebomb threats, reputational ruin, and career destruction loom large when partisan control can flip overnight.

Trump’s own experience reinforces this caution. His first term saw relentless lawfare—Mueller investigations, impeachment trials, and civil suits—weaponized to cripple his agenda. The lesson? Without a stable mandate, prosecutions become pyrrhic victories, inviting reciprocal vengeance when power shifts.

The human toll of this legal warfare is staggering. Rudy Giuliani, once America’s Mayor, now faces $1.36 million in unpaid legal fees, with bankruptcy looming3. Mike Lindell, the MyPillow CEO, has liquidated assets to fund election integrity lawsuits, burning through millions4. Tina Peters, a Colorado clerk, sits in jail for investigating election fraud—a chilling precedent for dissent5.

These cases illustrate the asymmetry of lawfare: defending truth costs fortunes, while weaponizing law costs taxpayers. The financial attrition of Trump allies serves as a deterrent, signaling to future operatives that loyalty carries existential risk.

Enter the Epstein files—a political gambit disguised as transparency. Democrats, desperate to derail Trump ahead of midterms, embraced Epstein disclosures as a “gotcha” strategy, betting on salacious ties to tarnish MAGA credibility6. What they miscalculated was Trump’s counterplay: full release of the files, exposing a Democratic nexus of sexual trafficking, influence peddling, and elite corruption7.

This maneuver exemplifies asymmetric warfare: bait the opposition into overreach, then detonate the trap. As Trump played it, “rat poison in the nest”—a tactic to implode the colony from within. The fallout promises to be seismic, not for Trump, but for the progressive aristocracy entangled in Epstein’s web.

Brazil offers a cautionary mirror. Jair Bolsonaro, ousted after contesting election fraud, now faces 27 years in prison for an alleged coup attempt8. His successor, Lula da Silva—himself a convict released to reclaim power—embodies the cyclical weaponization of law. The message is clear: in politicized systems, justice is not blind; it is partisan.

For MAGA strategists, Bolsonaro’s fate underscores the imperative of institutional entrenchment. Without securing Congress and insulating the judiciary, Trump’s prosecutions risk reversal under a Democratic resurgence.

According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics, U.S. attorneys prosecuted 61% of suspects in matters concluded in FY 2023, with political cases often delayed beyond five years due to appeals and procedural challenges2. The median time from investigation to decision: 61 days, but high-profile cases involving political figures skew far longer, often requiring special counsel oversight.

Public impatience for “perp walks” is understandable. Yet, in the calculus of power, timing trumps theatrics. Immediate arrests may gratify the base but jeopardize the agenda if Democrats reclaim legislative control. Trump’s restraint is not weakness—it is war by other means.

The Epstein gambit, midterm positioning, and structural reforms signal a long game: secure the mandate, then strike decisively. Until then, justice remains deferred—not denied.  I would say to all who are seeking justice, defend Trump for the midterms, keep the Democrats running for the hills.  And sweep them up once the rat nest is poisoned and they can no longer do any harm.  But don’t play nice with them.  They would never give you the same benefit. 

References

NBC News. Judge dismisses cases against James Comey and Letitia James after finding prosecutor was unlawfully appointed. Nov. 24, 2025.1

Bureau of Justice Statistics. Federal Justice Statistics, 2023. March 2025.2

USA Today. Rudy Giuliani must pay his defense lawyers $1.36 million. Sept. 17, 2025.3

CBS News. Convicted Colorado election clerk Tina Peters transfer controversy. Nov. 23, 2025.4

PBS News. Trump signs bill to release Jeffrey Epstein case files. Nov. 20, 2025.7

CBS News. Jair Bolsonaro arrested before serving 27-year sentence for coup attempt. Nov. 22, 2025.8


To understand why prosecutions under Trump’s second term remain slow, we must situate this phenomenon within a broader historical and theoretical context. Lawfare—the strategic use of legal systems as instruments of political warfare—is not an American invention. It is a global sport, played with Machiavellian finesse and Foucauldian precision

Consider South Korea: former presidents Park Geun-hye and Lee Myung-bak were imprisoned for corruption, only to be pardoned later in a theatrical display of political mercy. This oscillation between punishment and absolution mirrors Michel Foucault’s thesis on power as a dynamic, relational force rather than a static possession [1]. In Israel, Benjamin Netanyahu’s corruption trials have dragged on for years, punctuated by coalition collapses and judicial reforms—a case study in how legal timing intersects with political survival [2].

Historical parallels abound. Watergate, often romanticized as a triumph of accountability, was in fact a slow burn. The scandal erupted in 1972, yet Nixon resigned only in 1974 after exhaustive hearings and strategic delays. Roman legal systems offer an even older template: prosecutions were frequently deferred until political winds shifted, illustrating Cicero’s dictum that law is the servant of politics, not its master [3].

Theoretical frameworks enrich this analysis. Machiavelli, in The Prince, counseled rulers to appear just while wielding power ruthlessly—a maxim evident in Trump’s calibrated restraint. Foucault’s Discipline and Punish reminds us that law is a technology of control, deployed to normalize behavior and consolidate authority [4]. When Trump delays prosecutions, he is not abdicating justice; he is performing sovereignty, signaling that timing—not immediacy—defines true dominion.

Global data corroborates this thesis. Transparency International reports that high-profile political prosecutions in democracies average 4–6 years from indictment to resolution, with delays often justified as procedural safeguards [5]. In Brazil, Lula da Silva’s conviction and subsequent resurgence exemplify lawfare’s cyclical nature: today’s convict is tomorrow’s kingmaker [6].

This expanded lens reframes Trump’s strategy as part of a transnational pattern: justice deferred is not justice denied—it is justice weaponized. The playful irony? While pundits clamor for perp walks, seasoned strategists know that the real game is chess, not checkers. Arrests gratify the mob; timing secures the throne.

Footnotes:
[1] Foucault, M. (1977). Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. Vintage Books.
[2] Peleg, I. (2023). Judicial Politics in Israel: Between Law and Power. Israel Studies Review.
[3] Cicero, M.T. (54 BCE). De Legibus.
[4] Machiavelli, N. (1532). The Prince.
[5] Transparency International. Global Corruption Report, 2024.
[6] Hunter, W. (2020). The Politics of Corruption in Brazil. Journal of Democracy.

Bibliography

Foucault, M. (1977). Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. Vintage Books.

Machiavelli, N. (1532). The Prince.

Cicero, M.T. (54 BCE). De Legibus.

Peleg, I. (2023). Judicial Politics in Israel: Between Law and Power. Israel Studies Review.

Transparency International. Global Corruption Report, 2024.

Hunter, W. (2020). The Politics of Corruption in Brazil. Journal of Democracy.

Rich Hoffman

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

Armageddon as Process: From the Teacher of Righteousness to Modern Political Movements

For centuries, people have imagined the Battle of Armageddon as a climactic showdown—a single day when good finally triumphs over evil. But what if Armageddon is not a moment in time, but a perpetual struggle? What if the battle has been raging for thousands of years, manifesting in different eras, cultures, and movements? Today, as millions rally behind reformist causes like the MAGA movement, many wonder why evil seems so entrenched, why corruption persists even when righteousness gains ground. The answer lies in history: the fight against systemic evil is not episodic—it is eternal.

To understand this, we must look back to the crucible of Western civilization: the Holy Land during the turbulent centuries before and after Christ. There, in the shadow of empires, a small sect called the Essenes waged a spiritual and cultural rebellion against corruption. Their writings—the Dead Sea Scrolls—reveal a figure known as the Teacher of Righteousness, a man who defied the “Wicked Priest” and inspired generations of resistance. From Qumran to Megiddo, from the Copper Scroll to the mosaic affirming Jesus in a Roman garrison, the story of righteousness versus evil is a continuum that stretches into our own time.

Around 150 BCE, as Judea reeled under Hellenistic influence after Alexander the Great, a separatist sect emerged—the Essenes. Disillusioned by Jewish priests who compromised with Greek rulers, the Essenes withdrew to the desert near Qumran. They lived by strict purity laws, followed a solar calendar, and anticipated an apocalyptic showdown between the “Sons of Light” and the “Sons of Darkness.” Their writings—the Community Rule, War Scroll, and Damascus Document—outline a worldview obsessed with righteousness and divine justice.

Central to these texts is the enigmatic Teacher of Righteousness, a leader who clashed with the “Wicked Priest,” likely a Hasmonean high priest aligned with foreign powers. The Teacher’s mission was clear: restore covenantal purity and resist systemic corruption. His life foreshadows later figures like John the Baptist and Jesus, who also confronted entrenched elites. Without the Dead Sea Scrolls, we would never know this man existed—yet his influence rippled through history, shaping the moral architecture of Western thought.

Discovered in 1952 in Qumran Cave 3, the Copper Scroll stands apart from other Dead Sea texts. Unlike parchment manuscripts, it was etched on metal—suggesting permanence. Its contents? A list of 64 treasure caches, possibly Temple wealth hidden during Roman incursions. This reveals a critical truth: rebellion was not merely spiritual; it had economic dimensions. Control of resources meant survival for communities resisting imperial domination. The Copper Scroll is a silent witness to the material stakes of righteousness—a reminder that corruption thrives not only in temples but in treasuries.

Megiddo, perched at the crossroads of ancient trade routes, was more than a city—it was a symbol. From Canaanite stronghold to Israelite fortress, from Greek outpost to Roman garrison, Megiddo embodied the clash of civilizations. By the second century CE, it housed Legio VI Ferrata, a Roman legionary camp with 5,000 soldiers. Roads, amphitheaters, and barracks testify to imperial might. Yet Revelation would immortalize Megiddo as Armageddon—the stage for the ultimate battle between good and evil. In truth, that battle was already underway, fought not with swords alone but with ideas, faith, and sacrifice.

Among the most stunning finds at Megiddo is a mosaic floor dated to around 230 CE, discovered in a Roman military compound. Its inscription dedicates worship to “God Jesus Christ”—the earliest archaeological evidence of Jesus’ divinity. This predates Constantine’s Edict of Milan by nearly a century, proving that Christianity was infiltrating the Roman world long before it became state-sanctioned. The mosaic, displayed at the Museum of the Bible, marks a turning point: the empire that crucified Christ was slowly bowing to His name. This was not an overnight revolution but a gradual transformation—a testament to the endurance of righteousness.

Before Rome embraced the cross, it worshipped a pantheon of gods—Jupiter, Mars, Venus—and demanded emperor worship. Greek deities like Zeus and Athena lingered in cultural memory. Against this backdrop, Christianity’s rise was nothing short of miraculous. Persecuted believers faced martyrdom, yet their faith spread from catacombs to palaces. By 313 CE, Constantine legalized Christianity; by 380 CE, Theodosius made it the official religion. But the seeds of this revolution were sown centuries earlier—by rebels like the Essenes, prophets like John, and visionaries like the Teacher of Righteousness.

What does this mean for us today? The struggle between righteousness and corruption did not end with Constantine—or with the crucifixion. It is a permanent condition of human society. Modern movements like the Tea Party, the Reform Party, and MAGA echo the same impulse: to resist entrenched elites and restore moral order. Just as the Essenes defied the Wicked Priest, today’s reformers challenge systems that profit from decay. The hostility they face—from media vilification to legal persecution—mirrors the fate of ancient rebels. Why? Because evil never surrenders quietly.

History teaches a sobering truth: fighting evil is hard, slow, and often bloody—but it works. The Teacher of Righteousness did not live to see Rome fall, yet his stand against corruption helped ignite a movement that reshaped the world. The Essenes’ scrolls lay hidden for two millennia, only to inspire us today. The Megiddo mosaic whispers across centuries: righteousness wins—not in a day, but in the long arc of history. So when despair creeps in, remember: Armageddon is not ahead of us—it is all around us. And every act of courage, every stand for truth, moves the battle forward.

— Additional notes and reference —

Abstract:

This work examines Armageddon as a historical continuum rather than a singular event, tracing its roots from the Essenes and the Teacher of Righteousness through Greek and Roman occupations, Jewish revolts, and the rise of Christianity. It integrates archaeological evidence from Megiddo, textual analysis of the Dead Sea Scrolls, and modern political parallels to argue that the struggle between righteousness and corruption is an enduring condition of human society.

1. Introduction

Armageddon is often imagined as an apocalyptic climax, yet history reveals it as a recurring process. From Qumran to Washington, the battle between systemic evil and reformist zeal persists. [Footnote: Collins, 2010]

2. Historical Timeline

– 332 BCE: Alexander the Great conquers Judea, introducing Hellenistic culture. [Footnote: Josephus, Antiquities]

– 140–37 BCE: Hasmonean dynasty asserts Jewish autonomy but succumbs to corruption. [Footnote: Schiffman, 1994]

– 63 BCE: Pompey annexes Judea; Roman rule begins. [Footnote: Goodman, 2007]

– 66–73 CE: First Jewish Revolt ends with destruction of the Second Temple. [Footnote: Josephus, Wars]

– 313 CE: Constantine legalizes Christianity; 380 CE: Theodosius makes it official. [Footnote: Brown, 1989]

3. The Essenes and Teacher of Righteousness

The Essenes, a separatist sect, withdrew to Qumran to resist priestly corruption. Their texts—the Community Rule, War Scroll, Damascus Document—reveal a dualistic worldview: Sons of Light vs. Sons of Darkness. The Teacher of Righteousness emerges as a prophetic figure opposing the Wicked Priest. [Footnote: Vermes, 2011]

4. Megiddo and Armageddon

Megiddo’s strategic location made it a stage for imperial clashes. Excavations reveal layers from Canaanite to Roman eras. Revelation’s Armageddon draws on this geography as a metaphor for ultimate conflict. [Footnote: BAR, 2015]

5. Dead Sea Scrolls and Copper Scroll

The Copper Scroll lists 64 treasure caches, underscoring the economic stakes of rebellion. Resistance was not merely spiritual but material. [Footnote: Allegro, 1960]

6. Greek and Roman Context

Greek philosophy and Roman law reshaped Judea’s cultural landscape. Emperor worship and Hellenistic syncretism clashed with Jewish monotheism, fueling sectarian movements. [Footnote: Hengel, 1974]

7. Modern Parallels

Reform Party → Tea Party → MAGA echo ancient insurgencies. Each arose to combat perceived corruption, facing vilification and systemic pushback. [Footnote: Skocpol & Williamson, 2012]

8. Conclusion

Armageddon is not a prophecy deferred but a pattern repeated. From the Teacher of Righteousness to modern populists, the fight against entrenched power endures.

References:

– Allegro, J. (1960). The Treasure of the Copper Scroll.

– BAR (Biblical Archaeology Review), various issues.

– Brown, P. (1989). The Rise of Western Christendom.

– Collins, J. (2010). Apocalypticism in the Dead Sea Scrolls.

– Goodman, M. (2007). Rome and Jerusalem.

– Hengel, M. (1974). Judaism and Hellenism.

– Josephus. Antiquities and Wars of the Jews.

– Schiffman, L. (1994). Reclaiming the Dead Sea Scrolls.

– Skocpol, T., & Williamson, V. (2012). The Tea Party and the Remaking of Republican Conservatism.

– Vermes, G. (2011). The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English.

Rich Hoffman

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

Thanksgiving, Family, and the Weight of Choices: Why Generations Rise or Fall Together

Thanksgiving is one of those rare moments in American life where everything slows down just enough for us to notice what really matters. The smell of turkey fills the house, football hums in the background, and for a few hours, the world’s chaos takes a back seat to mashed potatoes and pumpkin pie. I love this time of year. I love the family gatherings, the laughter, the jokes that only make sense to people who share your last name. But, Thanksgiving is also a fascinating study in human nature. You sit around that table and, without saying a word, you can see the weight of another year on everyone’s face—the triumphs, the mistakes, the quiet regrets.

What is family, really? People say it’s blood, but I think it’s more complicated than that. Family is biology, sure, but it’s also choices—every choice we make and every choice our kids make. And those choices stack up like bricks over time, building the life we live. Some people build palaces; others build prisons. Thanksgiving is where you see the architecture of those choices on full display.

When you’re born, you don’t get to pick your family. You’re handed a set of people and told, “These are yours.” But as life goes on, family becomes less about biology and more about decisions. Who you marry, how you raise your kids, what values you teach them—those choices ripple through generations. I’ve raised kids and now grandkids, and I can tell you this: the quality of a family gathering isn’t determined by the turkey on the table; it’s determined by the choices everyone made to get there.

I’ve seen families where bitterness hangs in the air like smoke because bad decisions piled up—wrong marriages, financial disasters, grudges that never healed. And I’ve seen families where people genuinely enjoy each other’s company because they made better choices. It’s not luck. It’s not fate. It’s choices.

I’ve always said this—and sometimes people look at me funny when I do—but I treat kids differently than I treat adults. Why? Because kids still have options. They haven’t stacked up a lifetime of mistakes yet. They’re like a blank canvas with endless possibilities. Adults, on the other hand, well… by the time you hit your 40s or 50s, the mistakes start showing. You can see it in their faces, in their posture, in the way they talk about life. Every bad decision leaves a mark.

I’ve sat at Thanksgiving tables and watched this play out. You see the cousin who married the wrong person, and now every conversation is about how hard life is. You see the uncle who spent his 20s chasing quick thrills and now looks like a relic of his former self. And then you look at the kids—bright-eyed, full of energy, thinking they’re invincible. They don’t know yet that life is a marathon, not a sprint.

That’s why I invest in kids. I talk to them differently. I try to steer them away from the mistakes that everyone else seems determined to make. Because if you can help a kid avoid even half the bad choices their peers make, you’ve given them a head start that will pay off for decades.

Life is like a marathon. At the starting line, everyone looks the same—bunched up, full of energy, ready to run. But five miles in, the pack starts to spread out. Some people are way ahead, others are falling behind, and the gap keeps growing. That’s what choices do.

And the stats prove it. By middle age, the spread is enormous:

• 41% of first marriages end in divorce, and the odds get worse with each attempt.

• The average U.S. household carries $105,056 in debt, with mortgage debt alone averaging $268,060.

• Over 40% of adults are obese, and the highest rates are among people in their 40s and 50s.

These aren’t random outcomes. They’re the result of choices stacked up over decades. The people who finish strong aren’t the ones who sprint early—they’re the ones who pace themselves, make smart decisions, and stay disciplined when everyone else is falling apart.

Here’s something I’ve noticed over the years: misery loves company. People who make bad choices don’t just suffer quietly—they want everyone else to make the same mistakes. Why? Because it makes them feel less alone. If you’ve wrecked your finances, married the wrong person, and let your health go, it’s comforting to see the next generation do the same. It’s almost like a twisted form of validation: “See? It’s not just me. This is how life works.”

But let’s be honest—it’s not “how life works.” It’s how bad decisions impact outcomes. And the numbers back this up. Divorce, debt, obesity—they’re all connected. Stress from debt leads to overeating. Relationship breakdowns lead to depression. Depression leads to bad health habits. It’s a cycle, and once you’re in it, climbing out feels impossible.

I’ve seen this at family gatherings. You hear the stories—another year of bills piling up, another kid in trouble, another health scare. And everyone nods like it’s normal. But it’s not normal. It’s the result of choices. And the sad part? People cling to the idea that something magical will fix it—a lottery win, a miracle from God, a quick fix that wipes the slate clean. But most of the time, that fix never comes.

Here’s the good news: the cycle can be broken. It’s not easy, but it’s possible—and it starts with the next generation. The key isn’t to make kids perfect. The key is to help them avoid the big mistakes—the ones that derail lives. Teach them that life isn’t about following the crowd. Because the crowd? The crowd is headed straight for debt, divorce, and diabolical outcomes.

So what do you do? You teach kids to think long-term. You teach them that every choice is a brick in the house they’re building. Pick the wrong bricks, and the house collapses. Pick the right ones, and you’ve got a fortress.

I tell my grandkids, “Don’t chase what everyone else is chasing. Most people are running toward misery and calling it fun.” I remind them that life is a marathon, and the people who finish strong aren’t the ones who sprint early—they’re the ones who pace themselves, make smart decisions, and stay disciplined when everyone else is falling apart.

And here’s the beautiful part: when you do this, you don’t just change one life. You change a family. You change a legacy. Because good choices ripple forward just like bad ones do. Imagine a Thanksgiving table where everyone is healthy, happy, and financially secure—not because they got lucky, but because they made choices that built that reality. That’s possible. I’ve seen glimpses of it in my own family, and it’s worth every ounce of effort.

Thanksgiving is more than turkey and football—it’s a mirror. Every year, when the family gathers, you can see the story of choices written on people’s faces. Some look vibrant, full of life, laughing easily. Others look worn down, carrying the weight of years of bad decisions. And it’s not just physical—it’s in the conversations. You hear who’s struggling with debt, who’s on their third marriage, who’s battling health problems.

But here’s the thing: Thanksgiving also gives us hope. It’s a chance to reset, to remind ourselves what matters. For a few hours, the bills and the stress fade away, and we just enjoy being together. And if we use that time wisely—not just to eat, but to inspire—we can plant seeds that change the next generation.

Family is a gift, but it’s also a responsibility. It’s not just about biology—it’s about choices. Every choice we make ripples through generations, shaping the lives of people who haven’t even been born yet. That’s heavy, but it’s also empowering. Because if bad choices can create misery, good choices can create joy.

So this Thanksgiving, as you sit around the table, look at the faces you care about and ask yourself: What legacy are we building? Are we passing down wisdom, or just repeating the same mistakes? Because the truth is, the cycle doesn’t have to continue. We can break it. We can teach our kids to run the marathon wisely, to pace themselves, to make decisions that lead to health, happiness, and freedom.

And if we do that—if we choose better and inspire better—then maybe, just maybe, the next Thanksgiving will feel different. The laughter will be louder, the smiles will be brighter, and the weight of bad choices will be replaced by the joy of good ones. That’s something worth being thankful for.

Rich Hoffman

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707