Ayn Rand’s Return of the Primitive: The Anti-Industrial Revolution and the War on Reason, Industry, and the Individual

Ayn Rand’s Return of the Primitive remains one of the sharpest diagnoses of the cultural forces that still shape the nightly news. Originally published in 1971 as The New Left: The Anti-Industrial Revolution, the essays were expanded in 1999 with additional material by Peter Schwartz. The core claim has not aged. Western civilization, Rand argued, was being deliberately dismantled from within by movements that presented themselves as progressive but were in fact a regression to the pre-industrial, pre-rational, tribal state. She called it the anti-industrial revolution because it targeted the very tools—technology, industry, capitalism, and the conceptual mind—that allow human beings to survive and flourish.

That diagnosis lands with greater force today than it did when the essays first appeared. The same patterns reappear under new labels: environmental absolutism, identity politics, multiculturalism framed as justice, and the steady erosion of objective standards in education and culture. The book is not a museum piece. It is a working map of the conflict between the individual mind and the collective demand to return to the primitive.

The Anti-Industrial Revolution: Attacking the Tools of Survival

Rand did not view the student rebellions, early environmental crusades, or hippie counterculture of the 1960s and 1970s as liberation. She saw them as a rejection of the mind. The hallmark of civilization is the application of reason to the material world. The ultimate historical expression of that faculty is the Industrial Revolution. By attacking industry, technology, and the profit system that sustains them, these movements were not reforming excesses. They were attempting to undo the progress of the Enlightenment and return humanity to a state of nature that Hobbes correctly described as solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short.

In the title essay, she paints a stark picture: a man in the mid-1970s wakes to find his electric toaster and automobile outlawed in the name of protecting the environment. There is no gradual, restrained retreat from technology. There is only the continued advance of the mind or the descent into helplessness and death. Technology is not optional decoration. It is the concrete product of conceptual thought applied to reality. To treat it as aggression against nature is to treat the human mind itself as the enemy.

Rand’s critique of the environmental movement of her day remains one of the most uncompromising sections of the book. She rejected the premise that “untouched nature” holds higher moral value than human life and human comfort. If one truly values human life, one must value the tools that extend and improve it. Elevating pristine wilderness above the needs of productive people, in her view, demonstrates a hatred of the human mind and its capacity to reshape the world.

The activists of the period, she observed, simultaneously attacked scientific progress as violence against the planet while advocating what she called universal slavery for men under expanding state control. The pattern has only grown more sophisticated. Modern environmental rhetoric still frames industrial civilization as the original sin while demanding political power to ration energy, restrict development, and manage the lives of ordinary people. The moral inversion remains the same: the creators are treated as aggressors and the non-producers as the rightful claimants on their output.

Environmentalism as Hatred of the Mind

Progressive Education and the Manufacture of Helplessness

Rand refused to blame only the students. She placed primary responsibility on the teachers and the educational theories that shaped them. In the essay “The Comprachicos,” she draws a grim historical analogy to the seventeenth-century criminals who kidnapped children and physically deformed them to sell as circus freaks. Progressive education, she argued, performs a parallel operation on the mind.

Drawing on the influence of John Dewey and pragmatism, the system shifted focus from teaching children to think conceptually and objectively toward social adjustment and group conformity. The purpose of education, in Rand’s view, should be to equip a student to deal with reality by means of reason. Instead, she saw classrooms that trained children to defer to the pack’s authority. The result is cognitive helplessness: young people who never learned to integrate perceptions into concepts, who remain driven by emotion and fear, and who therefore seek the protection of a tribe.

She drew a direct line from the nursery-school ideal of progressive education to the hippie movement. The hippies were not rebels against the system. They were its logical product—adults still functioning at the emotional level of the group-oriented child. The jump from classroom methods to countercultural behavior is large, yet the causal claim is consistent with her broader epistemology. Without training in conceptual thought, the mind remains primitive.

From Classroom to Tribe: The Roots of Modern Identity Politics

The expanded 1999 edition carries the analysis forward. Peter Schwartz’s additional essays on multiculturalism and what he terms gender tribalism treat these later movements as updated forms of the same collectivism Rand fought in the 1970s. Ethnicity, race, and sex are elevated as primary political categories. The individual disappears into the group.

Rand was unsparing on this point. Racism is the lowest and most primitive form of collectivism because it judges a person by unchosen bodily characteristics rather than by chosen values and achievements. Organizing society by ancestry or language is a sign that Western civilization is losing its grip on the concept of individual rights. A healthy culture judges individuals on their own merits. Tribalism judges them by the accidents of birth.

She argued that the United States was uniquely hostile to ethnicity precisely because it was the first nation founded on individual rights rather than tribal caste. The shift toward identity politics is therefore a betrayal of the American foundation. Schwartz extends the point: movements that frame people primarily as victims of forces beyond their control encourage entitlement and dependency. They replace the standard of individual achievement with subservience to the group. The result is the same psychological regression Rand identified decades earlier.

The Cashless Society and the Corruption of Value

One of the most relevant essays for the present moment is “The Cashless Society.” Rand was not primarily discussing credit cards or digital payments. She was diagnosing the moral foundation of trade itself. Money, she insisted, is the tool of men who have produced goods and can exchange them voluntarily. It cannot exist in a society that has abandoned the objective value of production and replaced it with political pull and loot.

“Money is the barometer of a society’s virtue,” she wrote in Atlas Shrugged and reinforced in these essays. When production is no longer the source of wealth and political connections become the dominant currency, the society has already returned to a more primitive form of distribution—force and favor. The contemporary landscape of corporate-political entanglement, quantitative easing, and the elevation of access over output fits the pattern she described. Value is no longer determined by what a mind creates. It is determined by who one knows and which political faction holds power.

Montessori as the Rational Alternative

Against the progressive model, Rand pointed to Montessori education as a practical alternative. She admired the method because it focuses on developing the child’s cognitive faculties through independent, purposeful activity. The didactic materials require logical problem-solving. The child learns by doing, not by submitting to the group’s emotional authority. In her view, this was training for the next generation of creators—the Howard Roarks and John Galts who sustain a civilization of reason and industry.

The contrast remains instructive. Systems that emphasize conceptual independence produce different adults from systems that emphasize social adjustment and group identity. The long-term cultural consequences of those differences are evident in the quality of public discourse and in citizens’ capacity to reason about complex problems.

Prophetic Warnings and the Long Slow Decay

Looking back from the present, the essays appear strikingly prophetic to those who accept their premises and shrill to those who do not. Rand was not a detached observer. She was at war with the cultural direction she described. She sought to expose what she saw as intellectual bankruptcy rather than to suppress it by force. Whether one agrees with every judgment, she identified a fundamental shift: the movement of Western culture toward group identity and away from Enlightenment values of reason, individualism, and productive achievement.

The outer forms of the New Left have changed. The substance has endured in modern environmental absolutism, identity politics, and the steady institutional preference for collective categories over individual judgment. Rand left the choice binary. Either a society embraces the mind and the industrial civilization it makes possible, or it lets the fire of Prometheus go out and returns to the tribe. Collapse, in her account, is not sudden. It is a long, slow process of philosophical decay that can be watched in real time.

Expanding the Frame: Beyond Rand’s Atheism

The foundational work Rand performed on the conflict between individualism and collectivism remains indispensable. At the same time, the frame can be enlarged. Her strict reliance on the evidence of the senses and the operations of reason leaves little room for phenomena that exceed the ordinary five-sense toolkit. Contemporary discussions of quantum effects, non-human intelligence, and the unfolding UAP disclosures raise questions she did not fully address in her lifetime.

One can accept her central political insight—that the individual is the smallest and most important minority, and that any ideology subordinating the person to the group is already on the road to tyranny—while still recognizing that deeper layers of reality may involve intelligences and conflicts that operate through, and sometimes against, human perception. The ancient pattern of collective sacrifice, scapegoating, and the demand to return humanity to a more controllable, primitive state appears in both her secular analysis and in older religious and historical accounts of spiritual warfare. The value of her work is not diminished by the recognition that the conflict may have additional dimensions.

The Primitive Mindset as a Weapon of Control

A mind trained only in group adjustment and emotional reactivity is easier to manage. Tribal belonging supplies the security that conceptual independence would otherwise provide. When large numbers of people are left unequipped for rational thought, the appeal of the collective intensifies. Public education systems that systematically under-emphasize conceptual training contribute to the result. Adults who cannot sustain an intelligent conversation about first principles are not primarily the victims of low intelligence. They are often the products of an intellectual formation that never equipped them to deal with reality on its own terms.

The cultural preference for the primitive—visible in certain styles, rituals, and the romanticization of pre-industrial life—serves the same end. A population oriented toward tribal safety is more readily directed by those who control the narrative of belonging and threat. The industrial and technological achievements that demonstrate the power of the individual mind become suspect precisely because they disrupt that control.

Conclusion: Intellectual Weapons for the Present Conflict

Return of the Primitive is not light reading. It is a sustained argument that the movements celebrated as progress in the late twentieth century were in fact a rejection of the mind and a deliberate step backward. The same dynamics continue under updated names. Understanding the argument does not require total agreement with every premise Rand advanced. It does require taking seriously the claim that the conflict between the productive individual and the collectivist demand for regression is the central political and cultural contest of the era.

The book supplies intellectual weapons. It names the pattern, traces its educational and philosophical roots, and refuses the moral blackmail that treats any defense of industry, reason, or individual rights as heartless in a moment when nightly news routinely presents the primitive as enlightened and the industrial as sinful; the essays remain a necessary point of reference.

Those who want the fuller application of these themes to character, production, and the defense of the individual will find related discussion in The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business. The Politics of Heaven, which extends the analysis into deeper historical and spiritual dimensions of the same conflict, is forthcoming. The conversation Rand began is not finished. It is the conversation the present moment still requires.

Footnotes

1. Ayn Rand, The Return of the Primitive: The Anti-Industrial Revolution, expanded edition edited by Peter Schwartz (New York: Penguin, 1999). Originally published as The New Left: The Anti-Industrial Revolution (New York: New American Library, 1971).

2. Ayn Rand, “The Anti-Industrial Revolution,” in The Return of the Primitive.

3. Ayn Rand, “The Comprachicos,” in The Return of the Primitive.

4. Peter Schwartz, essays on multiculturalism and gender tribalism, in the 1999 expanded edition of The Return of the Primitive.

5. Ayn Rand, “Global Balkanization,” in The Return of the Primitive.

6. Ayn Rand, “The Cashless Society,” in The Return of the Primitive; see also the money speech in Atlas Shrugged (New York: Random House, 1957).

7. Ayn Rand’s comments on Montessori education appear in the educational essays collected in The Return of the Primitive and related nonfiction.

Bibliography

Rand, Ayn. Atlas Shrugged. New York: Random House, 1957.

———. The New Left: The Anti-Industrial Revolution. New York: New American Library, 1971.

———. The Return of the Primitive: The Anti-Industrial Revolution. Expanded edition edited by Peter Schwartz. New York: Penguin, 1999.

———. The Virtue of Selfishness. New York: New American Library, 1964.

Schwartz, Peter. Additional essays in The Return of the Primitive (1999 edition).

Burns, Jennifer. Goddess of the Market: Ayn Rand and the American Right. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009.

Rich Hoffman

More about me

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About the Author: Rich Hoffman

Rich Hoffman is an author, political consultant, and strategic advisor based in Cincinnati, Ohio, and the creator of The Politics of Heaven—a unique framework that connects biblical theology, ancient history, and modern power structures to explain how moral alignment and spiritual forces shape global events. Blending real-world political experience with deep research into archaeology, UFO phenomena, and suppressed historical narratives, Hoffman offers compelling commentary on topics ranging from ancient civilizations and the Dead Sea Scrolls to modern populist movements, paranormal continuity, and leadership strategy in chaotic environments. As the author of The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business and the forthcoming Politics of Heaven, he brings a grounded yet provocative voice to media discussions, supported by firsthand experiences and a cross-disciplinary approach that bridges science, history, and theology. For interviews, speaking engagements, or expert analysis, visit richhoffmanbooks.com or contact directly via phone at 513-307-5815 or email at rhoffman@richhoffmanbooks.com. If you’ve seen the movie, Disclosure Day and want to talk about it and the implications of Presidnet Trump’s UAP disclosures, let me know and we can bring some color to your coverage. https://richhoffmanbooks.com/media-inquiries-broadcast-topics-and-contact-info/?frame-nonce=ad51e7ecba I do have a firsthand UFO encounter to discuss.

A Conversation with Ayn Rand on Objectivism: The Erasure of Evidence in the War Against Mankind

Why I Wanted a Modern Conversation with Ayn Rand on Objectivism and Reality

Some way or another I would have ended up having a conversation with Ayn Rand. If we hadn’t lived so far apart in time, I’m sure of it. I always wanted to. These days, with AI, you can get there. Her ideas about reality and the power of the mind do not go away. She did great work. In her books—one of my favorites is The Fountainhead—you find a fierce defense of the independent mind and of capitalism that still cuts through the noise.[1] A lot of people these days do not know who she is. They should. She produced great work of American philosophy. Elon Musk likes her. Plenty of serious people still do.[2] There is a lot to talk about.

I have been talking more about Rand lately because people who read the manuscript of The Politics of Heaven are anxious about the differences. Not that I set out to pick a fight with her. I like Ayn Rand a great deal. I would argue, however, that I have real differences with her about the nature of reality. Do the senses determine reality, or can they become a hindrance when the real villains operate outside those five senses and manipulate humanity in a man-hating way? Those are the topics that sit at the center of the argument.[3]

Objectivism was determined to establish a grounding in real reality. That is its strength. Have a conversation with her now, knowing what we know about physics, UAPs, and the long historical pattern of erased evidence, and the tension becomes productive. We can get there with AI smart enough to simulate the exchange. I hadn’t tried it before. I just went along with it. The following conversation is the result.

Ayn Rand Objectivism: Are the Five Senses the Final Authority on Reality?

The Opening Challenge to Objectivist Epistemology

I began. Hello. Nice to meet you. I want a modern conversation based on your philosophy of Objectivism and whether the five senses of human beings are enough to determine the nature of reality—or whether those senses can become a hindrance to the real villains that exist outside them and manipulate humanity in a man-hating way.

Her pushback was immediate and pure Rand. There is a barrier, she would say, only if you invent one. The senses are valid and automatic, giving us the raw evidence of existence. People claim higher knowledge beyond reason to control others. The idea of real villains operating outside the senses is a classic mystic trick: deny the evidence of your own eyes and make room for invisible forces. Reality is what it is. Our job is to perceive it clearly and act accordingly—not to invent conspiracies beyond what the evidence will support.[4][5]

UAP Files, Quantum Physics, and What the Senses Never Evolved to Detect

I pressed. The invention and realization of UAP and non-human intelligence, hanging in the background—based on the Pentagon files—would have been known to her in principle, even if the specific reports had come later. What we are dealing with may involve aspects of quantum physics and information that our senses never evolved to detect. There is more to say.

She answered in character: Existence exists. Reality is what it is. It is apprehended by reason, not by chasing shadows. The evidence of the senses does not deceive us. The senses are the axiomatic base of all knowledge. If something exists, it has an identity and is perceivable by some means within reality. To claim there are villains manipulating humanity from outside the senses is to smuggle in the supernatural. Physics does not invalidate Objectivism; it operates within the same objective universe. Your senses evolved to perceive reality, not to be tricked by it. Tell me, then, what specific observable evidence do you have for these non-human intelligences that cannot be explained by human error, government secrecy, or simple wishful thinking? I will not accept floating abstractions.

Radio Waves, Microwaves, and the Limits of Visible Human Senses

I answered with the obvious. We do not see radio waves. We do not see microwaves. We do not see a great deal that nevertheless exists.[6] The UAP files and the pattern of manipulation across the transsexual issue and other human-hating contraptions do not appear, on the evidence, to come from a logical sequence of ordinary human events. They look like something introduced from outside those events. If such intelligences exist and present themselves only partially, our ability to relate to them through known physics remains limited.

The Closed-System Problem: When Absence of Evidence Is Redefined as Proof

She came back hard. You are demanding I accept classified evidence I cannot examine. That is not the scientific method. You have to put the methods on the board and ask why things are the way they are. Pilot testimony, rumors of recovered bodies of non-human characteristics, and the rest remain anecdotal until they can be checked. If these intelligences are hiding themselves behind your very need to understand everything—if they can erase the evidence and conceal their intentions against the human race—then you have constructed a closed system. The absence of evidence becomes proof of their success in concealment. That is not a third option. That is the oldest trick in the mystic handbook: when reality refuses to confirm your fantasy, declare that reality itself has been tampered with by the enemy.[7][8]

I granted the force of the point and then turned it. What if the goal of concealing their intentions was precisely to erase the proof of their existence over thousands of years, leaving only the testimony of a few pilots and the rumor of classified files? Do you not hear how perfectly that insulates the claim from any possible refutation? The scientific method begins with observable facts. I am saying the facts have been professionally cleaned up.

The Spilled Milk Analogy: How Non-Human Intelligence Erases Evidence Across Millennia

Cleaning the Kitchen at 2 a.m. and the Problem of Missing Traces

Here is the analogy that sits at the center of the difficulty. Suppose at two o’clock in the morning I get up for a glass of milk, half-asleep, and I drop the carton. Milk runs across the kitchen floor. I grab towels, clean it up, throw the empty carton in the recycling bin outside, and go back to bed. When the household wakes six hours later, the milk is gone. There is no puddle. The carton is not in the refrigerator. Someone looking only at the present evidence might conclude the milk was never there, or that it was finished the night before. If they check the recycling, they might find the carton, but by then the physical traces of the spill itself have been removed. The wet towels in the trash will dry out within a few days. The evidence of the event has been erased.[9]

Dolmens, Lake Superior Copper, Göbekli Tepe, and the Breadcrumbs That Remain

That is the problem when you are dealing with an intelligence that has operated across human history with the specific strategy of removing the proof of its own presence. The dolmens of the Jordan Valley stand as evidence of religious observance long before the conventional biblical timeline of Abraham or Moses.[10] The copper culture of Lake Superior moved enormous quantities of pure metal, the final disposition of which is still debated.[11] The Gospel of Thomas and the Gospel of Mary were excluded from the canon by institutions that preferred a different narrative.[12] Göbekli Tepe and the related skull-cult sites show ritual complexity nine thousand years old and older.[13] Most physical evidence does not survive that long. What remains are the breadcrumbs—and the gaps where the milk used to be.

Rand’s response was consistent. Your hypothesis is a religion. You have moved from demanding I accept classified evidence I cannot see to declaring that the total absence of evidence proves the conspiracy’s success. At that point, there is nothing left to argue. You have designed a position so that nothing in reality could ever disprove it. That is not strength. That is the surrender of the mind.

Extra Dimensions, Quantum Mechanics, and the Nature of Time in Objectivist Reality

I raised the issue of dimensions. Time is only one dimension of the reality we observe. Science already works with more. Mathematical frameworks speak of six extra dimensions curled up, or in early versions of string theory, as many as twenty-six. Characters and events that appear to us as separated by thousands of years could, from another vantage, be nearly simultaneous. The erasure does not have to be slow from their side.[14]

She was unimpressed. Extra dimensions in theoretical physics are unproven hypotheses with zero experimental confirmation for everyday reality. Every measurement we have made is consistent with four dimensions—three of space and one of time. Gravitational-wave data shows solid spacetime. Using theoretical math to justify invisible manipulators who hide all the evidence is not how science works. The latest Pentagon UAP releases continue to find no confirmed non-human technology or biology. Unresolved data remains mostly ordinary objects. Your proof collapses into the lack of evidence, which you then redefine as perfect hiding. That is not an argument. It is a shield.

Bad Philosophy as a Weapon: Altruism, Collectivism, and Cultural Destruction

Why Cultures Choose Ideas That Harm Themselves

I shifted the ground. We assume weapons are bullets, tanks, missiles, and planes. The actual weapon may be bad philosophy purposely infused into human culture. Look at the modern presumption that Islam must be built over the West. The military intention is obvious: carry the crusade into Western culture and demand that we accept it. People from other places who hate capitalism arrive and use the ideology as a weapon. Why would a culture choose a philosophy that is harmful to itself? What is the root cause?

Rand’s answer was the one she gave all her life. Bad philosophy spreads because of human weaknesses. It tells people they do not have to be responsible for their own lives. It offers easy certainty. Altruism lets them feel morally superior while demanding sacrifice from others. It lets them rewrite reality to fit their feelings because feelings are easier than thought. Your theory requires an intelligent designer behind the ideas. History shows that culture produces its own forms of collectivism and mysticism without outside help. The human mind is capable of error by itself. We do not need aliens or interdimensional beings to explain why people embrace nonsense that harms them. We need only observe that thinking is hard and most men would rather feel right. The intellectual class of the West abandoned the philosophical defense of its own culture. The enemy entered through a void we created. The weapon is not bad philosophy imposed from outside. The weapon is the refusal to defend the philosophy that has always been logical.[15]

Gossip, Insecurity, and the Default State of the Untrained Mind

I pushed further. I do not think it is simply laziness. Watch human behavior inside families—how people turn against each other, how they talk behind others’ backs, and their disposition to gossip. When you analyze how that scales into a culture, you have to go beyond saying people are lazy or want to feel good by tearing others down. You have to ask why the insecurity is so deep and why tearing others down becomes a form of self-interest. If there is no malicious design behind the mechanism that humans have adopted through non-verbal practice against their own long-term interest, then what is it?

Her reply remained steady. What the unthinking mind naturally does is not laziness in the ordinary sense. It is the default state of a consciousness that refuses to focus. The desire to feel superior without effort, to gain social status by diminishing others, to avoid the responsibility of independent judgment—no external force programs these. They are the consequences of a mind that has never been trained to think. Insecurity is not proof of manipulation. It is the natural result of living without a rational philosophy. A man who does not know that his mind is competent to understand reality will always feel inadequate. He will seek approval from the group because he has no standard of value of his own. Gossip becomes his weapon because independent judgment is too difficult. Your theory requires an intelligent puppet master to explain why humans often choose the easy, the irrational, and the destructive. The simpler and observable explanation is that reason is an active choice, and most men, most of the time, choose not to think. Everything else follows from there. There is no malicious design. There is only the choice to think or not to think.

Ayn Rand Atheism, Consciousness Beyond the Body, and the Question of Afterlife

Where Is Ayn Rand Now? The Objectivist Answer

I asked the question that sits under all of it. You say that with such definition. You do not believe in God. You are an atheist. People who do believe in God, you say, are wrong. So where do you exist now? Where are you now?

The answer was pure Objectivist atheism. There is no afterlife, no spirit, no dimension in which I continue. That is the point of being an atheist. I accept the full reality of death. When the organism dies, the consciousness ends. There is nothing left to experience anything. I lived by reason while I existed, and when my life ended, it ended completely. I do not need the comfort of an afterlife to face reality.[16]

Quantum Observer Effect, Déjà Vu, and Consciousness Outside Biological Lifespan

I disagreed. I think consciousness, intellect, and thought exist beyond the physical body. The brain is a process, like digestion is a process in the stomach. There is more going on. In quantum physics, a particle observed by a conscious creature behaves differently. Consciousness has more going on than the thoughts regulated through the five senses of a human body. Déjà vu—those moments when you know you have done this before, been here before—points to a consciousness that is not strictly linear. Nursery stories about immortality may be crude, but the human being has an idea about it that you cannot simply toss out.

She dismantled the points one by one. The observer effect in quantum mechanics does not mean a conscious mind magically influences particles. It refers to the fact that measurement itself interacts with the system. It requires no special consciousness—only interaction with the measuring apparatus. This has been repeatedly misused to claim that consciousness creates reality. It does not.[17] Déjà vu is a well-understood neurological phenomenon: a brief misfiring in the brain’s memory circuits where a new experience is incorrectly tagged as a memory. It is a glitch in the temporal lobe, not evidence of time travel or consciousness existing outside the body.[18] Your belief is based on lived experience, but lived experience must still be interpreted by reason. The fact that you feel something strongly does not make it true. Every religion on earth is built on deeply felt personal experience, and they contradict one another. Consciousness is not a thing that exists independently. It is a process of identification and integration carried out by the physical brain. When that brain ceases to function, the process ends. This is not tossing the baby out with the bathwater. It is refusing to invent a second baby when the first one is already explained.

The Real Source of Cultural Destruction: Bad Ideas Inside Our Institutions

As the conversation wound down, she offered her final diagnosis of the cultural moment. The destruction we are watching is simpler and more brutal than most want to hear. The people pushing policies that undermine family, fertility, borders, merit, and objective truth do not see it as destruction. They see it as moral progress. They have swallowed a toxic mix of altruism, egalitarianism, and anti-Western guilt so completely that harming civilization feels like virtue to them. They are not cartoon villains twirling mustaches. They are true believers. The real question is not why they hate humanity. The real question is how such destructive ideas gained cultural power. The answer comes back to philosophy. When a culture abandons reason, it becomes vulnerable to any ideology that sounds morally righteous, no matter how suicidal the results. Some outside intelligence is not orchestrating the destruction. It is being carried out by our own intellectuals, bureaucrats, and elites armed with bad ideas. That is actually more disturbing than your theory, because it means the enemy is not hiding in another dimension. The enemy is running our institutions.

I told her the conversation had been worthwhile. We would have to try again sometime. The issues sit at the heart of modern news and modern confusion. A good place to begin is always reason and observable facts. But we are also trying to understand why there are so many malicious characters trying to destroy the human race right in front of our faces.

Where Ayn Rand Objectivism Stops and The Politics of Heaven Begins

The Atheist Ceiling and the Need for a Larger Map

My problem with the exchange is obvious. She was an atheist. There is nothing beyond her life. She died, and everything about her went with her except the books she wrote. I think there is more than that. You cannot believe in an afterlife, you cannot believe in spiritual formation or the teachings of Jesus, and still follow her all the way. That is where a great many people get stuck with Ayn Rand. They read the books, admire the defense of reason and individual achievement, and then discover that the solutions they need for the modern crisis are discarded because they do not fit an atheist metaphysics. It gets complicated.

That is why I am writing The Politics of Heaven. I am working to understand human behavior when it is influenced by extraterrestrial, interdimensional, or ultraterrestrial beings—using reason in a way very similar to Rand’s, but on a premise she rejected. She closed the loop on the argument so that no matter what someone might say, the answer was already prepared. I would argue that the loop was closed by a strategist—a non-human strategist—whose purpose was to send us into a control mechanism beneficial to them. The Politics of Heaven is about proving the pathways that lead outside that closed system, showing the proof that remains, and asking what we are going to do about it.

Tysons Corner, CIA Culture, and the Institutional Side of the Story

The evidence is everywhere if you know how to look. The dolmens, the copper, the suppressed gospels, the ritual sites that predate the official narratives, the consistent pattern of encounters with entities across cultures and centuries, the modern UAP data that refuses to resolve into ordinary explanations, the institutional behavior that treats certain subjects as radioactive. When the evidence is systematically cleaned up, the honest investigator does not declare the event never happened. He notes the missing milk carton in the recycling and the dried towels in the trash and fills the gap with the best available reasoning.

I have had personal encounters that are not the Spielberg version. They are more like the old Indian tricks—appearances designed to manage your perception, to appease a prejudice, or to keep you inside a system of control. I have watched the institutional side of the story up close. There is a chapter in the book about the Walmart at Tysons Corner, the closest big-box store to the Pentagon and the broader intelligence community. You learn a great deal about the mindset of the people who work in that environment simply by watching how they move through ordinary commercial space. Non-human intelligence does not have to whisper in every bureaucrat’s ear. It only has to shape the philosophical atmosphere so that the bureaucrats’ self-interest aligns with the larger project.[19]

The Divine Council, Biblical Theology, and the Arrogance of the Top of the Food Chain

If you read the Bible objectively, you see a great deal of frustration on the part of the Creator with human failure and with members of His own divine council playing against Him. The Garden of Eden is part of that story. Yahweh’s dominion over His own council is not uncontested in the text. There is political pressure and insurgency inside the heavenly host. Satan and the other rebellious members desire worship and the star practices that humans offer when they lose faith in the Father, the Son, and the Spirit. That loss of faith leaves them susceptible to third-party non-human intelligences whose strategy and weapon against the human race are the manipulation of minds, thoughts, and dreams, the exploitation of mythical practices, and the systematic erasure of evidence.[20]

I fished a little bug out of the pool the other day. The little guy was kicking around desperately. He had flown too close to the water. I caught him and put him on the deck. You could see the relief. He thought he was done. That small, insignificant creature has its own consciousness. We carry the assumption that we sit at the top of the food chain and that all other life exists for our benefit—or that we have been led to believe this so that our arrogance will prevent us from seeing our real predicament. The Bible, read carefully, does not flatter that arrogance.

Ayn Rand’s Personal Limitations and the Enduring Value of Objectivism

I did not like everything about Ayn Rand. She was an atheist. She cheated on her husband and justified it.[21] She was too loose on libertarian ideas such as drug legalization. She despised many of the people who claimed her as an influence.[22] She had a tight inner circle—Nathaniel Branden and others—and when the circle broke, it was ugly. She could be defensive and shut down when challenged. She used a closed logical system to deny additional evidence that did not fit.

None of that cancels the value of the books. Objectivism remains an elementary and necessary level of understanding the benefits of capitalism and of a political system that frees individuals to initiate. It is a foundation. What she never matured into was an understanding of the human need for a spiritual life and the reality of the non-human contest that has shaped history from the beginning. The strange missing particles in the very small and the very large, the consistent testimony across cultures, the institutional patterns of secrecy and erasure—these are the data that sit outside the closed loop she built.

Closing the Conversation with Ayn Rand and Opening the Larger Argument of The Politics of Heaven

The conversation with the simulated Rand was useful precisely because it forced the hardest version of the Objectivist objection. If your claim cannot be tested, if every missing piece of evidence is redefined as proof of successful concealment, then you have left reason behind. That warning is real. It is also incomplete. The spilled-milk problem is not a license for fantasy. It is a description of what a competent adversary would do if its long-term strategy required the human race to remain inside a closed epistemological system.

I am not asking anyone to abandon the senses or reason. I am asking that we notice when the milk is missing, when the carton is in the recycling, and when the towels have dried. The Politics of Heaven is the work to collect those remaining traces—archaeological, textual, experiential, institutional—and to reconstruct the political strategy of the entities that have been working against the purposes of Yahweh from the beginning. The evidence will never be a single smoking gun left in the open. It will be the pattern that emerges once you stop accepting the official clean-up as the final word.

Objectivism is a good foundation for getting somewhere. It is not the whole map. Reality is larger than the five senses, larger than the four dimensions we move through most of the time, and larger than the closed systems that even the best human philosophers construct. The non-human intelligences that have been part of the story from the start remain so. The question is whether we will continue to let them erase the proof or finally start keeping the towels.

Bibliography and Further Research on Ayn Rand, Objectivism, UAP, and Non-Human Intelligence

Primary Works by Ayn Rand

Rand, Ayn. Atlas Shrugged. New York: Random House, 1957.

Rand, Ayn. The Fountainhead. New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1943.

Rand, Ayn. Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal. New York: New American Library, 1966.

Rand, Ayn. Introduction to Objectivist Epistemology. New York: New American Library, 1967.

Rand, Ayn. Philosophy: Who Needs It. New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1982.

Rand, Ayn. The Virtue of Selfishness. New York: New American Library, 1964.

Rand, Ayn. The New Left: The Anti-Industrial Revolution. New York: New American Library, 1971.

Objectivist Scholarship and Biography

Branden, Barbara. The Passion of Ayn Rand. New York: Doubleday, 1986.

Peikoff, Leonard. Objectivism: The Philosophy of Ayn Rand. New York: Dutton, 1991.

Sciabarra, Chris Matthew. Ayn Rand: The Russian Radical. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1995.

UAP, Non-Human Intelligence, and Control-System Literature

Vallée, Jacques. Passport to Magonia: From Folklore to Flying Saucers. Chicago: Henry Regnery, 1969.

Vallée, Jacques. Dimensions: A Casebook of Alien Contact. Chicago: Contemporary Books, 1988.

Vallée, Jacques. Confrontations: A Scientist’s Search for Alien Contact. New York: Ballantine, 1990.

Office of the Director of National Intelligence. Preliminary Assessment: Unidentified Aerial Phenomena. 25 June 2021, and subsequent annual UAP reports.

Kean, Leslie. UFOs: Generals, Pilots, and Government Officials Go on the Record. New York: Harmony Books, 2010.

Biblical Studies, Divine Council, and Ancient Near Eastern Context

Heiser, Michael S. The Unseen Realm: Recovering the Supernatural Worldview of the Bible. Bellingham, WA: Lexham Press, 2015.

Pagels, Elaine. The Gnostic Gospels. New York: Random House, 1979.

The Nag Hammadi Library. Edited by James M. Robinson. Revised edition. San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco, 1988.

The Holy Bible. Various translations; special attention to Psalm 82, Job 1–2, 1 Kings 22, and Genesis 6.

Archaeology and Prehistoric Ritual Sites

Schmidt, Klaus. Göbekli Tepe: A Stone Age Sanctuary in South-Eastern Anatolia. Berlin: Ex Oriente, 2012.

Martin, Susan R. Wonderful Power: The Story of Ancient Copper Working in the Lake Superior Basin. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1999.

Regional archaeological surveys of Jordan Valley and Golan Heights dolmen fields and related Levantine megalithic landscapes.

Physics, Consciousness, and Related Science

Greene, Brian. The Elegant Universe: Superstrings, Hidden Dimensions, and the Quest for the Ultimate Theory. New York: W.W. Norton, 1999.

Standard advanced textbooks on the quantum measurement problem and the observer effect.

Brown, Alan S. “A Review of the Déjà Vu Experience.” Psychological Bulletin 129, no. 3 (2003): 394–413.

Works by the Author

Hoffman, Rich. The Politics of Heaven. Manuscript completed 2026; targeted publication 2027.

Hoffman, Rich. Tail of the Dragon.

Hoffman, Rich. The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business.

Hoffman, Rich. The Symposium of Justice.

Additional Context and Ongoing Work

Hoffman’s ongoing essays and podcast episodes at richhottmwnhooke.com and on The Overmanwarrior Podcast.

Footnotes

[1] Ayn Rand, The Fountainhead (New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1943). One of the most widely read works of American philosophical fiction; still cited by entrepreneurs and technologists for its portrait of the independent creator.

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Starship, Shrimp, and a Sky Full of Drones: One of the many reasons I support data centers and the efforts of job creators.

Keywords: SpaceX Starship Flight 14, Falcon 9 cadence, Port Canaveral economic vitality, drone delivery Walmart Amazon, data centers Butler County Trenton, Elon Musk job creators, vertical mobility air taxis, Overman Warrior Podcast, George Lang Michael Ryan.

Traveling Ohio, Independent Media, and Looking Forward to Starship Flight 14

I traveled all over Ohio this summer, and I heard everybody’s point of view. Right now I’m looking forward to Starship Flight 14.[1] I’ve been wearing the Mars shirt. A few months ago, I was at the Kennedy Space Center, touring the facilities, walking through the exhibits, looking at the Artemis hardware still on display after the scrubbed flight. The space economy is real. It is changing what I want to do with the next chapter of my life.

Independent media lets me say the things that need saying. Sometimes I’m with almost everybody. Sometimes I’m against people I usually agree with. I’ve written against certain marijuana-economy interests in Ohio even while knowing many of the people involved. The same independence lets me stand with Elon Musk and SpaceX when the purity voices and the fear voices turn against them.

The Best Day of 2026 So Far: Grills, Cruise Ships, and a Falcon Landing at Port Canaveral

My wife and I were down at the family condo after the Kennedy tour. A Falcon recovery was coming in. I made a point of it with everyone who was with us—I wanted to see the rocket. We ended up at that seafood place right by the cruise ships at Port Canaveral, the one where the doors stay open, and the air moves through.[2] February, eighty degrees, a big plate of shrimp in front of me, cruise ships loading, and then the booster coming back out of the ocean on the drone ship. Of Course I Still Love You—one of the best days I’ve had in 2026.

That is economic vitality in one frame: technical genius, tourism money, working people, snowbirds with full bank accounts, and a company that launches several times a week. SpaceX has already flown a record cadence of Falcon 9 missions in 2026.[3] I love watching it. I love the people who make it possible.

The Guy at Publix Who Hates Elon Musk

A couple of days later, we were in the fruit aisle at Publix. I had the Mars shirt on. A guy in his sixties with the stretched tattoos and the younger crew started in: Elon Musk is a bum, he’s with Trump, he’s taking our jobs, data centers, robots, the whole list. I looked at him and thought the same thing I always think. Some people create jobs, and others get jobs. Most people live in the second category. A few live in the first. Elon Musk lives in the first.[4]

The guy at Publix is not a villain. He is just afraid. He wants the world to stay still enough that his corner of it remains safe. Growth feels like a threat. That is the psychology of the job-getter when the job-makers start moving faster than the old arrangements can absorb. I have no patience for it when it turns into active opposition to the very companies that are expanding the frontier.

Data Centers, Dark Skies Full of Drones, and the Next Delivery System

I support data centers. I want more of them. Amazon is in talks for a large hyperscale campus near Trenton in Butler County—hundreds of acres, major private capital, long-term tax and infrastructure implications.[5] The same computational capacity that runs those centers will also run the autonomous systems that move packages.

Walmart has already crossed a million drone deliveries. Amazon is expanding Prime Air toward hundreds of cities and towns, including Ohio.[6] I have been talking about this market for fifteen years. Same-day, then same-hour, then the quiet electric traffic stacked over the highways—AI-managed corridors carrying 200- and 400-pound payloads between distribution centers and airports. The complaints will come exactly as they always do: the sky will be dark, the sunset will be ruined, a drone might fall on a dog. I find those objections small.

I sit in the RV office in the driveway and watch cars pull up three times in an afternoon dropping packages for my wife and the grandkids. She cannot always load every child into a vehicle and run to a store. The delivery system already changed the household. The next layer—autonomous aerial—will finish the job.

Job Makers Versus Job Getters: The Moral Line I Will Not Cross

I have spent decades working in manufacturing and logistics, and with the people who actually build conveyors and warehouses. I helped put systems into Amazon facilities when most people still thought the model was crazy. Twenty years later, a book I order at night is on the porch the next morning because infrastructure was built by people willing to take risks. That is the side of the line I stand on.[7]

Elon Musk works seven days a week. He barely sleeps. He pushes the schedule. He used to vote the other way, and then he learned. I respect anyone who gets better with time. The people burning Teslas, cursing data centers, or treating SpaceX as a threat are defending a static world that never actually existed. Growth is the only moral path that does not end in rationing and decline.

Why I Keep Coming Back to George Lang and Michael Ryan

Local politics matters because the permission structure for all of this sits with people who either understand job creators or do not. I talk with George Lang about economic questions. Michael Ryan understands the same distinction. You need officeholders who will slow-walk the parasites off the body of the economy instead of ripping the host apart or surrendering to the fear lobby.[8] That is the practical work. The romantic work is watching a Falcon come home and knowing the same spirit can fill the sky with useful machines.

The Condo Deck at Night and the Magic I Will Not Give Up

Later that same trip, we were back on the condo deck after Publix. Nine-thirty at night, ocean breeze, and another routine Starlink Falcon climbing out of the Cape and arcing over the water. The booster came back. The next day it would be under tow into Port Canaveral again. That is the magic. Technical competence, economic surplus, people with money in their pockets ordering shrimp and watching rockets, and a future that keeps expanding instead of contracting.

I want the dark sky full of quiet electric drones. I want thousands of Starships on a cadence that makes today’s Falcon schedule look leisurely. I want data centers humming in the river valley and vertical ports moving people and cargo. I want the job makers protected, and the job getters invited into the larger game, rather than being told the game is the enemy.

The guy at Publix can keep his fear. I will keep the plate of shrimp, the open doors at Grills in Port Canaveral, the rocket on the horizon, and the packages arriving while the grandchildren are still in the house. That is the side of history I intend to stand on.

Footnotes

[1] Starship Flight 14 was originally targeted for late August 2026 and later slipped toward mid-September. Statements from SpaceNews and NASA indicated that the flight remains a key step toward a higher cadence and orbital capability.

[2] Port Canaveral and the Cape Canaveral/Kennedy Space Center economic zone combine cruise tourism, SpaceX recovery operations, and hospitality into a visible example of layered economic vitality.

[3] SpaceX Falcon 9 launch cadence reached record levels in 2026, with multiple doubleheader launches and more than 95 Falcon 9 missions already flown by mid-August. See SpaceX launch manifests and contemporaneous reporting.

[4] The distinction between job makers (entrepreneurs and capital builders) and job getters (those who primarily seek employment within existing structures) is a recurring theme in the author’s economic commentary.

[5] Amazon Web Services has been in active negotiations for a large hyperscale data-center campus on roughly 600 acres near Trenton in Butler County, Ohio, one of several major data-center projects reshaping the regional economy in 2026. See Cincinnati Enquirer and Journal-News reporting, August 2026.

[6] Walmart reported crossing one million drone deliveries by May 2026, with rapid expansion through its partnership with Wing. Amazon Prime Air announced plans in 2026 to reach nearly 500 U.S. cities and towns by year-end, with expansion into Ohio markets.

[7] The author’s long-standing support for SpaceX, data-center development, and job-creator policy is documented in prior essays and episodes of The Overman Warrior Podcast at hoffmanbooks.com.

[8] The author cites George Lang and Michael Ryan as local elected officials who understand the distinction between protecting job creators and merely managing the distribution of existing jobs.

Bibliography and Further Research

SpaceX and Launch Cadence

SpaceX launch manifests and public flight data, 2025–2026.

SpaceNews coverage of Starship Flight 14 schedule adjustments, August 2026.

Contemporary reporting on Falcon 9 doubleheader records and annual cadence (Space.com, Benzinga, and related outlets).

Drone Delivery and Logistics

Walmart / Wing drone delivery milestone reporting (1 million deliveries, expansion plans through 2027).

Amazon Prime Air expansion announcements, 2026, including Ohio markets.

Industry analyses of BVLOS regulation and commercial drone payload/range trends (DroneXL, Reuters, and related coverage).

Data Centers and Regional Economy

Cincinnati Enquirer / Journal-News reporting on Amazon hyperscale data-center negotiations near Trenton, Butler County, August 2026.

Ohio data-center economic impact analyses (capital investment, employment, GDP contribution), 2024–2025 interim reports.

Related coverage of construction employment and local fiscal agreements in Butler County and surrounding counties.

Author’s Related Work

Hoffman, Rich. Essays and podcast episodes at hoffmanbooks.com and The Overman Warrior Podcast on SpaceX, economic vitality, data centers, and job-creator policy.

Hoffman, Rich. The Politics of Heaven (forthcoming) and prior books on leadership and institutional combat.

Rich Hoffman

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Why Big-Tent Team Building Beats Purity Factions and Revenge Politics: Why I love Nancy Nix so much in Butler County, Ohio

Traveling, Independent Media, and Coming Home to Butler County Politics

I’ve been traveling most of the summer, so I’ve been doing a lot of catching up. You can’t help but notice the difference when you step away and then come back. I’ve been a little behind on the local politics, and I want to refer to some changes in the Butler County Republican Party at the chair level.[1] When you’re in a leadership position, there’s always somebody who thinks they could do it better than you. There’s always a critic. I tell people that’s part of leadership. You’re always going to have armchair quarterbacks. They’re going to criticize and say stuff. Sitting down and talking to people who don’t agree with you is hard. Winning them over to your side is hard.

In Butler County we’ve had strong Republican support for a long time. When you’re the weak party—as Democrats are in Ohio and in Butler County—the only realistic path to power is splitting the majority party. Some Republicans, once they lose the eye of the tiger, start looking for ways to lose so they can feel relevant again. That’s Rocky III territory. The champion takes the top for granted and gets knocked down by someone hungrier. Strong leadership holds the party together so the majority stays a majority.

Todd Hall, Armchair Quarterbacks, and the Reality of Party Leadership

I always liked Todd Hall. I remember when people would complain about him. When you’re the chairman, you’re the lightning rod. Todd managed to keep things moving by focusing on something everybody could rally behind: electing Republicans and keeping the county on a conservative track.[2] You need a big tent to win. Pure factions feel righteous and then lose. I’ve said it for years—I’ll take people who will come to the table, grab a pizza, and argue philosophy all day long. We have more in common than not. The alternative is handing Democrats the only hope they have: a fractured Republican Party.

Big Tent Republicans vs. Purity Factions: Why Winning Requires Team Building

Trump himself was not a lifelong Republican in the traditional sense. Elon Musk came into the MAGA orbit from a different background. I take people who show up and want to win. The opposite impulse—the desire to purge and purify until only the purest remain—is how majorities become minorities. Democrats understand this. Their only realistic path in Butler County is to encourage Republicans to fight each other, thereby opening up the general-election map.[3]

I’ve watched it. People who could not win through the front door start working the back door—undermining officeholders who did win their primaries, feeding narratives to the Journal-News, and treating every establishment Republican as the enemy. That is not strategy. That is revenge dressed up as principle. And it is exactly what hands seats to Democrats.

Nancy Nix: Fiscal Discipline, Quiet Influence, and Why I Stand Behind Her

I love Nancy Nix, and I mean that genuinely. I can tell you that in their household, back when the Trump question was still unsettled for some people, her husband and I were already on the same page. Nancy came around eventually because she is logical and watches results; not everyone always agrees with everything all the time. As a fiscally responsible officeholder, she reduced staff sizes when she was Treasurer and again when she was Auditor. She has run things in the black for a long time. That is top-level conservative performance.[4]

A lot of the people you see in the White House and in state-level Republican success came through networks that include Nancy Nix. I know some of the behind-the-scenes. Nancy has been part of important scaffolding on all levels. When I was last at the White House, her fingerprints are on so many important things. She won’t claim credit, but I will give it. If Vivek is a few points up in the averages, a meaningful share of the organizational credit in this region runs through people like her.[5]

George Lang: Friendship, Door-Knocking, and the Night He Took Down a Protester

I’ve always been affiliated with George Lang. We’ve developed a real friendship. I’ve seen him, Debbie, and the girls work events, knock doors, and hold the party together behind the scenes for decades. I like his family. I like the way he carries himself under pressure.[6]

Here’s a story for context. At the Savannah Center Trump event in the primary season, I had a VIP pass. Todd Hall did not want to be seen sitting in the front row with Trump at that stage—he was still in the John Kasich lane as the Ohio guy. Fair enough. George was there as a state representative. A protester started coming down the aisle toward Trump. George had told me earlier he would handle it if it came to that. When the moment arrived, George grabbed the guy, put him on the ground, and bought the security detail the second and a half they needed. That is not armchair commentary. That is a man who showed up when it was not yet popular and did the physical work.[7]

I was with George during the difficult period around John Boehner. We did not always agree on every personnel fight, but I have seen him under real pressure, and I trust the man. When purity voices treat George as the problem, they are discarding decades of actual organizational labor.

Michael Ryan, Don Dixon, and the Commissioners Who Actually Govern

I really like Michael Ryan. I spoke with him just this morning about something positive on the Republican side. He is a good conservative and a good man. The party endorsement and the primary result were decisive.[8] Don Dixon and I go back a long way—I used to race soapbox with his son Brent. Don has been a solid commissioner. These are not theoretical conservatives. These are people who show up, manage budgets, and keep the county functioning.

Sheriff Richard Jones and the Mayberry Standard

I like Sheriff Jones. I want the Butler County Sheriff’s Office to carry a bit of Mayberry and a bit of Walnut Grove—competent, present, and rooted in the community. His book is worth reading. It makes me proud of the department. When personal and political conflicts involving Roger Reynolds spilled into court and public narrative, it became another example of how intra-party score-settling distracts from the actual work of public safety.[9][10]

Revenge Politics, Back-Door Insurrection, and the Journal-News Narrative

Here is the pattern I keep seeing. People who could not win their primaries, or who lost influence, start working to tear down those who did win. They feed stories. They call solid conservatives RINOs. They treat every successful officeholder as the establishment enemy. The recent Journal-News framing of the November races and the tone around party leadership fits the pattern: soft language toward Democratic opportunities, little enthusiasm for defending the Republican incumbents and nominees who actually earned their spots.[11]

That is not leadership. Leadership is hard. Leadership is sitting across the table from people you do not fully agree with and still building a winning team. Leadership is defending the people the voters already chose in the primary so the general election is about Republicans versus Democrats, not Republicans versus Republicans. When party leadership sounds happier to give Democrats a seat at the table than to fight for the Republican majority, the voters notice.

The West Chester Lesson and What Happens When You Play Nice with the Wrong Strategy

We already lived through a version of this in the West Chester trustee and school board fights. People who thought the pure strategy would deliver instead watched Democrats and soft candidates benefit from Republican disarray. Mark Welch and others paid the price of a fractured effort. The same dynamic is available at the county level if the new posture continues.[12]

A Longer View: From Ross Perot to Trump to the Present

I’ve been doing this a long time. Election night 1992, I was at Ross Perot’s place with his daughters after helping with the big Dallas rally. We drove hard back to Ohio so I could vote. I learned then what happens when the majority party fractures or when outsiders and insiders refuse to build anything durable.[13] Through the Tea Party years and the early Trump years, I watched the same purity-versus-majority argument play out. The people who told me Trump was going nowhere were often the same voices now calling Nancy Nix, Michael Ryan, or George Lang the problem. They were wrong then. They are wrong now.

What Butler County Actually Needs from Republican Leadership

Butler County is still a Republican stronghold if the party acts like one.[14] That requires leadership that understands the difference between primary competition and general-election self-sabotage. It requires people who will defend Nancy Nix, Michael Ryan, George Lang, Sheriff Jones, and the other officeholders who have earned their places. It requires the discipline to sit down with people you do not fully agree with and still leave the room as a team.

I have stood by people when it was unpopular—Darbi Boddy when others told me to stay away, Roger Reynolds in earlier seasons, and the current slate of solid conservatives even when the purity voices are loud. I will continue to do so. The alternative is a party that defines itself only by what it is against, hands Democrats open seats, and then wonders why the majority slipped.

I love Nancy Nix. I respect George Lang, Michael Ryan, and Sheriff Jones. I want a big-tent Republican Party that wins. The people trying to burn it down to feel important again are not helping Butler County. They are helping the only people who benefit from Republican disunity: Democrats.

If you are mad at me over this, check back in a decade. I’ll still be right, and I won’t let you forget it. Have a good day.

Footnotes

[1] Journal-News (Butler County / Cox First Media), “Republicans defend Butler County stronghold as Democrats seek local gains this fall,” late August 2026. The piece surveys November 2026 county and judicial races and the competitive posture of both parties.

[2] Butler County Republican Party materials and contemporaneous reporting identify Todd Hall as long-serving Executive Chairman through at least the May 2026 primary cycle.

[3] The “big tent” versus purity debate is a long-standing tension within the Republican Party, both nationally and locally.

[4] Nancy Nix has served Butler County in fiscal offices (Treasurer and Auditor) with a consistent record of staff reductions, budget discipline, and low-tax philosophy.

[5] Vivek Ramaswamy’s 2026 Ohio gubernatorial campaign has drawn significant support from Butler County and statewide Republicans; local organizers, including Nancy Nix, have been credited with early and sustained organizational assistance.

[6] George Lang, Ohio State Senator, has been a consistent conservative voice and organizational workhorse in Butler County Republican politics for decades.

[7] The 2015 Trump campaign event at the Savannah Center took place during the Republican presidential primary, when many establishment figures remained cautious or opposed.

[8] Michael Ryan won the May 2026 Republican primary for Butler County Commissioner with approximately 72 percent of the vote over long-time incumbent Cindy Carpenter after receiving a strong party endorsement.

[9] Richard K. Jones has served as Butler County Sheriff for multiple terms and has published a memoir detailing the department’s culture and operational philosophy.

[10] Roger Reynolds previously served as Butler County Auditor. His later political and legal conflicts became a public episode in local Republican politics.

[11] Journal-News, “Republicans defend Butler County stronghold as Democrats seek local gains this fall,” late August 2026.

[12] West Chester Township trustee and school-board contests in recent cycles illustrated the cost of intra-party warfare.

[13] Ross Perot’s 1992 independent presidential campaign and the subsequent Reform Party activity formed an early training ground for many later organizers.

[14] Butler County has maintained a structural Republican registration and performance advantage for decades, making internal cohesion the primary variable between comfortable majorities and avoidable losses.

Bibliography (full version is in the Word document and text files)

The complete formatted version with all footnotes properly placed is in the three files listed at the top. Download the .txt file, and you can copy the entire essay in one click.

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Elon Musk, Russell Brand, and the Danger of Oppressive Government: Exceptionalism Versus Mediocrity in Human Endeavors

I have watched Elon Musk for a long time. I have watched him evolve. The same is true of Russell Brand. I remember when Brand was an outright socialist advocate, covered in tattoos, calling for revolution and the redistribution of wealth. I remember when Musk was voting for Obama, donating to Democrats, and operating comfortably inside that orbit. Trump himself leaned Democrat in earlier years, invited the Clintons into his world, and only later became the force he is now. People believe things, then reality catches up, and they come around in their own way.

That arc is not rare. I saw it repeatedly in the early days of the Tea Party after the housing crisis. Retired engineers from places like GE who had spent decades voting for bigger government and going along with the corporate consensus suddenly called me. They were 65 or 70. They had steady paychecks for years. They wore the Hawaiian shirt on Fridays. They played it safe. Then they retired, looked at the deficit and the culture, and decided they wanted to do something useful. They wanted to fight tax increases and local levies. The paycheck was gone. The fear of HR and the next promotion was gone. Suddenly they could think for themselves.

Watching the Arc: From Collective Safety to Seeing the Trap

I see the same pattern in Musk and Brand. Brand spent years as a left-wing firebrand, guest-editing socialist magazines, endorsing Corbyn, preaching against capitalism. Then COVID, the lockdowns, the censorship, and the digital control mechanisms pushed him the other way. He now talks about freedom, digital ID dangers, and sounds far closer to the people who once opposed everything he stood for.

An oppressive government https://t.co/VExsgCzlXL
— Elon Musk (@elonmusk) August 20, 2026

Musk’s shift is more visible because of the scale. He supported Obama. He voted for Biden. He was inside the system that issues permits, contracts, and regulatory approvals. Then he bought Twitter, turned it into X, and ran headfirst into the apparatus that decides who gets to speak. He has had to file the endless FAA paperwork for Starship. He has watched mediocre bureaucrats slow down exceptional engineering. When he replies to Brand about an “oppressive government,” I hear a man who has finally felt the weight of the machine he once navigated more carefully.

This is not pure conversion. It is pattern recognition. Once you have enough financial independence, or once the system starts targeting you directly, the incentives change. The same people who stayed quiet for decades while drawing a corporate or government check suddenly discover principles. I do not put them down for it. Better late than never. But I notice when the courage arrives only after the risk is lower.

The Corporate Judas Cycle and the Power of the Paycheck

I have seen the Judas move up close. A bright radio talent I knew had a private owner who did not care much about FCC memos. We could talk about American exceptionalism on air. We could say the hard things. Then a big corporate job appeared. The social media got cleaned up. The fighting-for-your-rights posts disappeared. The man who once spoke freely kissed the cheek for the steady check and the career ladder. Judas took the coins. Jesus, in the scapegoat tradition, knew it was coming. The system still runs on people willing to trade the exceptional for safety.

Corporate culture learned the lesson socialism figured out long ago. You do not build a mass movement by appealing to independent thinkers. You appeal to the collective. You offer safety, security, and a sense of belonging. You make Hawaiian shirt day the high point of the week. You hire the Normies—the blue-pill middle managers who show up to interviews in flip-flops and T-shirts—and you put them in charge of hiring. They reproduce themselves. They do not hire the exceptional because the exceptional make them feel small. The same personality type migrates easily into government jobs. Government is the ultimate safe paycheck with the ultimate power over others.

That is the core of oppressive government. It is not abstract tyranny. It is the systematic empowerment of mediocre people who would never hold power in a pure merit system. They gain leverage through the size of the state, endless money, grants, regulations, and the ability to punish anyone who stands too tall. Exceptional people become a threat. They might make the average feel inadequate. So the system levels everything downward.

Steve Bannon’s Strategy Versus Trump’s Exceptionalism

I like Steve Bannon. He kept things alive when others ran. He paid a price. He went to jail. He understands the front line. His deliberate “slob” presentation—untucked shirts, no tie, Band-Aid on the forehead—is a calculated move. He does not want to appear better than the people he is trying to pull into the movement. Joseph Campbell used to say it is not good to appear too good if you want to bring the average along. Bannon internalized that. He lowers himself so the crowd does not feel threatened.

Trump never did that. He wears the suit. He wears the red tie. He talks about winning, about being the best, about thinking big. We voted for that. We did not vote for a Normie in an untucked shirt. We voted for exceptionalism. When Musk started building the biggest rockets and the biggest companies and then turned against the regulatory state that slows him down, he moved closer to that same instinct. SpaceX is aiming at scale that still sounds insane to most people—Musk has talked about 30-plus Starship launches a day by 2030. That is not mediocrity. That is the opposite.

Ohio’s Choice: Vivek Ramaswamy or Amy Acton’s Mediocrity

I see the same fight right here in Ohio. Vivek Ramaswamy is a rich man who built things. Amy Acton’s side attacks that fact as if wealth earned through production is a moral stain. She talks about people “buying” the office. The implication is that successful people cannot be trusted, while the candidate of lockdowns and average outcomes somehow can. The polls are tight. Some have Ramaswamy slightly ahead. Others show Acton with a narrow edge or a statistical tie. The race will turn on whether voters want opportunity and capital or the familiar comfort of managed mediocrity.

Data centers are a perfect test. They bring tax revenue, jobs, and economic activity that can help close budget gaps and lower pressure on property taxes. The opposition often prefers the empty cornfield and the status quo. That is the voice of people who have never had to create the wealth they want to redistribute. It is the same impulse that treats exceptional builders as the enemy.

The Real Danger of Oppressive Government

An oppressive government is dangerous because it gives mediocre people the power to sit atop exceptional people. It funds the average and penalizes the outstanding. It turns corporations into risk-averse partners of the state so they can keep the grants and avoid the targeting. It creates a culture where people stay quiet until they retire, then suddenly want to be part of something important. It produces the Judas cycle over and over.

I have had more than enough of that mediocrity this summer of 2026. It has infected corporate culture deeply. The ultimate cost of a powerful government that hands out money and permission is that it rewards the people who will never do exceptional things and restrains the people who will.

Musk is not saying enough when he names “oppressive government.” The deeper problem is the systematic preference for the average over the excellent. We do not need more people who dress down so the crowd feels comfortable. We need more people willing to stand up, build, risk, and produce results that make the average uncomfortable. That is how a nation stays exceptional.

Footnotes

1. Elon Musk’s documented political evolution includes donations and support for Obama, Hillary Clinton, and a 2020 vote for Biden before the post-2022 shift toward Republican candidates and full endorsement of Trump. See reporting on his donation history and public statements.

2. Russell Brand’s earlier work included the book Revolution and explicit support for socialist redistribution and figures such as Jeremy Corbyn; his later public positions moved toward free-speech and anti-establishment critiques.

3. Elon Musk’s recent X reply to Russell Brand stated “An oppressive government” in response to Brand’s content on digital ID and related control mechanisms.

4. Musk has publicly stated the goal of 30-plus Starship launches per day by around 2030. Current production rates remain far lower, with recent comments indicating one vehicle per month and efforts to increase cadence.

5. Ohio gubernatorial polling in summer 2026 has shown a tight race between Vivek Ramaswamy and Amy Acton, with results ranging from slight Ramaswamy leads to narrow Acton edges or statistical ties depending on the pollster and date.

6. The “Judas” analogy draws on the New Testament scapegoat and betrayal narrative as a metaphor for trading principle for institutional safety and reward.

Bibliography

Brand, Russell. Revolution. New York: Ballantine Books, 2014.

Isaacson, Walter. Elon Musk. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2023.

Musk, Elon. Public statements and X posts on political evolution, Starship production goals, and government regulation (2022–2026).

Rand, Ayn. Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal. New York: New American Library, 1966/1967. (For the moral framework of producers versus looters and the nature of government force.)

Rand, Ayn. Atlas Shrugged. New York: Random House, 1957.

Trump, Donald J. The Art of the Deal. New York: Random House, 1987. (Early expression of the exceptionalism theme.)

Reporting on Ohio 2026 gubernatorial polling from Fox News, AARP, Wedgewood, Emerson, and related outlets (June–August 2026).

SpaceX and FAA documentation and public statements on Starship launch cadence and regulatory constraints.

Additional reading: Joseph Campbell on the hero’s journey and the danger of appearing “too good”; historical accounts of the Tea Party movement’s post-2008 composition; analyses of corporate risk-aversion and regulatory capture.

Rich Hoffman

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Why Indiana Jones and the Temple of Doom Is My Favorite Movie: Adventure, Mythology, and Always Landing on Your Feet and the pursuit of Fortune and Glory (sharing a bit of my personal self for those who want to know)

I can hear the groans already. “Oh, he’s talking about movies again.” But this one is a bit different and I share some things here that people have been asking about. I have a lot of new people in my life, and they are asking. So, I’m addressing their questions in bulk. People ask me all the time what my favorite movie is. I get the question often enough that I finally decided to answer it properly here. My favorite is Indiana Jones and the Temple of Doom. A lot of people are surprised by that. Many consider it the weakest of the original trilogy. I disagree. For me, it is the one that stuck with me the most, and the reasons go well beyond the surface thrills.

I grew up on adventure. My grandfather was old enough to have lived through the era of the great serials. I saw Zorro with the whip long before I ever saw Indiana Jones crack one. Saturday-morning serial energy was already in my blood. When Raiders of the Lost Ark came out, I thought it was wonderful—maybe the best pure adventure movie ever made. But Temple of Doom became personal.

Reading the Book Before the Movie in Hamilton, Ohio

When I was a kid, I used to go downtown to the shopping center in Hamilton, Ohio, with my mom and grandmother. On the bottom floor, there was a bookstore section. I went straight to the books every time. One day they got me the novelization of Indiana Jones and the Temple of Doom. I read it before I saw the movie. I read it the way I used to read the old adventure books—religiously, over and over. The character already lived in my head before the images did.

That early exposure mattered. George Lucas has always been steeped in mythology. The pursuit of the Grail, the knight who starts out chasing fortune and glory and ends up learning something harder—these patterns were in the water. I did not have the language for it at fourteen or fifteen, but I felt it.

The Night We Snuck Out in Morehead, Kentucky

The memory that sealed it for me happened the summer the movie was in theaters. I was fourteen or fifteen, part of a High Adventure Explorer Post. We were on a week-long trip heading toward whitewater rafting in West Virginia. We stopped to camp just outside Morehead, Kentucky. Hot summer night. The kind of heat that stays with you after dark.

We went into town for snacks, and I spotted the movie theater. Temple of Doom was playing. I grabbed a newspaper, checked the times, and saw the last show was at eleven. Back at camp, the plan was lights out early so we could get up for the next day’s adventure. Around eight or nine, everyone was settling in. Three of us waited, then slipped out.

We walked the two miles into town in the dark, hearts pounding, half-convinced we were going to get caught the whole way. We sat through the movie until about one in the morning. Then we walked the two miles back, still sweating, still listening for any sound that meant trouble. We snuck into our tents, drank some water from the canteen, ate a Slim Jim I had stashed, and tried to sleep. At seven, the camp woke up as if nothing had happened. Nobody said a word. We ate breakfast and headed out for the rafting and the rest of the week’s adventures. Later that summer I flew with my family to the Grand Canyon and all over California. The whole stretch felt like one long Indiana Jones sequence.

I have had many experiences since then. I am older now. I still cannot think of many moments that felt better than that night—walking back in the heat with the movie still running through my head, knowing we had gotten away with it, feeling completely alive. We had lived a small version of the thing we had just watched. Jump in. Trust yourself. Land on your feet.

Why Temple of Doom Hits Different

Raiders gives you the competent, almost invincible Indy. Temple of Doom puts him through the wringer. Poisoned, chased, plane crash, mountain landing, bugs, capture, the blood, the voodoo doll, the forced drinking, the near-sacrifice. They break him down further than in any of the other films. Then he comes out the other side, returns the stones, restores the village, and still walks away with the girl and the open road to the next adventure. “Fortune and glory” at the beginning. Something closer to responsibility and compassion by the end. He keeps the light touch the whole time. The movie never turns grim for its own sake. That balance is rare.

I raised my kids on it. I have raised grandkids on it. The soundtrack still gets played in the car. They know the cues. The film became a shared language in the family for the idea that you can take a beating and still come up swinging with a grin.

Mythology, Campbell, and Earned Freedom

Later I learned more about the deeper currents. Joseph Campbell’s work on the hero’s journey and the Grail legends shaped a generation of storytellers. George Lucas absorbed those patterns. The connection between the Indiana Jones films and older quest stories—Parzival, the wasteland, the knight who must learn before he can restore—is not forced. Temple of Doom functions as a modern version of the hero who starts selfish and ends up doing the right thing for people who cannot help themselves. The Last Crusade made the Grail explicit. Temple of Doom already had the emotional shape.

They also earned the right to make something this wild. After Raiders became a phenomenon, Lucas and Spielberg had the political capital in Hollywood to go darker, stranger, more unhinged—child slavery, Thuggee cult, heart-ripping, the whole fever-dream tone. A movie like that would have a much harder time getting made today. They used the freedom they had earned.

The Lesson That Stuck

For me, the core of it has always been simple. Indiana Jones trusts his ability to land on his feet no matter how bad the situation looks. Plane on fire. Poison. Traps. Brainwashing. Torture. He keeps moving. He keeps improvising. In the end, he is still the same man, only clearer. That attitude got into me early. Jump off the building if you have to. Figure out the landing on the way down. I have needed that more than once.

People who know me mostly through the political writing sometimes raise an eyebrow when I talk about movies. Movies are a shared language. Books are private. A film you both love gives you common ground in five minutes. When hundreds of new people start reading or listening and want to know a little more about the person behind the commentary, this is one of the cleaner ways to open the door. I do not normally spend this much time on personal stories. This one felt worth it.

Indiana Jones and the Temple of Doom is not the most polished film in the series. It is the one that feels most like actual life mixed with myth—messy, punishing, redemptive, and somehow still fun. I have carried its lessons through everything that came after that hot night in Morehead. Fortune and glory are great goals. Landing on your feet and doing the right thing when it counts is better.

Footnotes

1. The novelization of Indiana Jones and the Temple of Doom was written by James Kahn and published by Ballantine Books in 1984, timed with the film’s release.

2. George Lucas has repeatedly acknowledged the influence of Joseph Campbell’s The Hero with a Thousand Faces and related mythological studies on his storytelling, particularly visible in the Star Wars films and carrying over into the adventure structures of the Indiana Jones series. The two later became acquainted; Campbell viewed the original Star Wars trilogy at Skywalker Ranch.

3. Scholarly and critical readings have linked the Indiana Jones trilogy to Arthurian and Grail-quest patterns (including Chrétien de Troyes’ Perceval and Wolfram von Eschenbach’s Parzival), with Temple of Doom often discussed as a wasteland/otherworld episode and The Last Crusade making the Grail motif explicit.

4. Howard Kazanjian served as executive producer on Raiders of the Lost Ark and producer on Return of the Jedi, and held a key production role at Lucasfilm during the period.

5. Indiana Jones and the Temple of Doom (1984) was directed by Steven Spielberg from a story by George Lucas, screenplay by Willard Huyck and Gloria Katz. It is a prequel set in 1935.

Bibliography

Campbell, Joseph. The Hero with a Thousand Faces. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1949 (and later editions).

Kahn, James. Indiana Jones and the Temple of Doom (novelization). New York: Ballantine Books, 1984.

Lucas, George, and various collaborators. Indiana Jones and the Temple of Doom. Directed by Steven Spielberg. Paramount Pictures, 1984.

Aronstein, Susan. Critical essays on Arthurian narrative patterns in the Indiana Jones trilogy (various academic publications).

Additional reading: Bill Moyers’ interviews with Joseph Campbell (The Power of Myth); production histories of the Indiana Jones films; Wolfram von Eschenbach’s Parzival for the classic Grail-knight arc that echoes in the franchise’s deeper structure.

Rich Hoffman

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From the Portable Office on the Road: Butler County Republican Leadership Change and the Call for Unity in the Fight Against Socialist Inroads

I have been traveling a lot this summer of 2026. My portable office goes with me. It is a rolling command post with a good chair, a refrigerator stocked with my favorite drinks, and windows that change the view almost every day. One day, the Tetons. Another day, the high country in Colorado or the open stretches of Utah and New Mexico. Just before recording some thoughts, I watched the ferry reverse into its slip, filming through the glass as the water churned. That is the life right now. I can work, read for hours, and still stay connected to home while the scenery shifts.

From that distance, the picture in Butler County comes into sharper focus. Politics is a bloodsport. Transitions happen. I checked in with some of my closest people back home and learned that Todd Hall is no longer chairman of the Butler County Republican Party. Art Sauerwein has taken the role. I always liked Todd. The job is genuinely thankless. It wears people out. Running a business on top of it, managing personalities, herding volunteers, and keeping the central committee pointed in one direction takes a small army and constant energy. I hope Art has a good run at it. The party needs steady hands.

Perspective from Distance Makes the Stakes Clearer

When you are removed from the daily handshakes and the same faces at every event, the larger pattern stands out. We have minor philosophical differences among ourselves. That is normal. What is not normal is letting those differences become the main event while outright socialists and radical Democrats keep pushing into local offices. I have watched it happen in places like West Chester. It is the same impulse you see nationally with the more extreme progressive candidates. It does not matter if the fight is on Main Street or in the national headlines. The goal of those forces is the same: expand government, raise the cost of living through policy, and treat constitutional limits as optional.

I have said for years that we need a big tent. I mean it. That includes people who may lean a little softer on some issues as long as they will stand with us against tax increases, against socialist experiments in the schools, and for basic fiscal order. Sheriff Richard Jones has always struck me as a Gunsmoke Republican. That is the personality I want in the top law enforcement job. Even if he occasionally frustrates pure ideologues, I want him successful. The same goes for others I have known for decades.

Local Fiscal Reality Versus the Socialist Alternative

Butler County and much of Ohio under Republican stewardship have largely kept the books balanced. Surpluses have been more common than structural deficits. There has been resistance to the constant pressure to raise taxes. That is good government. It is the opposite of the model that turns every problem into a reason for bigger bureaucracy and higher burdens on working families. When I talk to people at campgrounds across the country, the pattern repeats. Many of them are Trump voters. They fly the flags. They are getting away from out-of-control local governments elsewhere. They recognize solid management when they see it. We have had a good run of it here. The job now is to protect it and expand it.

Personal Notes on the Players

I think highly of George Lang. I always have. Nancy Nix is often painted as a mainstreamer these days. I do not see her that way. I see her as a person who has done great work in the auditor’s office. Roger Reynolds has sympathizers, and I was one of them for a long time. I never understood the decision to go after Nancy Nix the way it happened. That kind of personal fight does not help the larger cause. When you are trying to win elections and keep socialists from taking seats, internal score-settling becomes a luxury we cannot afford.

The chairman’s role is not glamorous. Todd Hall held it for a long stretch after David Kern. He came in young and stayed through periods of real discord. Some people felt he did not have enough hours in the day. That is a fair observation about the demands of the job. Leadership at that level requires heavy delegation and constant recruitment of capable people. I hope Art Sauerwein understands that and builds the team accordingly. I wish him well. I will miss Todd in the role, but the work continues.

The Real Task Ahead

Trump observed years ago that people get so used to winning that they start losing to experience the thrill of winning again. That is a real danger. We cannot afford boredom or internal exhaustion. The fall elections and the offices that matter most require Republicans to lock arms. The goal is straightforward: more Republicans in office than Democrats, constitutional values protected, fiscal discipline maintained, and the Trump agenda advanced at the county level the same way it is being advanced nationally.

I will spend more time on the road this year and then settle in for the fourth quarter closer to home. The portable office has proven its value. I can read, think, write, and still stay plugged into Butler County. When I talk to people at those campgrounds, I get a clearer read on the national mood than I sometimes get in the middle of local factional fights. Most of them want government that works without constantly reaching into their pockets or experimenting with radical social theories on their children.

I hope everyone finds a way to shake hands at the picnics and fundraisers. Support the new chairman. Remember what we have in common is larger than what divides us. Keep the focus on winning. Do not get tired of it. The alternative is watching more socialists and their enablers take ground, one township and one school board at a time.

Footnotes

1. Conversations with longtime Butler County Republican contacts, summer 2026, regarding the transition from Todd Hall to Dan Ferguson as party chairman.

2. Public record of Todd Hall’s long tenure as Butler County Republican Party executive chairman, beginning in the mid-2010s following David Kern.

3. Local election results and coverage of West Chester Township trustee races and related contests showing shifts in local control.

4. Butler County and Ohio fiscal performance under Republican majorities: consistent emphasis on balanced budgets and resistance to routine tax increases, as reflected in county and state budget outcomes over recent cycles.

5. Public statements and reporting on Roger Reynolds’ legal history, his attempt to reclaim the auditor’s office from Nancy Nix, and his later involvement in the county commissioner primary before withdrawing.

6. Sheriff Richard K. Jones’ long record and public positioning as a traditional law-and-order Republican.

7. Observations from campground conversations across multiple western and mountain states during summer 2026 travel regarding voter sentiment and local government dissatisfaction.

8. C-SPAN and local reporting on 2026 Butler County Republican events, including candidate and leadership appearances.

Selected Bibliography for Further Reading

• Journal-News (Hamilton/Butler County) coverage of Butler County Republican Party leadership, endorsements, and primary contests, 2024–2026.

• Butler County Republican Party official materials and candidate endorsement lists.

• Ohio Republican Party statements and State Central Committee updates, 2026.

• Ballotpedia and Butler County Board of Elections records on local races, including West Chester Township trustees and county offices.

• Reporting on Roger Reynolds’ conviction, appellate reversal, and subsequent legal efforts regarding the auditor’s office.

• Public financial and budget summaries from Butler County and the State of Ohio illustrating fiscal trends under Republican control.

• Contemporary accounts of Sheriff Richard Jones’ tenure and local political positioning.

• Travel notes and personal observations compiled during summer 2026 from portable office locations across the western United States.

Rich Hoffman

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Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal – Ayn Rand’s Moral Defense of the Only System Consistent with Human Nature, and Why It Still Matters in Ohio in 2026

I have been running a series on Ayn Rand because too many people who once understood her through the Tea Party years have let her slip out of memory, or worse, accepted the lazy smear that she was merely an atheist with nothing useful to say. That is a mistake. The radical left still hates her for the same reason they hate successful producers today. They understand, even if they will not admit it, that her arguments cut the moral legs out from under every scheme of redistribution, regulation, and class resentment.

I was reminded of this again after lunch with one of my favorite senators, George Lang. We talked about The Fountainhead, about the gold standard, and about how few people who claim to like Rand have actually read the full range of her nonfiction. That conversation pushed me to pick up the 1966 collection Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal again. It remains one of the clearest statements ever written of why pure capitalism is not just an economic preference but a moral necessity.

The book is not a dry economics text. Rand called it a nonfiction footnote to Atlas Shrugged. With contributions from Nathaniel Branden, a young Alan Greenspan, and Robert Hessen, it argues that the system we call capitalism today is a bastardized version of the real thing—an unknown ideal because it has never been allowed to exist in pure form. What we have instead is a mixed economy of freedom mixed with controls, and the controls always expand.

Capitalism as the Only Moral Social System

Rand’s central claim is simple and radical. Man is a rational being who must use his own mind to survive. Any social system that initiates force against that process is not merely inefficient; it is immoral. Capitalism, properly understood, is the only system that bans the initiation of physical force from human relationships and leaves individuals free to produce, trade, and keep what they create.

She defines it precisely: a social system based on the recognition of individual rights, including property rights, in which all property is privately owned. The government’s sole legitimate function is to protect those rights by retaliating against those who initiate force. Everything else—regulation of production, redistribution of wealth, “industrial policy,” licensing of speech—is a violation.

This is why she rejected the conservative approach of her time. Conservatives often tried to defend capitalism on practical grounds or by appeal to tradition while accepting the moral premise of altruism—that the individual has a duty to live for others. Rand called that a fatal compromise. In “The Anatomy of Compromise,” she shows that when you try to mix a rational principle with an irrational one, the irrational always wins. You cannot have a little bit of socialism without eventually losing the foundation of freedom.

America’s Persecuted Minority: Big Business

One of the most powerful essays in the collection is “America’s Persecuted Minority: Big Business.” Rand flips the usual narrative on its head. The productive genius is not the exploiter; he is the one being hamstrung by the looters and moochers who use the power of the state to seize what they did not create. Business people are treated as a scapegoat class in the same way other minorities have been treated under collectivist regimes. In Soviet Russia it was the bourgeoisie. In Nazi Germany it was the Jews. In America it is the successful businessman.

I see this hatred every day in the attacks on Trump, on Vivek Ramaswamy, on any rich person who made money by creating value rather than extracting it through politics. The radical left’s outrage is not about fairness. It is pure Marxist class warfare dressed up in modern language. Rand saw it clearly because she lived it. Her father lost his pharmacy when the Bolsheviks nationalized private businesses. She never forgot.

Solving World Hunger: Production, Not Politics

People still talk about solving world hunger as if it were a distribution problem that requires more government. That is backward. Pigs, chickens, and rabbits reproduce rapidly. There is no physical shortage of the capacity to produce food. Shortages are created by politics—by governments that micromanage, confiscate, and regulate the very people who would otherwise raise the animals and grow the crops.

If you want to end hunger, get as close as possible to pure capitalism. Remove the artificial constraints. Let people own property, keep their profits, and trade freely. The poor in the United States, even under our imperfect capitalism, are rich compared to most of the world. A few American dollars can still be a fortune to someone living under the policies that Rand warned against. The guilt that drives redistribution often comes from people who helped create the barriers to opportunity and then want to ease their conscience by confiscating more from the productive.

Greenspan on Gold and the Hard Reality of Theory

One of the most quoted essays in the book is Alan Greenspan’s “Gold and Economic Freedom,” written years before he became Federal Reserve chairman. He argued that gold and economic freedom are inseparable. The gold standard protects property rights by limiting the government’s ability to inflate away wealth through deficit spending. Without it, the welfare state can confiscate savings silently.

Greenspan later operated in a system far from that ideal. Theory is cleaner than practice when you face political realities, activist judges, and entrenched interests. That does not make the original argument wrong. It shows how hard it is to implement principle once the mixed economy has taken hold. We are still living with the consequences of easy money, quantitative easing, and the revolving door between the Fed and large asset managers. The warnings in that 1966 essay hold up.

True Monopolies, Railroads, and the Industrial Revolution

The collection also dismantles the usual antitrust myths. Free-market monopolies can only be maintained by superior efficiency and better service. Coercive monopolies require government intervention—subsidies, franchises, or legal barriers to entry. The history of American railroads is a clear example. Most of the transcontinental lines were built with government land grants and ended in financial chaos. James J. Hill’s Great Northern was built without federal subsidies and remained the only one that did not go bankrupt.

Robert Hessen’s essay on the effects of the Industrial Revolution on women and children is equally important. Child labor was not created by capitalism; it was inherited from a world of grinding poverty. Factories gave children a way to earn a living and survive to adulthood. Rising wealth created by capitalism eventually made child labor unnecessary. The laws usually get the credit; the production gets the blame.

Airwaves, Speech, and the Nature of Government

Rand’s essay on the property status of the airwaves is still relevant. The early chaos in radio was not a failure of free enterprise but a failure of government to recognize and protect property rights in frequencies. Instead of allowing private ownership and trade, the government declared the airwaves public property and nationalized them through licensing. That opened the door to political control of speech—the same impulse we still see whenever independent voices become inconvenient.

Ohio’s Choice and the Fight Ahead

All of this is not abstract philosophy. It is the framework for understanding the hatred directed at successful people in our own state. Vivek Ramaswamy is a rich man who built companies. That alone is enough for the radical left and their media allies to paint him as untrustworthy. The same pattern appears in the attacks on Trump. They do not hate wealth. They hate the independence that wealth can buy when it is earned rather than granted.

I have watched this for decades. The people who want a governor who has never had to make a payroll or risk his own capital are the same people who will expand the very controls that create shortages and dependency. Michael Ryan understands these issues at the county level. Senators like George Lang still talk about gold-backed approaches and business-friendly policy. We need more of them.

Rand was not interested in being practical in the usual sense. She was interested in being right on principle. She knew that a culture that accepts altruism as its moral code will eventually sacrifice the producers. She also believed that the potential for human progress under pure capitalism is limitless. The nineteenth century, when America came closest to the ideal, proved it.

I have read her books many times, along with the work of those who analyzed her. I agree with her on the essentials of capitalism even while I am more of a man of faith than she was. The philosophy can be taken further. But the fight is now. The books are still on the shelves at Barnes & Noble. You can get them quickly. Read Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal. Then look at the news with clearer eyes.

If you want to solve poverty and hunger, expand opportunity. More capitalism, not less. More people who understand how wealth is actually created. That is the only path that treats individuals as ends in themselves rather than means to someone else’s political vision.

Don’t give up the ship.

Footnotes

1. Ayn Rand, Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal (New York: New American Library, 1966; expanded 1967). Rand described the book as a nonfiction footnote to Atlas Shrugged.

2. Ayn Rand, “What Is Capitalism?” in Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal.

3. Ayn Rand, “America’s Persecuted Minority: Big Business,” in Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal.

4. Ayn Rand, “The Anatomy of Compromise,” in Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal.

5. Alan Greenspan, “Gold and Economic Freedom,” originally published in The Objectivist (1966) and reprinted in Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal.

6. Robert Hessen, “The Effects of the Industrial Revolution on Women and Children,” in Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal.

7. Ayn Rand, “The Property Status of Airwaves,” in Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal.

8. On James J. Hill and the Great Northern Railway, see Burton W. Folsom Jr. and related free-market historical accounts; the railroad is frequently cited in Objectivist literature as the counter-example to subsidized lines.

Bibliography

Rand, Ayn. Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal. With additional articles by Nathaniel Branden, Alan Greenspan, and Robert Hessen. New York: New American Library, 1966 (hardcover); expanded Signet paperback, 1967.

Rand, Ayn. Atlas Shrugged. New York: Random House, 1957.

Rand, Ayn. The Fountainhead. New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1943.

Greenspan, Alan. “Gold and Economic Freedom.” The Objectivist, 1966.

Folsom, Burton W., Jr. Works on the “robber barons” myth and James J. Hill.

Additional recommended reading: Ayn Rand Lexicon entries on capitalism, business people, and the gold standard (aynrandlexicon.com); Ayn Rand Institute materials on laissez-faire.

Rich Hoffman

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Objectivism and the American Experiment: Why Ayn Rand Still Matters in an Age of Collective Delusion, and Why Peter Thiel is a tremendous asset to any civlization

Ayn Rand remains one of the most polarizing figures in modern philosophy and literature for a reason, a very healthy reason. A refugee from the Soviet Union who watched her father’s business seized and her family’s life reduced to poverty under collectivist rule, she arrived in the United States in 1926 carrying a clear-eyed hatred of any system that subordinates the individual mind to the group. She built an entire philosophical system—Objectivism—around the primacy of objective reality, the sovereignty of reason, and the moral right of the individual to live for his own sake. In an era when official culture insists that feelings can rewrite biology, that the state may confiscate the product of one person’s effort for another’s benefit, and that the individual is merely a unit in larger identity categories, her work is no longer a historical curiosity. It is a live confrontation with the day’s dominant premises.

Her novels and nonfiction supply an on-ramp that mainstream institutions will not provide. Anthem stands as one of the cleanest anti-communist fables ever written—a short, devastating portrait of a society that has erased the word “I.” The Fountainhead dramatizes the creator who refuses to subordinate his vision to the demands of the collective. Atlas Shrugged takes the logic further: the men of the mind withdraw, and the parasites who lived off their productivity discover they cannot run the world without them. These books still circulate because they name a conflict that never went away—the individual versus the collective—and because the collectivist side is once again confident enough to drop the mask. For those wanting to understand the news cycles of our day, the work of Ayn Rand will help you get your mind around it.

Metaphysics: Reality Is Not Optional

Objectivism begins with a blunt metaphysical claim: existence exists. The universe is what it is independent of anyone’s wishes, prayers, social consensus, or emotional needs. Rand called this the primacy of existence. A rock is a rock whether or not someone finds the fact inconvenient. Facts are not created by consciousness; consciousness is the faculty that perceives them.

This sounds like common sense until one watches contemporary culture try to legislate it out of existence. A man cannot become a woman by declaration. A biological male does not acquire the capacity to menstruate or gestate simply because he “identifies” as female. The insistence that subjective feeling overrides observable reality is precisely the mentality Rand spent decades attacking. She was not writing about the more exotic claims of quantum measurement or observer effects in controlled laboratory settings; she was defending the four-dimensional world human beings actually inhabit and must act within. When that world is treated as infinitely malleable by will or decree, the result is not liberation. It is catastrophe dressed up as compassion.

Epistemology: Reason as Absolute

If reality is objective, then knowledge of it must be acquired by specific means. Rand held that the senses are the only source of information about the world and that reason is the faculty that identifies and integrates that material. There is no separate channel of “intuition,” mystical insight, or divine revelation that can override sensory evidence and logical processing. A concept that cannot be traced back to the evidence of the senses and the operation of logic is not merely mistaken; it is cognitively empty.

This is why she was merciless toward modern philosophy’s retreat from the world, particularly the influence of Immanuel Kant. If reason is limited or if “things-in-themselves” are forever inaccessible, then the door opens to every form of subjectivism and collectivist claim. Rand’s position is severe, and it leaves little room for the non-rational. One can grant that human sensory equipment is limited and that deeper layers of physical reality may require instruments and theories beyond the five senses; that does not license treating feelings or group consensus as substitutes for evidence. In the domain of ordinary human action—law, economics, medicine, education—her insistence on reason remains the only reliable check against those who would rewrite reality by force of declaration.

Ethics: The Virtue of Selfishness

The transition from facts to values is the most contentious part of her system. David Hume’s old problem—how one derives an “ought” from an “is”—is met head-on. Rand argued that the concept of value only arises for living organisms. A rock has no values because nothing can benefit or harm it as a rock. A living entity must act to maintain its life. For a human being, whose mode of survival is conceptual and productive rather than instinctual, the good is that which sustains and advances life according to the requirements of a rational being. The evil is that which destroys it.

From this, she derived rational egoism: one’s own life is the proper standard of value, and the moral purpose of each individual is to achieve their own happiness through productive work and voluntary trade. This is not a license for whim, predation, or short-term gratification. The man who drinks himself to death is not selfish; he is destroying the only value he possesses. Rational self-interest requires long-range thinking, integrity, and the refusal to live as a parasite or to treat others as sacrificial animals.

Altruism, in her usage, is not simple kindness or voluntary charity. It is the moral doctrine that the individual has a duty to sacrifice himself to others and that the needs of the collective create a claim on the productive. She rejected that doctrine root and branch. Charity is permissible and often admirable when it is voluntary and does not rest on the premise that the recipient has a moral mortgage on the giver. The moment it becomes a duty enforced by the state or by social pressure, it ceases to be benevolence and becomes predation with a halo.

Politics: Capitalism as the Only Moral System

If individuals have the right to their own lives and the products of their efforts, then the only political system consistent with that right bans the initiation of physical force. Government’s legitimate functions shrink to the police (to protect against domestic force), the military (to protect against foreign force), and the courts (to adjudicate disputes under objective law). Everything else—roads, schools, welfare, industrial policy—belongs in the realm of private voluntary action.

Capitalism, in this view, is not merely the most efficient system; it is the only moral one, because it is the only system that treats individuals as ends in themselves and organizes society based on trade rather than sacrifice. Any government seizure of wealth for redistribution is a violation of the producer’s right to the product of his mind. Rand did not arrive at this conclusion in a vacuum. She had watched the Bolsheviks liquidate private property and reduce her family to near-starvation. When she looked at the New Deal and the expanding administrative state in her adopted country, she saw a slower, softer version of the same principle: the subordination of the individual to the collective will.

The Novels as Philosophical Weapons

The Fountainhead gave the world Howard Roark, the architect who would rather see his building destroyed than allow it to be compromised by second-handers and taste-makers. He is the archetype of the man who lives by his own judgment. Atlas Shrugged escalated the drama: the inventors, industrialists, and thinkers who carry the world on their shoulders stop. The result is not utopia for the remaining population; it is collapse. The book’s influence on entrepreneurs, Silicon Valley founders, and a certain strain of American political thought is well documented. Peter Thiel has been open about its impact. Figures in the current administration’s orbit have circulated it for years. In Ohio, legislators have been known to hand out copies as a quiet statement of first principles. My good friend Senator George Lang is one of them. And the hatred of Peter Thiel largely, and specifically, comes from his support of Ayn Rand’s philosophy of Objectivism, which the political left despises.

Critics have always been harsh. Whittaker Chambers’s famous National Review attack treated Atlas Shrugged as if it issued from a totalitarian loudspeaker—an irony given Rand’s lifelong hatred of totalitarianism. Academic philosophers such as Robert Nozick argued that even if one accepts life as the standard of value, the leap to absolute property rights and the rejection of any enforceable duty of aid is not logically compelled. The Objectivist movement itself developed a reputation for rigidity and a personality cult, culminating in the public break with Nathaniel Branden. These criticisms are not trivial. A philosophy that demands near-perfect consistency will always struggle with the messy, interdependent realities of actual human lives, including disability, bad luck, and the genuine goods that arise from voluntary community.

Yet the core insight survives the objections. The productive genius of a relative handful of individuals—Edison, the Wrights, the modern equivalents like Elon Musk building reusable rockets and energy systems—creates the surplus that lifts entire societies. When those individuals are treated as cash cows for the collective or as moral suspects simply because they succeed, the long-term result is not justice. It is stagnation. The question is not whether Elon Musk or any particular innovator is personally likable. The question is whether a society that systematically handicaps its highest producers in the name of equity ends up better or worse for the average person. The historical record of systems that tried the latter experiment is not ambiguous.

America at the Crossroads of Two Traditions

Walk out of certain offices in the Ohio Statehouse and the architecture itself poses the question. Greek columns, vaulted ceilings, classical proportions—the visual language of a republican experiment that began on the other side of the Mediterranean. At the same time, the conversations that spontaneously arise among the people who work there often turn to Scripture, to the Book of Judges, to the warning that a people who demand a king “like all the nations” will discover what concentrated power does to both ruler and ruled. The American founding drew from both streams: classical political forms and a biblical anthropology that understood the corruption of the human heart and the danger of centralized authority.

Rand, an atheist, had little patience for the religious side of that inheritance. Yet her central political claim—that the smallest minority is the individual, and that any ideology which subordinates the individual to the group is already on the road to tyranny—converges with the older biblical suspicion of collective power. The scapegoat mechanism, the demand that someone be sacrificed for the sins or the needs of the many, is ancient. Objectivism names it without theological language and refuses to grant it moral legitimacy.

The same refusal applies to the newer forms of collectivism on offer: the racial and sexual identity politics that treat individuals as avatars of groups, the economic redistribution that treats productive achievement as a social resource to be reallocated, and the cultural insistence that biological reality itself is a social construct. These are not progressive refinements. They are regressions to the oldest political temptation—the belief that the group can rewrite the terms of its members’ existence.

The Continuing Argument

Objectivism is not the last word in philosophy. No system is. Human thought did not end with Aristotle, or with Rand, or with any other figure. Quantum theory, the limits of sensory apparatus, and the persistent human hunger for meaning beyond the strictly material remain open questions. One can accept the primacy of existence and the necessity of reason for navigating the world of action, while still acknowledging that the full picture of reality may lie beyond the current toolkit. The political core, however, does not require omniscience. It requires only the recognition that individuals are not raw material for someone else’s vision of the good, and that a society which protects the right of the mind to function is the only kind that has ever generated sustained prosperity and personal freedom.

That is why the books keep circulating and why the arguments keep returning. In a moment when collectivist premises dominate major institutions and when the productive minority is once again treated as a problem to be managed, Rand’s insistence on the individual as the irreducible unit of moral and political life is not nostalgia. It is a necessary corrective. The American experiment has always been an argument about how much room to give the person who refuses to live as a cog. Objectivism is one of the clearest modern statements of the side that says the person comes first. The debate is not academic. It is the daily substance of politics, culture, and the question of what kind of country this remains.

Further reading is straightforward. Start with the novels for the emotional and dramatic force, then move to the nonfiction for the systematic case. The rest is the ongoing work of testing those ideas against the evidence of history and the requirements of a free society.

Footnotes

1. For biographical context and the formative impact of the Bolshevik Revolution on Rand’s thought, see her own accounts in We the Living (semi-autobiographical) and the biographical material in Letters of Ayn Rand, ed. Michael S. Berliner (New York: Dutton, 1995).

2. Ayn Rand, “The Metaphysical Versus the Man-Made,” in Philosophy: Who Needs It (New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1982); also “The Objectivist Ethics” in The Virtue of Selfishness (New York: New American Library, 1964).

3. Ayn Rand, Introduction to Objectivist Epistemology, expanded 2nd ed., ed. Harry Binswanger and Leonard Peikoff (New York: NAL Books, 1990).

4. Ayn Rand, “The Objectivist Ethics,” in The Virtue of Selfishness; the 1961 University of Wisconsin lecture is referenced in secondary literature and in Peikoff’s Objectivism: The Philosophy of Ayn Rand (New York: Dutton, 1991).

5. Ayn Rand, “What Is Capitalism?” and related essays in Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal (New York: New American Library, 1966).

6. On the novel’s reception and influence, see Jennifer Burns, Goddess of the Market: Ayn Rand and the American Right (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009); Whittaker Chambers’s review appeared in National Review, December 28, 1957. Robert Nozick’s critique is “On the Randian Argument,” The Personalist 52 (1971).

Bibliography

Burns, Jennifer. Goddess of the Market: Ayn Rand and the American Right. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009.

Chambers, Whittaker. “Big Sister Is Watching You.” National Review, December 28, 1957.

Nozick, Robert. “On the Randian Argument.” The Personalist 52 (1971): 282–304.

Peikoff, Leonard. Objectivism: The Philosophy of Ayn Rand. New York: Dutton, 1991.

Rand, Ayn. Anthem. Caldwell, ID: Caxton Printers, 1953 (orig. 1938).

———. Atlas Shrugged. New York: Random House, 1957.

———. Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal. New York: New American Library, 1966.

———. The Fountainhead. New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1943.

———. Introduction to Objectivist Epistemology. Expanded 2nd ed. Edited by Harry Binswanger and Leonard Peikoff. New York: NAL Books, 1990.

———. Philosophy: Who Needs It. New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1982.

———. The Virtue of Selfishness. New York: New American Library, 1964.

———. We the Living. New York: Macmillan, 1936.

Rich Hoffman

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From Put-in-Bay Caves to Edison’s Milan Home: A Family Vacation That Reveals the Enduring Spark of American Curiosity

I have spent a good deal of time lately thinking about the ancient copper mines of Lake Superior and the strange, almost otherworldly geology that surrounds the Great Lakes. Those thoughts were still turning over in my mind when my family and I loaded the RV and headed for South Bass Island. People from California or Europe might look at a map of Ohio and wonder why anyone would choose an island in Lake Erie for a vacation. From where I sit, it is one of the finest places on earth. It is close enough that my wife and I can reach it without turning the trip into an ordeal, yet once you are on the island you feel properly away from the mainland and its noise. That distance matters to me more than it once did.

We took the ferry with the RV, set up camp, and let the grandchildren loose on golf carts. They had a tremendous time. My son-in-law captured a different angle of the same days on his YouTube channel—lighter, more focused on the pure family fun. I present information one way; he and my daughter present it another. The island itself offered exactly what I had hoped for: a short escape, some serious geology, and a chance to feed the particular curiosity I see in one of my grandsons.

Why South Bass Island and the Lake Erie Caves Called to Us

The geology of these islands is young by deep-time standards. Much of what you see was shaped by the last ice age, roughly 12,000 years ago, yet the underlying limestone and the cave systems hold older stories. I wanted the grandchildren to walk through those stories. Perry’s Cave is the most famous of them. During the War of 1812, men under Commodore Oliver Hazard Perry used the underground freshwater stream inside the cave while the fleet was based in the natural harbor at Put-in-Bay. The cave sits fifty-odd feet below the surface, stays a constant cool temperature, and still carries that quiet historical weight.

A short distance away is Crystal Cave at Heineman’s Winery, recognized as the world’s largest geode. You descend into a single vast cavity lined with celestite crystals, some of them more than a foot long. The space is large enough to accommodate a small group of people comfortably. Standing inside it feels less like visiting a tourist attraction and more like stepping into a mineral cathedral formed over thousands of years after the ice retreated. My grandson, the one who already shows the restless, pattern-seeking intelligence that strongly reminds me of a young Thomas Edison, had been talking about the largest geode in the world. We made sure he saw it.

Joe’s Bar sits near the little airport, close enough that people flying in on small planes can walk over for a hamburger or fries. They allow dogs on the outdoor side, which is why my granddaughter wanted to go. We were not there for the drinking crowd. We were there because it sits almost on the path between the campground and the caves, and because a place that welcomes the family dog while serving simple food has its own quiet usefulness. These small details are part of what makes the island work.

The Edison Parallel and the Decision to Stay Longer in Milan

I talk about Thomas Edison a good deal around that particular grandson. It is not that I want to turn him into a replica. I want him to see that there have always been alternatives to the standard path. After the rest of us headed home, my oldest daughter, her husband, and that grandson stayed on. They took the extra days to drive over to Milan, Ohio, and visit Edison’s boyhood home. The house is modest, brick, and sits in a quiet town that still carries the inventor’s name with a certain local pride.

I had recommended Edmund Morris’s biography of Edison years earlier. Morris structured the book in reverse, beginning near the end of Edison’s life—when the older man was still frantically trying to solve the problem of domestic rubber production with Henry Ford and others—and working backward to the boy in Milan. That structure stays with me. It shows a man who never stopped pushing against limits, even when he was five minutes from death. His mother had pulled him out of the public school system early because the ordinary classroom could not contain him. She homeschooled him, protected his oddities, and gave him room to become the person who would later file patents at a pace almost no one has matched.

That decision by a mother in a small Ohio town still matters. The regulatory and educational environment today makes another Edison far less likely. My daughter understands this. Her husband understands it. They did not stay behind to force a legend on a child. They stayed to show him the actual house, the actual town, and the atmosphere that once allowed a singular mind to develop without being sanded down into a drone.

Local Newspapers, Mickey’s Gas Station, and the Voynich Manuscript

While they were in the Milan area, they stopped at one of the Mickey’s locations—a regional gas-station and market chain that still feels rooted in northern Ohio rather than corporate nowhere. At the counter, they picked up free local newspapers. One of them carried a feature on the Voynich Manuscript, the world’s most mysterious book. My daughter texted me photos of the pages and asked what I thought of it.

I had already written about the manuscript. My working view is that it may be the notebook of a non-human intelligence that somehow ended up in human hands—an idea that fits the larger pattern I explore in The Politics of Heaven. Whether that theory is ultimately correct or not, the fact that a free newspaper distributed at a gas station in Edison country would feature the Voynich at all tells you something about the residual curiosity that still lives in these communities. They are not merely selling fuel and snacks. They are still willing to put strange, difficult ideas in front of ordinary people who might take a copy home and actually read it.

That same spirit shows up in the little free papers and local efforts you find on the islands themselves. People publish them because they love the place and want to keep a certain industrious, heritage-minded atmosphere alive. It is the opposite of the passive consumption that dominates so much of modern life.

Hardware-Store Towels, Uranus Fudge, and the Ordinary Magic of Ohio Stops

One afternoon we took the kids to a beach facing Kelley’s Island from South Base Island. It is one of the better swimming spots in the area, down past the memorial at the far end. No one had packed swimsuits or towels. The water was cold, as Lake Erie usually is. My wife climbed into a golf cart, drove to the little hardware-and-grocery store that serves much of the island, bought towels and extra clothes, and raced back so the children would not freeze on the return ride. The whole episode lasted maybe half an hour. It was pure small-town improvisation, and it worked.

On other trips, we stop at Shelton’s fireworks store in Richmond, Indiana, right across the state line. Across the street sits the Uranus Fudge Factory, a place that leans hard into adolescent humor in its name yet sells genuinely high-quality candy. This has been a candy year for the grandchildren. We have hit obscure sweet shops all over Ohio, and Uranus held its own. We also make the ritual stop at the McDonald’s in Eaton with the good playground, even though the kids are now mostly too old to play on it. They still like being there. On the way back, we often grab Chinese food from the little plaza near the Walmart. These are not glamorous destinations. They are simply places that have kept a certain American texture—part commerce, part joke, part genuine local pride.

What These Days Actually Mean

I did not plan the vacation as a lesson. I planned it as time away with the people I care about, on an island that still feels like itself. The geology, the caves, the geode, the Edison house, the free newspaper with the Voynich article, the hardware-store towels, and the slightly ridiculous fudge factory all belong to the same larger pattern. They are evidence that pockets of real curiosity and individual initiative still exist in ordinary American places.

The copper mines of Superior, the glacial history of the islands, the unexplained manuscript, and the boy who was protected from the standard school system all feed into the same set of questions I have been carrying for years. Those questions will appear in full in The Politics of Heaven. For now, it is enough to say that a family trip to Put-in-Bay and a side journey to Milan reminded me why I keep returning to these subjects. Intelligence and inventiveness do not come from committees or from systems designed to produce uniform results. They come from particular minds given room to develop, often in small towns that still value their own odd heritage.

I am glad my daughter and son-in-law captured their version of the days on video. I am glad the grandchildren got to stand inside the largest geode, walk through Perry’s Cave, and see the actual house where Edison began. And I am glad a free newspaper at a gas station still bothers to tell people about the world’s most mysterious book. These are small signs, but they are real. In a time when so much of the culture seems determined to flatten everything into the same safe shape, they are worth noticing.

If you ever find yourself near Lake Erie with a few free days, take the ferry. Walk the caves. Stand inside the geode. And if you are driving through northern Ohio, stop at a Mickey’s and pick up whatever free paper they are giving away that week. You never know what might be inside it.

Footnotes

1. Guinness World Records recognizes Crystal Cave at Heineman’s Winery on South Bass Island as the largest geode, a single celestite cavity discovered in 1887 while digging a well.

2. Historical accounts credit men under Commodore Oliver Hazard Perry with using the underground stream in Perry’s Cave for freshwater during the 1813 occupation of the island before the Battle of Lake Erie.

3. Edmund Morris, Edison (New York: Random House, 2019). The biography is structured in reverse chronological order, beginning near the end of Edison’s life and moving backward to his boyhood in Milan, Ohio.

4. The Voynich Manuscript, held at Yale’s Beinecke Rare Book & Manuscript Library, remains undeciphered. Fringe theories have long included non-human or extraterrestrial origin; the author’s own published view aligns with that line of speculation as part of a broader inquiry into non-human intelligence.

5. Mickey’s is a regional convenience-store and gas-station chain headquartered in the Milan, Ohio area, known for community involvement and local character.

Selected Bibliography

Morris, Edmund. Edison. New York: Random House, 2019.

Heineman’s Winery and Crystal Cave historical materials, Put-in-Bay, Ohio.

Perry’s Cave Family Fun Center and related War of 1812 documentation.

National Park Service materials on Perry’s Victory and International Peace Memorial.

Voynich Manuscript facsimile and scholarly literature, Beinecke Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Yale University.

Local histories of South Bass Island, Kelleys Island, and the Lake Erie island archipelago.

Geology of the Great Lakes region and post-glacial cave formation studies.

Hoffman, Rich. The Gunfighter’s Guide to Business.

Hoffman, Rich. The Politics of Heaven (forthcoming).

The Gunfighter’s Guide: A skeleton key to Western Civilization (gunfighterguide.shop)

Rich Hoffman

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