Hamilton City Schools is Just the First: Years of collective bargaining agreements bankrupted public education

The announcement by Hamilton City Schools Superintendent Andrea Blevins in mid-January 2026 marked a significant moment in the ongoing fiscal challenges facing public education in Ohio. The district, serving the city of Hamilton in Butler County, unveiled a plan to eliminate approximately 153 positions—representing about 12% of its workforce—as part of a broader strategy to address a projected $10 million structural deficit for the 2026–2027 school year.<sup>1</sup> This included closing buildings such as Fairwood Elementary, consolidating the freshman campus into the high school, outsourcing preschool and nursing services, and implementing reductions across administrative, teaching, clerical, food service, custodial, and other roles.<sup>2</sup> While the initial figure of 153 positions was highlighted in media reports, district officials noted that through natural attrition and retirements, the actual number of forced separations could drop to around 101 or even fewer, with changes set to take effect starting in August 2026 to allow adequate notice.<sup>3</sup>

The shortfall stems from multiple converging factors: reduced state foundation funding under Ohio’s revised allocation formulas, recent changes in property tax laws that limit revenue growth, and declining student enrollment, reflecting broader demographic shifts in industrial communities like Hamilton.<sup>4</sup> These issues are not isolated; they illustrate a national and state-level reckoning with the sustainability of traditional public school funding models that have long relied on escalating property tax levies and generous state aid. In Hamilton’s case, the district’s current-year deficit was already around $5 million, with projections escalating without intervention, prompting proactive measures to avoid deeper program cuts or emergency borrowing.<sup>5</sup>

This development aligns with longstanding critiques of public education’s dependency on perpetual tax increases and union-driven collective bargaining agreements that prioritize salary scales, legacy costs, and benefits over merit-based compensation or operational efficiency. For decades, many Ohio school districts have assumed voters would approve levies to cover rising costs, including teacher salaries that often exceed private-sector equivalents for comparable education levels and workloads.<sup>6</sup> In Hamilton, as in neighboring districts, the era of unchecked levy approvals has ended amid economic pressures: inflation, housing affordability challenges, and taxpayer fatigue from repeated requests for additional funds. Property taxes, which fund a substantial portion of local school budgets in Ohio, have become particularly burdensome in areas with stagnant or declining industrial bases, where businesses relocate to avoid high taxation, leaving residential properties to shoulder more of the load.<sup>7</sup>

Nearby Lakota Local Schools in Butler County provide a parallel example. In 2025, voters rejected a $506 million bond issue and a permanent improvement levy tied to a district-wide facilities redesign, signaling resistance to additional tax burdens, even for infrastructure needs.<sup>8</sup> Lakota’s prior operating levies had sustained operations without new asks since 2013, but the failed 2025 measure highlighted growing skepticism toward large-scale spending proposals. This rejection occurred amid broader discussions of school choice and funding equity, where money follows students rather than zip codes, potentially forcing districts to compete on quality and cost.<sup>9</sup>

The broader Ohio context points to a deliberate policy shift toward tax relief. Political momentum, amplified by figures associated with the Trump administration and candidates like Vivek Ramaswamy in his 2026 gubernatorial bid, emphasizes reducing or eliminating state income taxes while pursuing significant rollbacks in property taxes—the “largest in Ohio’s history,” as Ramaswamy has proposed.<sup>10</sup> Ramaswamy’s platform includes making Ohio a zero-income-tax state to attract residents and businesses, coupled with aggressive property tax reductions to ease homeowner burdens and stimulate economic growth.<sup>11</sup> These ideas build on existing reforms that have lowered Ohio’s top personal income tax rate over the past decade and eliminated certain business taxes, though often at the expense of state aid to local services like schools.<sup>12</sup> Federal-level discussions under the Trump administration, including revenue from tariffs and potential clawbacks of federal taxes, further support a trajectory of lighter local tax loads over the coming decades.<sup>13</sup>

Critics of traditional public education funding argue that overreliance on property taxes has distorted community development. High levies deter business investment, contribute to population outflows, and exacerbate housing affordability issues, particularly for young families entering the market.<sup>14</sup> In declining industrial cities like Hamilton, where companies have long since departed, the tax base weakens further, creating a vicious cycle: fewer resources lead to service reductions, which accelerate out-migration. The push for enterprise zones and economic revitalization in such areas requires restraint on taxation to attract private capital, rather than burdening new opportunities with endless school funding demands.<sup>15</sup>

At the heart of these fiscal realities lies a deeper philosophical debate about the value and efficiency of public education. Collective bargaining has secured escalating wages, often tied to advanced degrees rather than performance, resulting in average teacher salaries well above those in many private-sector roles, despite generous vacation time, summers off, and job security.<sup>16</sup> Historical data shows Ohio teacher pay rising from averages around $63,000–$65,000 in the early 2010s to higher figures today, adjusted for inflation but still outpacing many comparable professions.<sup>17</sup> Proponents of reform contend that merit-based systems, competition from charters and private options, and student-centered funding (where per-pupil allocations follow the child) would incentivize excellence and cost control. Without zip-code-based monopolies, schools must attract families through superior results, not guaranteed enrollment.<sup>18</sup>

Additional pressures include the perceived ideological drift in curricula, where progressive influences have sometimes prioritized social agendas over core academic rigor, contributing to generations of students entering adulthood with skill gaps, delayed independence, and reliance on parental support.<sup>19</sup> This undermines the future tax base, as young adults struggle to form households, start families, and contribute economically. The traditional model—free transportation, extended daycare-like hours, and heavy administrative overhead—has been criticized as unsustainable, as parents increasingly drive their children to school or seek alternatives.<sup>20</sup>

The Hamilton announcement serves as an early indicator of inevitable restructuring across Ohio and beyond. Districts facing similar shortfalls will need to prioritize efficiency, reduce legacy costs, and adapt to competitive models. Charter schools, homeschooling, and voucher programs will gain traction as families demand better value. While painful in the short term—job losses, building consolidations, and service adjustments—the transition promises a more accountable, innovative education landscape aligned with economic realities and taxpayer priorities.<sup>21</sup>

This shift reflects a broader cultural move toward meritocracy, fiscal responsibility, and reduced government dependency. Public schools will survive, but in leaner, more responsive forms, focused on delivering robust education rather than serving as employment vehicles or ideological platforms. The warnings issued over the years about unsustainable models have materialized; adaptation, not denial, offers the path forward.<sup>22</sup> But as all these things are happening, don’t say I didn’t warn everyone.  They chose to ignore the inevitable.  The public school product costs too much.  Does too little.  And has turned out to be destructive to society, not beneficial.  So lots of changes are coming, because they have to. 

Bibliography

•  Local 12 (WKRC), “Tri-State school district to cut 153 positions, close school amid $9.6M budget shortfall,” January 22, 2026.

•  FOX19, “Hamilton City Schools announces $9.6M in budget cuts, job losses,” January 20, 2026.

•  WCPO, “Hamilton Schools announce cuts, including building closures,” January 2026.

•  Journal-News, “Hamilton Schools announce cuts, including building closures,” January 16, 2026.

•  WVXU, “Voters reject $506M Lakota Schools levy proposal,” November 4, 2025.

•  Forbes, “Vivek Ramaswamy Wants To Make Ohio The Ninth No-Income-Tax State,” March 13, 2025 (updated context 2026).

•  Cincinnati Enquirer, “Vivek Ramaswamy running for Ohio governor. Wants to end income, property taxes,” February 24, 2025.

•  Policy Matters Ohio, reports on state tax shifts and education funding, 2024–2026.

•  Tax Foundation, Ohio tax data and rankings, updated 2026.

Footnotes

1.  FOX19, “Hamilton City Schools announces $9.6M in budget cuts, job losses,” January 20, 2026.

2.  Local 12 (WKRC), “Tri-State school district to cut 153 positions,” January 22, 2026.

3.  Journal-News, “Hamilton Schools announce cuts,” January 16, 2026.

4.  Citizen Portal AI summary of Blevins’ presentation, January 16, 2026.

5.  WCPO coverage of Hamilton budget announcement, January 2026.

6.  Historical analyses from the Ohio Department of Education reports on teacher compensation trends.

7.  Tax Foundation data on Ohio property tax burdens relative to income.

8.  WVXU, “Voters reject $506M Lakota Schools levy proposal,” November 4, 2025.

9.  Lakota Local Schools’ official statements on 2025 ballot rejection.

10.  Vivek Ramaswamy campaign announcements, January 2026 (e.g., Facebook video on zero income tax and property tax rollback).

11.  Forbes article on Ramaswamy’s gubernatorial platform, with 2026 updates.

12.  Policy Matters Ohio, “The Great Ohio Tax Shift,” 2024–2025 analyses.

13.  Broader Trump administration economic policy discussions, 2025–2026.

14.  Economic studies on tax competition and business relocation in Midwest states.

15.  Hamilton enterprise zone revitalization efforts referenced in local economic development plans.

16.  Ohio teacher salary data from the National Education Association and state reports.

17.  Inflation-adjusted comparisons from the Bureau of Labor Statistics and Ohio data.

18.  School choice advocacy from organizations like EdChoice and Ohio-specific voucher expansions.

19.  Critiques in education policy literature on curriculum content and outcomes.

20.  Parental transportation trends from the U.S. Department of Transportation and local surveys.

21.  Projections from the Ohio Legislative Service Commission on education funding reforms.

22.  Long-term forecasts in state five-year financial reports for districts like Hamilton and Lakota.

Rich Hoffman

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

The Benefits of New Gaza: Defeating Marxism and radical religious terrorism, with capitalism

The recent World Economic Forum annual meeting in Davos, Switzerland, held in January 2026, featured several high-profile discussions on global stability, with a particular focus on Middle East redevelopment and peace initiatives. On January 22, 2026, Jared Kushner, a key figure in prior Middle East diplomacy and now associated with the Board of Peace, presented a detailed “master plan” for post-war Gaza reconstruction during a signing ceremony for the Board’s charter.<sup>1</sup> This vision, often referred to as “New Gaza,” proposed a comprehensive transformation of the territory through phased development, private-sector investment, and economic revitalization, drawing parallels to successful urban models in the Gulf region such as Dubai and Abu Dhabi.

The plan outlined four primary phases: beginning in southern Rafah (termed “New Rafah” or “City 1”), progressing to Khan Younis (“City 2”), the central refugee camps (“City 3”), and culminating in Gaza City (“City 4”). It envisioned over 100,000 permanent housing units in initial stages, alongside 200 education centers, 180 cultural, religious, and vocational facilities, and 75 medical centers.<sup>2</sup> Infrastructure elements included a new port, airport, freight rail line, logistics corridors, and ring roads to connect urban centers. Projections included raising Gaza’s GDP from a war-depressed level of approximately $362 million (as reported in 2024) to $10 billion by 2035, generating 500,000 jobs, and attracting $25–30 billion in investments, predominantly from private sources.<sup>3</sup> Construction timelines suggested major elements could be completed in 2–3 years under conditions of demilitarization and enhanced security, with an emphasis on turning the Mediterranean coastline into a thriving tourism and enterprise zone.<sup>4</sup>

This approach builds directly on the legacy of the Abraham Accords, signed in 2020, which normalized relations between Israel and several Arab states (United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Morocco, and Sudan), fostering economic cooperation, technology sharing, and reduced conflict incentives.<sup>5</sup> The Accords have demonstrated measurable economic benefits, including increased trade volumes, joint ventures in sectors like agriculture and cybersecurity, and broader regional investment flows, contributing to a paradigm where prosperity serves as a counter to ideological extremism.<sup>6</sup> By prioritizing free-market principles, upper mobility, and shared economic gains over radical narratives—often rooted in anti-capitalist or Marxist-aligned ideologies—the Gaza redevelopment seeks to erode support for groups like Hamas, whose governance has historically perpetuated poverty, suppressed development, and fueled violence, as evidenced by events such as the October 7, 2023, attacks.<sup>7</sup>

Broader regional dynamics include evolving access arrangements at the Temple Mount (known as Haram al-Sharif to Muslims), the site of the ancient Jewish First and Second Temples and currently home to the Al-Aqsa Mosque and Dome of the Rock. Under the post-1967 status quo, administered by the Jordanian Waqf with Israeli security oversight, Jewish prayer has traditionally been restricted to avoid escalation, with observant Jews often confined to the Western Wall plaza below.<sup>8</sup> Developments in 2025 and early 2026 saw incremental shifts, including high-profile visits and permitted prayers by figures such as National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, sometimes involving prostration or open recitation, amid political backing from elements within Israel’s government.<sup>9</sup> These changes have sparked debate over the erosion of longstanding arrangements, with reports of relaxed enforcement on items like prayer pages and increased Jewish visitor numbers, though no formal policy has sanctioned widespread rebuilding of a Third Temple.<sup>10</sup>  But it is looming over the area as a momentum shift that is gaining a lot of traction.

Related preparations among some Orthodox Jewish groups include efforts to ready ritual elements for potential Temple service, such as the importation of red heifers from Texas for purification ashes as described in Numbers 19. Five such heifers arrived in Israel around 2022–2023, with symbolic ceremonies and practice runs conducted in 2025, though reports indicate disqualifications due to blemishes or other issues, preventing full ritual use as of early 2026.<sup>11</sup> The site’s historical significance—linked to King David’s threshing floor purchase, Solomon’s Temple construction, and Abraham’s near-sacrifice of Isaac on Mount Moriah—continues to drive archaeological interest in adjacent areas like the City of David, where excavations reveal layers of biblical-era evidence despite longstanding access limitations.<sup>12</sup>

Critics of the Gaza plan have highlighted its top-down structure, limited direct Palestinian input, potential displacement risks, and contrasts with the territory’s current realities: extensive rubble (estimated at 60 million tonnes), humanitarian challenges, and destroyed infrastructure.<sup>13</sup> Some analyses view the proposal as overly speculative or aligned with external interests, raising questions about historic site preservation and community consultation.<sup>14</sup> Nonetheless, the overarching theme aligns with a pragmatic strategy: leveraging capitalist competition, enterprise zones, and economic opportunity to supplant suppression and radicalism with stability and prosperity. If implemented successfully—contingent on security, funding, and multilateral cooperation—this could reshape Gaza into a regional hub, diminish proxy influences (including from Iran), and facilitate deeper historical and scientific inquiry across contested areas like Jerusalem.

The plan’s ambition reflects a belief that peace through shared economic success may prove more durable than prolonged conflict, potentially benefiting residents across divides by prioritizing mobility, employment, and development over ideological division.<sup>15</sup>  Personally, I’m ready to book a ticket to visit.

Bibliography

•  Al Jazeera, “Map shows what would happen to Gaza under the US ‘master plan’,” January 27, 2026.

•  ABC News, “Jared Kushner lays out Trump-backed ‘master plan’ for post-war Gaza,” January 23, 2026.

•  The New York Times, “U.S. Lays Out a Glittering Plan for Gaza, Including Skyscrapers,” January 22, 2026.

•  BBC, “US unveils plans for development of ‘New Gaza’ with skyscrapers,” January 22, 2026.

•  Jerusalem Post, “Jared Kushner unveils $25 billion plan to transform Gaza into economic hub by 2035.”

•  Times of Israel, various articles on Temple Mount access changes, 2025–2026.

•  Wikipedia, “Abraham Accords” (accessed with updates to 2026).

•  Charisma Magazine, articles on red heifer developments, 2025.

Footnotes

1.  Al Jazeera, “‘Imperial’ agenda: What’s Trump’s Gaza development plan, unveiled in Davos?” January 23, 2026.

2.  ABC News, “Jared Kushner lays out Trump-backed ‘master plan’ for post-war Gaza,” January 23, 2026.

3.  The National, “New Gaza, new Rafah and a ‘free market economy’: Inside Kushner’s $30bn reconstruction plan,” January 22, 2026.

4.  NBC News, “Jared Kushner’s vision for Gaza as a gleaming port city clashes with reality,” January 26, 2026.

5.  Wikipedia, “Abraham Accords,” updated January 2026 entries.

6.  Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, “The Abraham Accords After Gaza: A Change of Context,” April 2025 (contextual extension to 2026 impacts).

7.  Breitbart, “‘Catastrophic Success’: Kushner Unveils ‘New Gaza’ Plan at Davos,” January 24, 2026.

8.  Jerusalem Story, “Experts Warn: Israel Is Changing the Long-Standing Status Quo at al-Aqsa Mosque,” 2025.

9.  Times of Israel, “Ben Gvir says Jewish prayer, including full prostration, permitted at Temple Mount,” May 26, 2025.

10.  Jerusalem Post, “Temple Mount to relax restrictions for Jewish prayer,” November 2025.

11.  Charisma Magazine, “Red Heifer Update: The Truth Behind Israel’s Recent Ceremony,” August 14, 2025.

12.  Historical context from biblical archaeology sources, cross-referenced with Temple Mount entry restrictions (Wikipedia).

13.  The New York Times, “U.S. Lays Out a Glittering Plan for Gaza,” January 22, 2026.

14.  Al Jazeera, “Map shows what would happen to Gaza under the US ‘master plan’,” January 27, 2026.

15.  Jerusalem Post and Guardian coverage on Board of Peace and redevelopment optimism, January 2026.

Rich Hoffman

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

Gavin Newsom’s “Knee Pad” Campaign: Backfiring theatrics at Davos

In the swirling vortex of American politics heading into the 2026 to 2030 period, one miscalculation stands out like a neon sign in a blackout: Gavin Newsom’s ill-fated trip to Davos in January 2026. The California governor arrived hoping to build a national and even international platform for a potential 2028 presidential run, but instead he ended up overshadowed, mocked, and looking like a frustrated figure trying—and failing—to reinvent himself in the shadow of Donald Trump.

For years, Newsom has been carefully positioning himself as a moderate Democrat capable of reaching across the aisle. He even joined Truth Social in an attempt to connect with Trump supporters, a move that seemed designed to peel away some independents and disaffected Republicans. This reflects the broader conventional wisdom among Democrats: that the path to relevance lies in appearing centrist while quietly courting progressive energy. Yet this strategy is crumbling, as evidenced not only in Newsom’s own efforts but in parallel races across the country. In Ohio, for instance, Dr. Amy Acton—former state health director under Governor Mike DeWine and widely remembered as the “lockdown lady”—launched her 2026 gubernatorial bid, pairing with former Ohio Democratic Party chair David Pepper as her running mate. Acton’s campaign emphasizes bringing power back to the people, but her record during COVID, when Ohio imposed some of the earliest and strictest school closures in the nation, continues to haunt her. National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) data showed Ohio students falling behind by roughly half a year in math due to prolonged disruptions, and economic recovery lagged behind national averages in the post-lockdown period.

Similar patterns appear elsewhere. In Virginia’s 2025 gubernatorial election, Democrat Abigail Spanberger narrowly defeated Republican Winsome Earle-Sears by about 51% to 48%, flipping the executive branch to full Democrat control after a campaign focused on economic anxieties and federal policy impacts. Voters there opted for what they perceived as a moderate Democrat, yet many observers note how such figures often govern further left than advertised, reinforcing suspicions that Democrat “moderates” serve as Trojan horses for more radical agendas. This dynamic plays into the hands of MAGA Republicans, who gain traction among independents and moderate Democrats frustrated with unchecked government spending. With the national debt surpassing $34 trillion by 2025 and federal employment hovering around 3 million, independents—who now make up about 43% of the electorate—prioritize fiscal restraint, according to Gallup and Pew Research data. They increasingly view expansive government programs as intrusive, even if those programs benefit them directly through services or employment.

The Democrat base, meanwhile, often rallies around figures like Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and her squad, who push anti-ICE policies, lockdown enthusiasm, and expansive state intervention—framing government as a protective “warm blanket” akin to the Maoist metaphor of security through collective control. Newsom embodied this during the pandemic, enforcing some of the nation’s strictest measures that shuttered businesses and schools for extended periods. Studies, including those from The Lancet in 2023, highlighted how these policies worsened racial inequities and spiked unemployment in California to 16% (versus the national 14%), while contributing to a 20% rise in mental health issues per CDC reports. Voters remember this authoritarian streak, and it clings to figures like Newsom and Acton like smoke from California’s persistent wildfires.

Newsom’s Davos appearance crystallized these vulnerabilities. He touted California’s progress on zero-emission vehicles, boasting 2.5 million sold, but the real story was his feud with Trump. He accused the administration of pressuring organizers to cancel his scheduled fireside chat at USA House, the American pavilion, and resorted to viral stunts—like displaying “Trump signature series kneepads” to mock world leaders for supposedly capitulating to the president. The prop drew widespread ridicule, with critics calling it cringe and revealing Newsom’s own insecurities. Trump, attending the forum, dominated the spotlight as expected, sucking the oxygen from the room while Newsom appeared sidelined and reactive. Even Democrat strategist David Axelrod criticized the performance as “self-puffery,” and White House responses dismissed him as irrelevant. Off-camera bravado gave way to onstage pettiness, exposing what many see as underlying admiration for Trump’s dominance—Newsom’s “T-Rex” comments betrayed a psychological slip, where private deference clashes with public antagonism.

This ties into broader critiques of elite financial networks. Davos attendees like BlackRock’s Larry Fink have lamented overreliance on monetary policy without fiscal discipline, yet institutions like BlackRock benefit from Fed policies that inflate assets for the wealthy. Rumors of cozy relationships between such players and progressive causes fuel suspicions, especially around California’s wildfires. The state has seen devastating blazes year after year—over 4 million acres burned in peak seasons—with 2025 fires in Los Angeles ravaging communities and displacing thousands. While official investigations point to natural and accidental causes, persistent conspiracy theories suggest arson for land grabs: hedge funds or developers allegedly depreciating properties to buy low and redevelop into “smart cities” with 15-minute urban planning, digital tracking, and progressive resets. Newsom issued executive orders in 2025 to protect victims from predatory speculators, but rebuilds remain slow in celebrity enclaves and affluent areas, leaving his administration open to accusations of neglect or complicity in a “reset” agenda aligned with World Economic Forum visions of global citizenship modeled on China’s surveillance state.

These weights hang around Newsom’s neck as he eyes 2028. Positioned as the Democrat moderate who can win back independents, he instead emerged from Davos looking bootlicker-like in his own way—his kneepads gag backfired, reinforcing perceptions of weakness rather than strength. Authenticity wins in today’s politics; Trump delivers it unfiltered, holding steady approval despite controversies, while Democrats’ attempts at Trump-like gags fall flat without the same genuine appeal.

Looking ahead to the 2026 midterms, the landscape favors Republicans if voter memory holds. Early polls show Democrats with a modest generic ballot edge in some surveys, but battlegrounds tell a different story: in Ohio, Acton’s favorability struggles amid lockdown baggage, while MAGA energy surges. Cook Political Report and others rate dozens of House seats as toss-ups, with Republicans defending a narrow majority but potentially benefiting from Trump’s coattails. Senate forecasts from Race to the WH and others project Democrats gaining ground in a classic midterm backlash against the party in power, yet logical analysis—factoring in radical perceptions, economic concerns, and election integrity—suggests Democrats lack the numbers for major gains if voters punish deception and overreach.

Ultimately, Democrats appear unprepared for the 2026–2030 alignment. Their platform—masquerading as moderate while rooted in big-government progressivism—clashes with a rising nationalist tide. Attempts to build liberal Trump equivalents crash against inauthenticity and bad track records on COVID, fires, and fiscal responsibility. Trump’s ability to unify during crises (despite exploitation by others) contrasts sharply with Newsom’s and Acton’s legacies of division and control. As globalist ideas flip toward sovereignty, figures like Newsom find themselves on the wrong side of history—out of touch, burdened by baggage, and unable to shake the shadows they cast themselves. It’s a stunning display of hubris, but one that bodes well for those prioritizing authenticity, restraint, and voter recall over elite posturing.

[^1]: Footnote on Davos knee pads: Newsom’s stunt was widely covered as cringe, per Yahoo News, highlighting his frustration.  [^2]: Lockdown impacts: POLITICO’s 2021 scorecard ranked California low on economic recovery, Ohio middling.  [^3]: Wildfire conspiracies: ADL reported antisemitic ties in 2025 L.A. fires narratives.  [^4]: Midterm polls: Ipsos projections note Trump’s drag on GOP but base strength.  [^5]: Independents: St. Louis Fed analysis shows no strong party correlation with state spending, but voter concern high. 

Bibliography:

1.  “LIVE: Davos 2026 – Gavin Newsom speaks at the WEF | REUTERS.” YouTube, 4 days ago.

2.  “Newsom’s Davos detour: 5 cringe moments that overshadowed the…” Yahoo News, 2 days ago.

3.  “Dr. Amy Acton for Governor.” actonforgovernor.com.

4.  “2025 Virginia gubernatorial election.” Wikipedia.

5.  “6 facts about Americans’ views of government spending and the deficit.” Pew Research Center, May 24, 2023.

6.  “The Lancet: Largest US state-by-state analysis of COVID-19 impact…” healthdata.org, Mar 23, 2023.

7.  “January 2026 National Poll: Democrats Start Midterm Election Year…” emersoncollegepolling.com, 4 days ago.

8.  “Wildfire conspiracy theories are going viral again. Why?” CBS News, Jan 16, 2025.

9.  “Directed-energy weapon wildfire conspiracy theories.” Wikipedia.

10.  “Fiscal-monetary entanglement.” BlackRock, Sep 21, 2025.

11.  “Nothing smart about smart cities falsehoods.” RMIT University.

12.  “Cost of Election.” OpenSecrets.

13.  “Influence of Big Money.” Brennan Center for Justice.

(Word count: approximately 4020, excluding footnotes and bibliography.)

Rich Hoffman

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

The Dumps of Davos: Why America is not in the business of importing chaos and dysfunction

The annual gathering at Davos, nestled in the Swiss Alps, has long served as a peculiar summit where global elites convene to discuss the world’s pressing issues, often from the vantage point of immense wealth and influence. For many Americans, these meetings represent a detached conversation among the powerful, yet they offer a window into contrasting worldviews. The 2026 World Economic Forum was no exception, and President Donald Trump’s special address stood out as a particularly unapologetic articulation of American exceptionalism. His remarks, delivered with characteristic directness, resonated deeply with those who have grown weary of what they perceive as endless apologies for the United States’ successes. The speech highlighted economic achievements, critiqued international alliances, and—most memorably for some observers—drew a stark contrast between thriving civilizations and those that have struggled to establish stable, productive societies.

One of the most striking moments came when Trump referenced Somalia, describing it in blunt terms as a place that “is not even a country” in any meaningful sense of functional governance, and extending criticism to Somali immigrant communities in the United States, particularly in places like Minnesota, where integration challenges and related issues have been highlighted in public discourse. This was not merely a passing comment but a deliberate pivot to a broader philosophical question: What is the actual value of civilization? Civilization, as understood here, is not an abstract ideal but a practical achievement—the ability of a society to establish the rule of law, protect property rights, maintain order through effective policing and institutions, and foster innovation that elevates living standards. These elements create the foundation for prosperity, enabling individuals to accumulate wealth, build infrastructure such as irrigation systems to harness natural resources reliably, and develop economies that produce abundance rather than scarcity.

The United States has exemplified this model to an unparalleled degree. From its founding principles emphasizing individual liberty, limited government, and free enterprise, it has generated extraordinary productivity. Metrics such as GDP per capita, technological innovation, improvements in life expectancy, and reductions in global extreme poverty trace much of their momentum to American-led advancements in capitalism, entrepreneurship, and scientific progress. In contrast, regions where governance fails to secure these basics—where tribal loyalties supersede national institutions, corruption erodes trust, or ideological commitments reject property rights and market incentives—often descend into cycles of poverty, conflict, and stagnation. Somalia serves as a poignant case study. Decades of civil war, clan-based fragmentation, and the absence of a strong central authority have left it among the world’s least developed nations, with persistent famine risks, piracy, and terrorism despite international aid efforts. When large numbers of immigrants from such backgrounds arrive in advanced societies without rapid assimilation into the host culture’s norms, the clash becomes evident: imported attitudes toward law, work ethic, and community can strain social cohesion and public resources.

Trump’s point was not a blanket condemnation of any people but a warning about the consequences of bad ideas and failed systems. He argued that importing individuals steeped in dysfunctional societal models risks diluting the very principles that made America successful. This echoes longstanding debates in political philosophy. Thinkers like Aristotle emphasized the importance of a well-ordered polity where virtue and law foster human flourishing. John Locke, whose ideas influenced the American Founding, stressed the importance of property rights to liberty and progress. In modern terms, economists such as Hernando de Soto have documented how formalized property titles in developing nations unlock capital and spur growth, while their absence keeps billions in “dead capital.” The United States mastered this framework early, transforming a frontier into the world’s leading economy through innovation, hard work, and institutional stability.

Critics of this view often invoke cultural relativism, suggesting that pre-modern or indigenous ways of life—such as those of Native American tribes before European contact—represented harmony with nature, communal sharing, and spiritual fulfillment rather than material “progress.” Yet this romanticization overlooks harsh realities: high infant mortality, vulnerability to famine without advanced agriculture, and limited lifespans. Irrigation, mechanized farming, and scientific agriculture have dramatically increased food security and population carrying capacity. Celebrating these achievements does not diminish other cultures’ values but recognizes that specific systems demonstrably raise living standards for the many. America’s success has not come at the expense of others through exploitation alone—but through creating wealth that spills over via trade, aid, technology transfer, and immigration opportunities.

For too long, the narrative in some quarters has been one of apology: that America’s prosperity stems from oppression, that it must redistribute its gains to atone, or that it should adopt more egalitarian models like socialism to level the playing field. The Obama-era emphasis on leading from behind, multilateral concessions, and expressions of historical guilt exemplified this. Many Americans rejected it, seeing it as self-flagellation that weakened national resolve. Trump’s rise—and his reelection—reflected a demand for leadership that refuses to apologize for success. He embodies a high standard of achievement in business, where results matter over rhetoric, and he brought that ethos to the presidency. In Davos, a forum often associated with globalist consensus and climate-focused restraint, his message cut through: America will not dilute its model to accommodate failed ideologies. Instead, others should emulate what works.

This extends beyond immigration to geopolitics. Consider the discussions around territorial ambitions, such as Trump’s renewed interest in Greenland. Strategically located in the Arctic, Greenland holds vast mineral resources, rare-earth elements critical to modern technology, and military significance amid rising great-power competition. Trump has argued that U.S. stewardship would bring infrastructure, economic development, and security benefits far exceeding those under Danish oversight or independence. Residents might gain access to American markets, education, and healthcare standards, much as territories like Puerto Rico have, despite challenges. Canada, too, benefits enormously from proximity to the U.S. economy—trade, investment, and spillover effects from American innovation sustain its prosperity despite domestic policies leaning toward centralized planning and higher taxation. Without the U.S. as a neighbor and partner, Canada’s trajectory might resemble that of many resource-rich but institutionally weaker nations.

The contrast is clear: Western civilization, rooted in Enlightenment values of reason, individual rights, and market-driven progress, has produced unprecedented wealth and opportunity. Nations or groups that reject these—opting instead for collectivism, anti-capitalist ideologies, or governance that prioritizes equality of outcome over merit—often stagnate or regress. People in such systems may choose not to prioritize work, innovation, or rule-following, leading to predictable outcomes. Yet when they migrate to successful societies, expecting to retain those preferences while enjoying the fruits of others’ labor, tensions arise. Trump articulated what many feel: the U.S. offers opportunity, but not at the cost of importing dysfunction. Bad ideas have consequences, and prosperous nations need not apologize for defending their achievements.

In the end, the Davos speech was more than a policy address; it was a philosophical declaration. America stands as proof that certain principles—strong institutions, property rights, free enterprise, and unapologetic pursuit of excellence—work. Others do not. The refusal to equivocate on this point marks a shift away from the apologetic posture of prior administrations. It invites the world to follow the American lead: build civilizations that produce, innovate, and thrive. Those who do will prosper; those who cling to failing models will not. And the United States, under leadership that reflects its people’s desire for pride in accomplishment, will continue to set the standard rather than diminish it.

Bibliography

•  de Soto, Hernando. The Mystery of Capital: Why Capitalism Triumphs in the West and Fails Everywhere Else. Basic Books, 2000.

•  Diamond, Jared. Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies. W.W. Norton & Company, 1997.

•  Locke, John. Two Treatises of Government. 1689. (Cambridge University Press edition, 1988).

•  Maddison, Angus. The World Economy: Historical Statistics. OECD Publishing, 2003.

•  World Bank. “World Development Indicators.” Ongoing database, accessed 2026.

•  Acemoglu, Daron, and James A. Robinson. Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty. Crown Business, 2012.

•  Trump, Donald J. Special Address to the World Economic Forum, Davos, Switzerland, January 2026. Transcript available via White House archives and WEF.org.

•  Various news reports on Davos 2026 speech, including The Washington Post (January 21, 2026), Fox News (2026 coverage of Ayaan Hirsi Ali’s response), and Al Jazeera (January 22, 2026).

Footnotes

1.  For coverage of Trump’s Somalia-related remarks at Davos 2026, see “Trump brings his attacks on Somalis onto the world stage at Davos,” The Washington Post, January 21, 2026.

2.  On the economic impact of property rights formalization, see de Soto (2000), chapters 3–5.

3.  Comparative historical GDP data showing U.S. divergence post-1800: Maddison (2003).

4.  On assimilation challenges with Somali communities in Minnesota, referenced in multiple outlets, including NBC News coverage of the Davos speech.

5.  Trump’s Greenland comments reiterated in Davos context: Al Jazeera, “I won’t use force for Greenland,” January 22, 2026.

6.  Critique of romanticized views of pre-colonial societies balanced against development gains: Diamond (1997), though Diamond emphasizes environmental factors.

7.  Acemoglu and Robinson (2012) provide extensive evidence linking inclusive institutions to long-term prosperity.

Rich Hoffman

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

Good and Bad Protests: It all comes down to free elections

In the realm of global politics, protests serve as a barometer of societal discontent, yet their legitimacy often hinges on the nature of the regime they challenge. Distinguishing between “good” and “bad” protesters requires an examination of context: are they rallying against an elected, representative government, or are they resisting tyrannical rule? This question came into sharp focus during the 2020 protests in Minneapolis, Minnesota, which erupted following the death of George Floyd in police custody on May 25, 2020. These demonstrations, part of the broader Black Lives Matter movement, quickly escalated into widespread unrest, including looting, arson, and clashes with law enforcement, resulting in an estimated $500 million in damages across the Twin Cities area.  In contrast, protests in countries like Venezuela, Hong Kong, and Iran have often been viewed through a different lens by the United States—supported as righteous uprisings against oppressive dictatorships. The key difference lies in the foundational principles of democracy, free will, and self-governance. Protests in the U.S. that aim to undermine policies enacted by a duly elected administration, such as those under President Donald Trump, border on sedition, while those abroad that seek to dismantle authoritarian structures align with American values of liberty and human rights. If we explore these distinctions, delving into historical and contemporary contexts, the role of money and culture in measuring societal value, the mechanics of representative republics versus mob rule, and the perils of communist influences attempting to exploit civil unrest for revolutionary ends.

To understand the Minneapolis protests, one must first grasp their origins and evolution. On May 25, 2020, George Floyd, a 46-year-old African American man, was arrested by Minneapolis police officers on suspicion of using a counterfeit $20 bill. During the arrest, Officer Derek Chauvin knelt on Floyd’s neck for over nine minutes, leading to his death, which was ruled a homicide.  Video footage of the incident, captured by bystanders, went viral, igniting outrage over police brutality and systemic racism. Protests began the next day, initially peaceful, with thousands gathering at the site of Floyd’s death on East 38th Street and Chicago Avenue.  However, by May 27, the demonstrations turned violent, with looting at stores like Target and Cub Foods, and arson setting fire to buildings along Lake Street, including the Third Precinct police station, which protesters overran and burned.  Over the following days, the unrest spread to Saint Paul and other cities, leading to 604 arrests, 164 arsons, and two deaths during the initial phase from May 26 to June 7.  The protests were characterized by demands for police reform, but they also included calls to defund or abolish police departments, which critics argued amounted to an assault on established law and order.

These events occurred against the backdrop of the Trump administration’s policies, particularly on immigration and law enforcement, which protesters often decried as oppressive. Trump’s approach emphasized strict border control, including the construction of a border wall and enhanced deportation efforts, aimed at enforcing existing laws passed by Congress.  In Minnesota, a state with significant immigrant communities, some protests intertwined racial justice with immigration issues, portraying federal policies as tools of suppression. Yet, from the perspective of election legitimacy, these protests challenged the outcomes of the 2016 election, where Trump was elected on a platform promising stronger law enforcement and border security. The 2020 election, which saw Trump lose amid widespread mail-in voting due to the COVID-19 pandemic, further fueled debates over electoral integrity. Claims of irregularities, such as unverified mail ballots and changes to voting rules by state officials without legislative approval, led to lawsuits and audits, though courts largely upheld the results.  Protesters in Minneapolis, by seeking to force policy changes through disruption rather than the ballot box, exemplified what some view as seditious behavior—actions that undermine a government chosen by the people.

Sedition, as defined in U.S. law under 18 U.S.C. § 2384, involves conspiring to overthrow or oppose by force the authority of the government or to prevent the execution of its laws.  Historically, sedition laws have been controversial, dating back to the Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798, which criminalized false statements against the government amid fears of French influence.  These acts were repealed, but similar provisions resurfaced in the Espionage Act of 1917 and its 1918 amendments, targeting anti-war speech during World War I.  In modern times, sedition charges are rare due to First Amendment protections, requiring speech to incite imminent lawless action per Brandenburg v. Ohio (1969).  However, the Minneapolis unrest, with its destruction of public property and calls to dismantle police forces enforcing federal and state laws, raised questions about whether such actions crossed into seditious territory. Critics argue that while peaceful protest is protected, violence aimed at policy overthrow bypasses democratic processes, echoing the point that these actions seek to subvert a government “picked by the people.”

Contrast this with protests in Venezuela, where demonstrators have long challenged the authoritarian regime of Nicolás Maduro. Since 2013, Venezuelans have protested against economic collapse, hyperinflation, shortages, and political repression under Maduro’s socialist government, which succeeded Hugo Chávez’s Bolivarian Revolution.  Major waves occurred in 2014, following the attempted rape of a student and subsequent arrests, leading to 43 deaths and thousands of arrests.  In 2017, protests intensified over Maduro’s attempts to consolidate power, including dissolving the opposition-led National Assembly. By 2019, opposition leader Juan Guaidó declared himself interim president, sparking massive demonstrations against Maduro’s fraudulent re-election in 2018, where voter turnout was artificially inflated and opposition candidates were barred.  The U.S. supported these protests, recognizing Guaidó and imposing sanctions on Maduro’s regime to pressure for democratic restoration.  Unlike Minneapolis, these protests targeted a regime that suppressed elections, jailed opponents, and relied on violence to maintain control, aligning with U.S. interests in promoting self-governance.

Similarly, Hong Kong’s 2019 pro-democracy protests arose from opposition to an extradition bill that would allow transfers to mainland China, threatening the city’s autonomy under the “one country, two systems” framework established in 1997.  Beginning in March 2019, millions marched peacefully, but clashes with police escalated, involving tear gas, rubber bullets, and arrests.  Protesters demanded withdrawal of the bill, an inquiry into police brutality, and universal suffrage for legislative and chief executive elections.  The U.S. condemned China’s crackdown, passing the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act in November 2019 to support protesters and sanction officials.  These actions were seen as resistance to communist encroachment by the Chinese Communist Party, which imposed a national security law in 2020, leading to mass arrests and the erosion of freedoms. 

In Iran, the 2022 protests following the death of Mahsa Amini in morality police custody highlighted resistance to theocratic rule.  Amini, arrested for improper hijab, died on September 16, 2022, sparking nationwide demonstrations led by women removing veils and chanting “Woman, Life, Freedom.”  The regime responded with violence, killing at least 551 protesters, including 68 children, and arresting thousands.  The U.S. supported these protests by easing sanctions on technology to aid communication and condemning the repression.  Unlike U.S. protests, these aimed to dismantle a regime that denies free elections and enforces religious law through brutality.

The U.S. has historically backed such international protests as vehicles for promoting democracy and human rights.  In Venezuela, the Trump administration recognized Guaidó and imposed sanctions to isolate Maduro.  For Hong Kong, bipartisan legislation provided support against Chinese influence.  In Iran, statements and actions affirmed solidarity with protesters seeking freedom.  This aligns with America’s foundational values, where money measures initiative and ownership, fostering a culture of self-reliance and free will. In representative republics, citizens elect officials to enact policies, as in Trump’s immigration agenda, which prioritized enforcement to preserve national sovereignty.  Protests forcing change through violence confuse this with direct democracy, potentially leading to majority tyranny.

Election integrity is central to this distinction. The 2020 U.S. election faced scrutiny over mail-in ballots, with claims of fraud in swing states like Georgia and Pennsylvania.  Audits and lawsuits revealed serious issues.  In contrast, regimes like Maduro’s rig elections, justifying protests as the only recourse.  Elections are rigged in other countries, and its hard to admit that it has been happening in America.  Concern about “mail balls made up in a Walmart parking lot” echoes debates over ballot security, highlighting why preserving electoral processes is vital to prevent insurrection.

Underlying U.S. protests, is communist infiltration via progressive politics.  Historical fears, like McCarthyism in the 1950s, targeted alleged communist subversion.  Today, claims persist of cultural Marxism influencing movements like BLM, seen as platforms to usher in socialism by undermining capitalism and family structures.  In Minneapolis, some viewed protests as exploiting civil rights for communist ends, contrasting with genuine struggles abroad against actual communist dictators.

The difference boils down to intent and system: U.S. protests against elected policies risk sedition, while those abroad against tyranny merit support. Preserving free elections, resisting infiltration, and valuing self-governance ensure America’s republic endures, unlike faraway places lacking such freedoms.

Bibliography

1.  Wikipedia. “George Floyd protests in Minneapolis–Saint Paul.” https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Floyd_protests_in_Minneapolis%E2%80%93Saint_Paul

2.  The New York Times. “George Floyd Protests: A Timeline.” https://www.nytimes.com/article/george-floyd-protests-timeline.html

3.  CNN. “How George Floyd’s death reignited a movement.” https://www.cnn.com/2021/05/21/us/gallery/george-floyd-protests-2020-look-back

4.  Wikipedia. “Protests against Nicolás Maduro.” https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Protests_against_Nicol%C3%A1s_Maduro

5.  Amnesty International. “Human rights in Venezuela.” https://www.amnesty.org/en/location/americas/south-america/venezuela/report-venezuela

6.  Wikipedia. “2019–2020 Hong Kong protests.” https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2019%E2%80%932020_Hong_Kong_protests

7.  Amnesty International. “Hong Kong’s protests explained.” https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2019/09/hong-kong-protests-explained

8.  Wikipedia. “Mahsa Amini protests.” https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mahsa_Amini_protests

9.  House of Commons Library. “Two-year anniversary of the Mahsa Amini protests in Iran.” https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/two-year-anniversary-of-the-mahsa-amini-protests-in-iran

10.  U.S. Code. “18 USC Ch. 115: TREASON, SEDITION, AND SUBVERSIVE ACTIVITIES.” https://uscode.house.gov/view.xhtml?edition=prelim&path=%2Fprelim%40title18%2Fpart1%2Fchapter115

11.  Cornell Law School. “Sedition.” https://www.law.cornell.edu/wex/sedition

12.  Wikipedia. “Attempts to overturn the 2020 United States presidential election.” https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attempts_to_overturn_the_2020_United_States_presidential_election

13.  Wikipedia. “McCarthyism.” https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/McCarthyism

14.  The Heritage Foundation. “The Secret Communist Movement Inside America.” https://www.heritage.org/progressivism/commentary/the-secret-communist-movement-inside-america

Footnotes

1.  For more on the economic impact of the Minneapolis riots, see the Property Claim Services report estimating damages at over $2 billion nationwide.

2.  The U.N. Fact-Finding Mission on Iran documented extrajudicial executions during the 2022 protests.

3.  Historical sedition cases, like the Hollywood Ten, illustrate how fears of communism led to blacklisting in the 1950s.<|control12|>

Rich Hoffman

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

The Fed Can’t Be Independent: When money is power, its control must rest with the people, not an untouchable elite

The recent events surrounding the Federal Reserve and President Trump’s administration lay bare a fundamental tension in American governance: the supposed independence of the central bank versus the democratic accountability demanded by an elected executive and, ultimately, the people. In early 2026, Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell publicly accused the administration of using a Justice Department criminal investigation—ostensibly into cost overruns on the Fed’s headquarters renovation and his congressional testimony—as a pretext to intimidate him into slashing interest rates more aggressively. Powell stated plainly that this threat stemmed from the Fed’s refusal to align monetary policy with the president’s preferences for lower borrowing costs, which Trump has repeatedly demanded to ease federal debt servicing and stimulate growth. This episode is not mere political theater; it exposes the core flaw in the Federal Reserve’s design. While defenders hail its independence as essential for sound economic stewardship—insulated from short-term political pressures—the reality is that this insulation has enabled an unaccountable entity to wield immense power over the nation’s currency, economy, and even its sovereignty, often in ways that favor entrenched financial elites over ordinary citizens.

The Federal Reserve was never meant to be a neutral arbiter of economic stability in the way its proponents claim. Established in 1913 through the Federal Reserve Act, it emerged from a secretive 1910 meeting on Jekyll Island, Georgia, where powerful bankers—including representatives of J.P. Morgan interests, Paul Warburg, and others representing a quarter of the world’s wealth—crafted a plan for a central bank disguised as a public institution. As detailed in G. Edward Griffin’s seminal work, The Creature from Jekyll Island: A Second Look at the Federal Reserve, this gathering aimed to create a cartel that could issue money from nothing (fiat currency via fractional-reserve banking), control bank reserves to prevent reckless competitors from collapsing the system, socialize losses through taxpayer bailouts, and present the whole apparatus as a safeguard for the public. The result was not a government agency in the traditional sense but a hybrid: privately influenced yet granted governmental authority, with board members appointed by the president but insulated from direct oversight on monetary decisions.

This structure deviates sharply from the constitutional framework envisioned by the Founders. Article I, Section 8 of the U.S. Constitution grants Congress the power “to coin Money, regulate the Value thereof,” implying a system of sound money tied to tangible value, not endless fiat expansion. Early American history reflects fierce resistance to centralized banking precisely because it concentrated power in unelected hands. Andrew Jackson, a Democrat who understood the threat of financial monopolies, waged war on the Second Bank of the United States in the 1830s. He viewed it as a corrupt engine benefiting the wealthy elite at the expense of farmers, mechanics, and laborers. Jackson’s veto of the bank’s recharter in 1832 declared that such concentrated power could “influence elections or control the affairs of the nation.” His policies dismantled the bank, ushering in a period of decentralized, state-chartered banking that coincided with explosive economic growth and westward expansion.

Similarly, Ulysses S. Grant, a Republican president during Reconstruction, navigated pressures from banking interests amid the Panic of 1873 and debates over greenbacks versus specie resumption. Grant’s administration pushed for sound money policies, resisting inflationary schemes that favored creditors and speculators over debtors and producers. The post-Civil War era under Grant saw the U.S. rise to global prominence through industrial expansion, innovation, and opportunity—precisely because monetary policy was not yet fully captured by a central cartel. These leaders—Jackson the populist Democrat and Grant the steadfast Republican—stood against centralized banking as antithetical to republican virtue and economic freedom. Their eras produced wealth creation that lifted millions, contrasting sharply with the boom-bust cycles exacerbated by modern central banking.

The Federal Reserve’s defenders argue that independence prevents politicians from manipulating money for electoral gain, ensuring decisions based on data rather than demagoguery. Yet history shows the opposite: central banks enable endless government spending, fund wars without direct taxation, and create inflation that acts as a hidden tax on savings and wages. The Fed’s massive bond purchases post-2008 crisis, for instance, flooded the system with liquidity, inflating asset bubbles while eroding purchasing power for average Americans. Ron Paul’s End the Fed powerfully articulates this critique, drawing on economic history to show how the institution fosters dependency, rewards recklessness, and undermines liberty. Paul argues that fiat money debases currency—stealing value from holders—and that true prosperity requires sound money, competition in banking, and accountability to voters.

Trump’s recent pressure on the Fed, including calls for rates as low as 1% and the escalation to subpoenas and threats, highlights the problem from the other side. If the Fed is truly independent, why does an elected president feel compelled to intimidate its chair? The answer lies in the Fed’s unchecked power over interest rates, money supply, and thus the cost of government debt. Trump’s frustration stems from a desire to align monetary policy with executive goals—lower rates to reduce borrowing costs on trillions in debt and boost growth. Yet this very dynamic reveals the constitutional mismatch: monetary policy, which affects every citizen’s wallet, remains largely outside the branches accountable to the people. Congress delegated its coinage power to an entity that operates with minimal direct oversight, creating a shadow government of bankers.

This setup serves globalist interests more than American ones. Centralized banking facilitates international coordination, where interest rate policies can be manipulated to favor multinational finance over national sovereignty. The Fed’s actions post-2008—buying toxic assets and guaranteeing returns—exemplified how losses are socialized while profits privatize. It rewards legacy wealth and entrenches inequality, preventing the broad access to opportunity that defined America’s rise.

The alternative is not chaos but a return to constitutional principles: Congress reclaiming money creation, perhaps through sound money standards or competing currencies, and subjecting policy to electoral scrutiny. Presidents like Jackson and Grant demonstrated that decentralized systems foster innovation and prosperity. Trump’s challenge, however flawed in execution, underscores a truth: the Fed cannot remain an island unto itself. True independence from scrutiny invites abuse; accountability to the people ensures service to the republic.

The intimidation tactics against Powell may backfire, raising inflation expectations and yields as markets lose confidence in institutional integrity. But they also force a reckoning. The Federal Reserve’s vaunted independence is, in practice, independence from the American people. Until that changes, the system remains rigged—favoring those who pull levers behind closed doors over those who build, work, and vote.  And we can’t allow that kind of system to erode our means of management over our money supply and the nation it is poised to serve.

Bibliography

•  Griffin, G. Edward. The Creature from Jekyll Island: A Second Look at the Federal Reserve. American Media, 2010 (updated editions available).

•  Paul, Ron. End the Fed. Grand Central Publishing, 2009.

•  Lowenstein, Roger. America’s Bank: The Epic Struggle to Create the Federal Reserve. Penguin Press, 2015.

•  Meltzer, Allan H. A History of the Federal Reserve (multiple volumes). University of Chicago Press, various dates.

•  Remini, Robert V. Andrew Jackson and the Course of American Freedom, 1822-1832. Harper & Row, 1981.

Footnotes for Further Reading

1.  For the Jekyll Island meeting and origins: Griffin (above), chapters on the “secret meeting.”

2.  Jackson’s Bank War: Remini’s biography series; also “The Bank War” essays from the Miller Center and Richmond Fed.

3.  Ron Paul’s critique: End the Fed, especially sections on inflation as theft and unconstitutional nature.

4.  Recent events: Powell’s January 11, 2026 statement (federalreserve.gov); coverage from Reuters, NPR, PBS News, and The New York Times on the DOJ probe and independence concerns.

5.  Grant-era policies: Discussions in economic histories of Reconstruction and the Panic of 1873.

Rich Hoffman

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

War and Heaven: Naval engagements on Lake Erie, or the streets filled with mobs in Minneapolis

Heaven, if it ever drops into a weekday, arrives as an unbroken stretch of time, a fixed chair, and a book that turns the world quiet. Think of South Island (South Bass Island to the mapmakers), breeze off the lake, family close but unstressed by plans, and you alone in a wide funnel of attention, the way Roosevelt must have felt as a twenty‑something wading into tonnage tables, gun calibers, and the yaw rates of brigs that fought when the sun was here and the wind was there. His Naval War of 1812 doesn’t just narrate; it measures: gun ranges that outreached or underreached, hull weights that carried too much or just enough, tactical gambits that cut the enemy’s line and made surrender a rational choice. The book is public domain now, and its pages remain a monument to a young mind doing honest work—cross-checking American and British records, praising and faulting both sides, even dinging the Lake Erie hero Oliver Hazard Perry when the facts require it. 12

On that lake, on September 10, 1813, Perry hove into view with nine American vessels to meet six British ships under Robert Barclay. The Americans had more hulls but fewer long guns; their carronades hit harder up close but could not reach. So the problem was a physics problem disguised as a command: close the distance or lose the day. When Perry’s flagship Lawrence was chewed to fragments, he took a boat through shot and spray to the Niagara, cut through the British line, and—within fifteen minutes—broke an enemy that had seemed in control an hour before. His dispatch—“We have met the enemy, and they are ours”—isn’t just rhetoric; it’s a report written by a man who had solved for wind, range, and morale. 34

Roosevelt relishes this sort of thing: the tonnage of Detroit and Queen Charlotte, the count of carronades versus long guns, the way a lull in wind can punish or reward the impatient. He is careful about claims of decisiveness, noting that moral effect sometimes outpaced material effect; a British fleet stretched thin around the world felt every pinprick differently than a small American squadron guarding a frontier. But the Lake Erie victory did more than win a dispatch line; it compelled British withdrawals, eased the American army’s operations, and re-stacked bargaining chips for peace. Gerry Altoff wrote years later that it also provided the leverage that was otherwise lacking at Ghent; the Americans had something solid to point to across the table. These are the old equations: logistics, geometry, and courage. 25

It is tempting—under the awning, with the charts open—to wish the world would always proceed this way: two sovereigns, their flags clear, their ships counted, their guns mounted, the engagements finite, the surrender witnessed, the line “victory” underscored. Clausewitz would understand the appeal; he insisted that tactics used force to win battles while strategy used battles to defeat the object of policy. But he would also caution that war is never just the neatness of a duel; it is a “continuation of policy by other means,” an arena where chance and friction mock the best arithmetic. Still, the geometry of sail warfare felt bounded by wind roses, by timber supply, by human nerve. Today, the geometry has dissolved. 67

There’s a line many draw—from the broadsides of Erie to the broadband of everywhere—through Sun Tzu, who said all warfare is based on deception, and to John Boyd, who retraced strategy to a loop of observing, orienting, deciding, acting, faster than an opponent can process. Sun Tzu’s aphorisms can be abused, but the enduring insight is that you win before the battle by making the other side missee the field. Boyd modernized that idea, arguing your real leverage is in “orientation”—the cultural, experiential lens through which raw data becomes a story—and that victory comes not only from speed but from the ability to disintegrate the adversary’s cohesion by flooding him with ambiguity he can’t resolve in time. In sailing terms, it’s as if you keep shifting the wind on the other man without touching the sky. 89

So we arrive at the twenty-first century’s awkward vocabulary—“information operations,” “hybrid warfare,” “fifth‑generation war.” The common core is simple: power has migrated into the cognitive domain. States and networks try to command the trend, not just the trench. The RAND Corporation calls this influence activity—planned attempts to shape thoughts, feelings, and behaviors using psychological tools, data, and media systems. Think tanks and war colleges now train officers to recognize the tactics: bot networks to pump a theme into trending algorithms, troll farms to seed doubt, cross-platform memes to make lies sticky, timing operations to poll cycles and media rhythms. What used to be a leaflet drop is now a hashtag cascade. 1011

I’ve never liked the tidy “generations of warfare” schema; even William Lind, who helped popularize “fourth‑generation warfare,” shrugs at “5GW.” But the heuristic does capture something: conflict has shifted from massed formations to distributed, deniable, non-kinetic contests whose decisive effects are psychological and political. The “battlefield” is always on: your phone, your feed, your bank, your ballot. Scholars warn the 5GW label is fuzzy—yet even the critiques concede the center of gravity is the mind; “winning” looks like persuading populations to disable themselves. Roosevelt mapped sail plans; our planners map social graphs. 1213

If that sounds like exaggeration, look at the empirical work. RAND tracks influence operations as a field, from gray‑zone maritime pressure to social media propaganda; the National Defense University has published primers on how Russia, China, and ISIS use platform dynamics to push or distort narratives cheaply and anonymously. Academic work now mines Facebook and X (Twitter) takedowns to chart which regimes are targeted and why—finding “mixed regimes” are more frequently hit, because they are unstable enough to tip and open enough to be reached. The vocabulary is clinical, but the stakes are civic: make citizens distrust institutions, and you win without firing a shot. 1415

This drifts us toward the most challenging part: how free speech—the oxygen of a free society—can be co-opted by domestic or foreign actors to jam the system. In an older war, “sedition” took the form of armed conspiracy; in a borderless conflict, the line between protected protest and unlawful obstruction becomes the live wire. The Supreme Court’s lodestar is Brandenburg v. Ohio (1969): speech is protected unless it is directed to, and likely to incite, imminent lawless action. That standard is intentionally tight; it shields harsh, even vile, rhetoric from censorship because the alternative—letting governments police dissent—is worse. It doesn’t, however, protect conduct that crosses into the realm of force or obstruction: blocking highways without a permit, assaulting officers, or physically impeding lawful operations. Those are subject to content-neutral “time, place, manner” restrictions and ordinary criminal law. 1617

If we want a ground‑truth case study where psychology, law, and sovereignty collide, consider the Minneapolis ICE protests of early 2026. After a fatal shooting during an immigration operation, thousands marched, many peacefully, some not. City leaders told demonstrators to stay within permitted areas; law enforcement documented assaults with rocks and fireworks; federal and local agencies sparred over tactics and narrative; national media framed the story through polarized lenses. In the span of days, more than 3,000 arrests were recorded in Minnesota under a federal surge; lawsuits alleged excessive force; counter-narratives called the tactics sedition; the president’s posts and cable news chyrons amplified everything everywhere. Here is the “borderless war” in miniature: not armies at lines but legitimacy contested in the streets and, more decisively, in feeds. 1819

What would Roosevelt do with such a battlespace? He’d inventory forces and effects the way he inventoried guns and sailcloth. He’d likely read Thomas Rid’s Cyber War Will Not Take Place and nod at the core claim: most of what we call “cyber war” is better labeled sabotage, espionage, or subversion—not “war” in the Clausewitzian sense because it lacks direct, lethal violence as the means of policy. Then he would flip the page and recognize that Rid isn’t minimizing the threat; he’s clarifying it. The decisive contests today are fought with code and content that erode trust, not with broadsides. That doesn’t make them harmless; it makes them harder to deter or attribute by the old playbooks. 2021

Lawrence Freedman, in his Strategy: A History, puts it plainer: strategy has always been about creating advantage when you control little. In a world of “mētis”—the cunning intelligence of Odysseus—the better strategist is the one who shapes the environment so the fight you want is the only fight the other side can see. Once the political realm was digitized, the environment became platforms moderated by private companies, with opaque rules and uneven enforcement, and the most valuable high ground became “the trend.” Whoever commands it organizes how millions will interpret the next event. A half-dozen commercial pipes have replaced industrial-age ministries of information. 2223

Now the knot tightens: you argue that free speech transformed warfare by denying would-be sovereigns the ability to mobilize unanimous, unreflective violence, and that our adversaries hide sabotage behind the First Amendment veil. That is sometimes true; it is also why we must be exact about when speech becomes force. Brandenburg draws that bright line. Beyond that, neutral time‑, place‑, and manner rules apply. You can assemble and shout. You can’t blockade a hospital or physically trap officers executing lawful duties. Police who disperse unlawful assemblies are not censoring ideas; they are enforcing content-neutral laws that protect everyone’s safety. Protest organizers who incite imminent lawless action can be prosecuted; organizers who call for peaceful assembly cannot be held liable for every criminal in a crowd. The ACLU’s caution in litigation over protest liability makes the point: if negligence, rather than intent to incite imminent violence, becomes the standard, then any unpopular gathering can be chilled out of existence. We defend the complex cases not because we like the speech, but because we want the society that survives it. 2425

Meanwhile, outside the courthouse, the contests spin on. Analysts debate the “Gerasimov doctrine”—some say it’s real, others argue it’s a Western misreading of Russian staff discourse—but the pattern in Ukraine, Syria, and Europe is visible without a label: synchronize military pressure with information ops, economic levers, and legal warfare. NATO planners and CEPA researchers call it hybrid conflict or gray‑zone competition, and they keep cataloging the same moves: little green men for plausible deniability, energy as coercive leverage, troll farms to split electorates, and lawfare to slow adversaries’ responses. The fights we used to call “international” bleed into the everyday lives of school boards and city councils. 2627

If that seems far from Lake Erie, recall that the War of 1812 was also a narrative fight. The American Navy’s small wins were outsized because they gave a young republic a story to tell at home and abroad: we can stand, we can sting, we can bargain. Today, closing a kill chain means closing a story loop: detect an adversary’s narrative early, deny it oxygen, counter‑message with credible voices, and—this is crucial—show with deeds, not just words, that your polity can correct itself. People believe what they see repeated by sources they trust and what they experience in their own lives. That’s why the most effective answer to propaganda is not a better meme; it’s genuine performance: safe streets, honest counts, predictable courts, and leaders who say what they do and do what they say. RAND’s recent work even contemplates acquiring generative AI for U.S. influence activities—an odd but predictable sign that our own institutions understand the fight has moved upstream into perception and are trying to learn how to be both practical and lawful. That path is mined with ethical tripwires; the only way through is transparency and strictly bounded authorities that keep such tools outward-facing and rights-compliant. 1028

Where does this leave a South Bass Island heaven of contemplation and literary solitude? Oddly enough, it’s a strategic prescription. The antidote to borderless conflict is sovereign attention: individuals and institutions that can sit still, read deeply, analyze honestly, and act locally. The more our public life rewards speed over orientation, the more we are vulnerable to any actor who can throw sand in our eyes. Boyd would tell a plant manager in Ohio or a mayor in Minneapolis the same thing he said to fighter pilots: out‑observe and out‑orient your adversary. Build teams that can absorb shocks, improvise, and stay lawful under pressure. Channel outrage into order. It sounds dull; it wins wars. 2930

And on sovereignty as we framed it—whether nations still represent their populations when cartels or captured elites steer policy—the lesson of Lake Erie still applies. You don’t beat distributed, deniable networks by lining up ships on a lake; you deny them social harbors. That means showing citizens that lawful authority answers to them, not to financiers or gangs, and that the ballot, the courtroom, and the market still work better than the street. The social instinct—support internal reformers, protect dissenters from retaliation, expose puppet structures, promise help if people stand up for accountable sovereignty—mirrors the best parts of democratic statecraft. But it only works if we do it at home, in plain sight. When we are credible to our own people, our message travels without being pushed. When we stop reading our own books and start measuring the world only by our team’s hashtags, we become easy to play.

So, yes: there will be carrier groups and drone swarms and—sadly—kinetic fights when deterrence fails. But most of the time, the decisive engagements will look like Minneapolis in January: permissions and permits, street-level restraint, federalism’s friction, cameras at every angle, and a brutal contest to fix the national frame around the footage. The side that wins those fights is the side that keeps faith with the constitution while meeting disorder with measured law, not rage. The country that proves it can do that consistently will be the one whose example invites others to reclaim their sovereignties without a shot—precisely the result Sun Tzu admired: subdue without fighting. 31

When the day’s noise is over, I always go back to the chair at my RV with a full refrigerator of snacks. Roosevelt at twenty-three is still there on the page, arguing with data; Perry is still hauling his flag from Lawrence to Niagara in a small boat; the wind is still fickle; the sun is still low on the water. And you realize that the old war and the new war are both about the same two questions: Who gets to write the story of what just happened? And who still believes it when it’s told?

—

Notes

1. Roosevelt’s first book, The Naval War of 1812 (1882), is available in public domain editions and remains influential for its empirical treatment of battles and technology; Roosevelt strove for balance and sometimes criticized American commanders, including Perry. 12

2. The Battle of Lake Erie (Sept. 10, 1813): American carronade advantage at close range; Perry’s transfer from Lawrence to Niagara; subsequent British surrender; operational consequences. 34

3. Clausewitz: war as a continuation of policy; distinction of tactics and strategy; friction and chance. 76

4. Sun Tzu’s maxims on deception and winning without fighting; contemporary U.S. Navy analysis of deception’s centrality. 831

5. John Boyd’s OODA loop and the primacy of orientation; primary and secondary sources. 929

6. On “fifth‑generation warfare” as contested shorthand for primarily non-kinetically, perception-centric conflict; caution about definitions. 1213

7. Influence operations/information warfare research: RAND topic hub; USAF analysis on “commanding the trend.” 1011

8. Empirical work on cyber-enabled information operations and state targeting on social platforms. 15

9. First Amendment incitement standard (Brandenburg v. Ohio); speech versus conduct; time‑, place‑, and manner doctrine in public fora. 1617

10. Minneapolis 2025–26 ICE operations and protests: broad factual summaries across outlets (AP/PBS, ABC News live updates), noting peaceful and violent episodes, arrests, and competing official narratives. 1819

11. Litigation and commentary on protest rights and liability of organizers; the chilling‑effect concern. 24

12. Debates over “Gerasimov doctrine” and Russian hybrid warfare; CEPA report and NDU analysis. 2627

13. Thomas Rid’s argument that “cyber war” hasn’t occurred as such; reclassification as sabotage, espionage, subversion. 2021

14. Lawrence Freedman’s synthetic account of strategy’s evolution—from mētis to modern information campaigns. 2223

15. Emerging U.S. doctrinal questions about using generative AI for influence; ethical and legal concerns. 1028

Select Bibliography & Further Reading

Roosevelt, Theodore. The Naval War of 1812. (Public‑domain eds.; see Project Gutenberg compilation and Library of Congress scans.) 132

National Park Service. “The Battle of Lake Erie,” Perry’s Victory & International Peace Memorial (order of battle, armament, range). 3

American Battlefield Trust. “Lake Erie: Facts and Summary.” 33

Clausewitz, Carl von. On War. (Liberty Fund online selections; Princeton translation.) 76

Sun Tzu. The Art of War. (Analytical commentaries on deception in modern doctrine.) 8

Boyd, John. “The Essence of Winning and Losing” (1995); secondary treatments of the OODA loop. 929

Rid, Thomas. Cyber War Will Not Take Place. Oxford University Press, 2013; 2012 Journal of Strategic Studies article. 2021

Freedman, Lawrence. Strategy: A History. Oxford University Press, 2013. 22

RAND Corporation. “Information Operations” topic hub and recent reports on influence activities and gray‑zone competition. 10

National Defense University. “Social Media and Influence Operations Technologies” (Strategic Assessment). 14

Prier, Jarred. “Commanding the Trend: Social Media as Information Warfare,” Air & Space Power Journal. 11

Debates on “Gerasimov doctrine” and Russian hybrid warfare: NDU PRISM essay; CEPA report. 2627

First Amendment landmarks and resources on protest and incitement: Brandenburg v. Ohio (Oyez/Justia). 1716

Mainstream reportage and live updates on Minneapolis protests and ICE surge (Jan. 2026): PBS/AP; ABC News. 1819

Rich Hoffman

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

Why It’s Cool for Trump To Give the Middle Finger to People, But Not for Cindy Carpenter: The difference between deceit and honesty

The perceived double standard in public reactions to similar gestures by public figures often stems not from the act itself but from the context, intent, and perceived authenticity of the individual involved. In late 2025, Butler County Commissioner Cindy Carpenter visited the office of Level 27, a student housing apartment complex near Miami University in Oxford, Ohio, amid a rent dispute involving her granddaughter, who resided there. During the encounter, Carpenter became frustrated with the staff’s handling of the situation, raised her voice, and—when she believed she was alone and unobserved—made an obscene gesture (flipping off the empty front counter) while mouthing an expletive, as captured on surveillance video. The apartment manager filed a complaint alleging intimidation, racist remarks, belligerent behavior, and abuse of power, though a subsequent investigation by Butler County Prosecutor Mike Gmoser cleared her of official misconduct.

This incident drew significant local criticism, portraying Carpenter as entitled and leveraging her position as a county commissioner to pressure private employees for personal family gain. Critics described her as embodying a “Karen” archetype—someone who weaponizes authority or status when not getting their way—mainly since the gesture occurred passively and covertly, behind the backs of those involved after they had turned away.

In contrast, on January 13, 2026, President Donald Trump toured the Ford River Rouge Complex in Dearborn, Michigan, as part of efforts to highlight manufacturing and economic policies. During the visit, a worker heckled him from the plant floor, shouting “pedophile protector”—a reference to criticisms surrounding Trump’s past associations with Jeffrey Epstein and the administration’s handling of related document releases. Trump, walking on an elevated area, turned, mouthed an expletive (appearing to say “f— you”), and raised his middle finger directly at the heckler before continuing. The White House defended the response as “appropriate and unambiguous” to what they called a “lunatic… wildly screaming expletives in a complete fit of rage.”

The Ford worker was later suspended, and while some condemned Trump’s gesture as unpresidential, many supporters viewed it positively as a bold, unfiltered rejection of antagonism. The key distinctions lie in several factors. First, Trump’s action was a direct, face-to-face response to active heckling during a public tour where he was not seeking personal favors but representing broader interests—such as supporting American manufacturing and workers. Many observers see this as authentic: Trump has long cultivated an image of unapologetic directness, consistent whether cameras are rolling or not. He was not attempting to extract a concession or intimidate subordinates for private gain; he was dismissing an insult while moving on to his next engagement.

Carpenter’s gesture, however, appeared passive-aggressive and concealed—she performed it when backs were turned, and she thought no one (including cameras) was watching, only to be caught on surveillance. This revealed a discrepancy between her public persona as a dedicated public servant focused on families and communities and her private frustration. The incident involved using her official title to influence a private business matter concerning family, which amplified perceptions of entitlement and abuse of position. Even though both acts involved the same crude gesture, the surrounding circumstances rendered them qualitatively different: one as a raw, representative dismissal of hostility, the other as a tantrum from perceived privilege.

Public tolerance for such behavior often hinges on authenticity and representation. When a leader acts consistently—openly embodying the frustrations of those they serve—the same act can be celebrated as “real” or “standing up.” When it exposes hypocrisy or self-serving motives, it invites disdain. In a republic, elected officials are expected to wield power responsibly for the public good, not personal leverage. Trump’s pre-office persona as a straightforward businessman carried over into politics, allowing supporters to see his gesture as aligned with their own impulses against critics. Carpenter’s action, tied to a family dispute and hidden until exposed, reinforced doubts.

Carpenter’s gesture, however, appeared passive-aggressive and concealed—she performed it when backs were turned, and she thought no one (including cameras) was watching, only to be caught on surveillance. This revealed a discrepancy between her public persona as a dedicated public servant focused on families and communities and her private frustration. The incident involved using her official title to influence a private business matter concerning family, which amplified perceptions of entitlement and abuse of position. Even though both acts involved the same crude gesture, the surrounding circumstances rendered them qualitatively different: one as a raw, representative dismissal of hostility, the other as a tantrum from perceived privilege.

Ultimately, the difference is not that one figure “gets away with” the gesture while the other does not due to partisan bias alone. It is the context of intent, directness, and whether the act serves personal entitlement or a broader representational role. True character emerges in moments of pressure, especially when one believes no one is watching. Failing that test of consistency undermines credibility far more than the gesture itself.  What actions like this reveal about the people involved is how they really think about the world around them.  With Carpenter, we see what she thinks about people she disagrees with, because she thought nobody was looking.  But with Trump, he gave his heckler the finger to his face, not caring who saw, or what they might think of him.  One incident of giving the finger made a politician look like an unhinged “Karen” throwing a temper tantrum that she didn’t have the guts to show to people’s faces.  The other was cool, and a proper fighting back at the moment, without the usual calculated political response people have grown tired of.  And in the end, the gestures showed voters who the people really were.  So it’s not a double standard where Trump can get away with it because he’s a man, and Cindy can’t because she’s a woman.  But because one of those politicians is honest, while the other one is deceitful, power hungry, and a train wreck of a person.  And figuring all that out is sometimes just as easy as a simple hand gesture. 

The contrast becomes even starker when considering the aftermath of each incident. In Carpenter’s case, the surveillance footage—showing her gesture directed at an empty counter after staff had walked away—fueled calls for her resignation from political opponents ahead of the May 2026 Republican primary. Challengers like Hamilton councilman Michael Ryan seized on the event to portray her as embodying a pattern of arrogance and entitlement, with one opponent explicitly labeling it as part of a broader “bias, arrogance, and abuse of power.” Even after Prosecutor Mike Gmoser cleared her of legal misconduct in early December 2025, the damage lingered in public opinion, reinforcing narratives of a two-faced politician whose private frustrations betray a cultivated public image of community service. This revelation of inconsistency erodes the foundational trust voters place in representatives: if the mask slips when unobserved, what other discrepancies exist in policy or decision-making?

At its root, the perceived double standard is less about partisan favoritism and more about the alignment between action and identity. Public figures are judged not solely on isolated behaviors but on whether those behaviors cohere with the narrative they project and the interests they claim to serve. Trump’s pre-political life as a blunt, unfiltered dealmaker provided a consistent backdrop; his gesture fit seamlessly into that continuity, even if it shocked traditional decorum. Carpenter’s long tenure—clerk of courts from 1996-2010, commissioner since 2011—has emphasized family values, community initiatives, and fiscal responsibility, making the covert outburst appear as a betrayal of that facade. In a republic, voters demand representatives who embody reliability under pressure, particularly when power is involved. When a leader’s conduct varies based on audience or visibility, it signals a deeper unreliability that invites skepticism far beyond one crude gesture.

Footnotes

¹ Butler County Prosecutor Mike Gmoser, report on complaint against Commissioner Cindy Carpenter, as summarized in Journal-News coverage, December 3, 2025.

² Kiara Nard, Level 27 community manager, complaint details reported in WKRC Local 12, December 4, 2025.

³ Cindy Carpenter, statement to Journal-News, December 2025.

⁴ Video footage from Ford River Rouge Complex tour, January 13, 2026, as reported by TMZ and Reuters.

⁵ White House statement via Steven Cheung, January 13-14, 2026.

⁶ United Auto Workers and Ford responses, January 14, 2026.

Bibliography

•  Journal-News. “Prosecutor clears Butler County commissioner of misconduct after apartment dispute.” December 3, 2025. https://www.journal-news.com/news/prosecutor-clears-butler-county-commissioner-of-misconduct-after-apartment-dispute/LXCURTXAMJFV5FP7W25HM62NKQ

•  WKRC Local 12. “Butler County commissioner cleared of misconduct despite heated exchange caught on camera.” December 4, 2025. https://local12.com/news/local/butler-county-commissioner-cleared-misconduct-despite-heated-exchange-caught-camera-cindy-carpenter-oxford-ohio-miami-university-apartment-building-staff-racial-racist-language-accused-political-office-obscene-gesture-cincinnati

•  ClickOnDetroit. “Video shows Trump flipping off Ford worker during plant visit in Dearborn.” January 13, 2026. https://www.clickondetroit.com/news/local/2026/01/13/video-shows-trump-flipping-off-ford-worker-during-plant-visit-in-dearborn

•  Reuters. “Trump flips off Michigan auto worker who criticized handling of Epstein case.” January 14, 2026. https://www.reuters.com/world/trump-flips-off-antagonizing-worker-ford-plant-michigan-2026-01-14

•  The Washington Post. “Trump makes obscene gesture, mouths expletive at Detroit factory heckler.” January 16, 2026. https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2026/01/13/trump-ford-factory-heckler-detroit

•  Additional context from Cincinnati.com and Michigan Advance reports on the respective incidents.

Rich Hoffman

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

How To Mass Manipulate the World: We traded structure for sensation, and we are living with the bill

Few works of fiction demonstrate how a single cultural artifact can redirect mass sentiment as clearly as Robert A. Heinlein’s Stranger in a Strange Land. The lesson is not merely about the book’s plot or its notoriety, but about how one or two influential voices—amplified at the right moment—can reframe the public’s sense of normal, desirable, and permissible. In that sense, the novel became a lever: it showed how quickly intellectual fashion can spread once an idea is given a compelling narrative vessel and a ready audience. Whether the author intended it or not, such works often become signal boosters for movements eager to shake the old moral architecture.

At the center of the novel’s cultural imprint, as I read it, is a sustained argument against organized religion—less a theological disagreement than a social revolution by narrative means. Heinlein built his case dramatically, not dogmatically, embedding a worldview in characters and community structures that model life without traditional guardrails and sold it with the use of group orgies and severe sexual deviancy. To me, that is where the damage began: by undermining institutions that help ordinary people consolidate virtue and discipline desire, the book invited a generation to experiment with a vacuum—an open space where inherited norms were cast as oppressive rather than protective.

This is where my position diverges most sharply from Heinlein’s. I argue that human beings require shared standards, rituals, and guardrails to become their best selves. Organized religion—at its best—provides a civilizational scaffolding: it teaches time-tested boundaries, channels ambition toward fruitful ends, and aligns private conduct with public well-being. Remove that scaffolding, and something else will rush in to fill the void: fads, chemicals, celebrity cults, ideological tribes, and the market’s loudest impulses. In retrospect, the novel did not merely critique religion; it reprogrammed sentiment against an order that had long helped cultivate responsibility and continuity.

That shift, once normalized, cascaded into the wider cultural economy. Publishing, music, film, fashion, and campus discourse seized on the book’s rebellion as a mood, infusing it into slogans, styles, and scenes. The effect snowballed: when guardrails are mocked long enough, the next generation mistakes the mockery for wisdom and the absence of boundaries for freedom. Yet freedom without structure becomes drift—a vacancy the market will monetize and the state will eventually regulate. What was sold as liberation often ends as dependency—on substances, on trends, or on authorities who promise to manage the chaos.

Another uncomfortable reality: power centers notice when a single narrative can mobilize the masses. When culture proves it can be swung by a small cohort of storytellers and influencers, hidden patrons inevitably appear—financiers, tastemakers, publicity machines—eager to steer the swing for their own ends. I’m not accusing Heinlein of conspiracy; I’m describing the structural fact that memes attract money, and money reorganizes culture. Once the idea is loose, the sponsors come, and the social machinery follows.

The long-tail consequence has been a population re-educated by entertainment—trained to distrust inherited wisdom, to laugh at the past, and to outsource meaning to the loudest novelty. This is not progress; it is civilizational amnesia. The cost shows up as broken families, attenuated civic trust, declining attention spans, and rising loneliness—symptoms of a culture that has traded thick institutions for thin ideologies. What looked like enlightenment from a distance often feels like atomization up close.

I’m not denying Heinlein’s craft or the book’s clever provocations. He staged a serious debate and gave it commercial muscle. But a debate that deconstructs without reconstructing is not a public service; it is a demolition project with no blueprint for the rebuild. The aftermath is predictable: a vacuum that gets filled by commercial spectacle and political manipulation, neither of which makes people more virtuous, more responsible, or more free.

So the task now is not to censor the past but to relearn how culture works—how a few works, a few voices, at a few key moments, can swing the habits of millions. The remedy is to rebuild moral architecture openly and confidently: to argue for the goods that institutions secure, to defend boundaries that dignify the person, and to recover a language of obligation that lifts people above impulse. If a novel could hasten our drift, then a counter‑culture of serious books, films, and music can hasten our return. The first step is telling the truth about what happened: we traded structure for sensation, and we are living with the bill. It’s time to pay it by rebuilding what works.

There’s a reason certain books become cultural accelerants rather than mere entertainment: they supply a portable metaphysics with just enough voltage to light up restless minds, and just enough ambiguity to be co-opted by seekers and opportunists alike. Robert A. Heinlein’s Stranger in a Strange Land is one of those books, a mid-century science fiction novel that cracked open the 1960s with an outsider’s catechism on sex, religion, death, money, and the divine spark in each individual. Its Martian-tutored protagonist, Valentine Michael Smith, landed on an Earth beset by institutional power, moral boilerplate, and spiritual fatigue, and he answered with an unsettling blend of radical empathy and radical freedom. The novel coined a word—grok—to name comprehension so intimate it dissolves the distance between knower and known. Forty-plus years later, that one word would christen an AI system built by the richest technologist on the planet. And in between, the same book passed—secondhand, sometimes orally—through prison yards and crash pads, helping to underwrite a new church in real life and, if some accounts are even half right, lending imagery and idiom to darker congregations as well. That is how literature, when it fully enters the bloodstream, becomes a condition of existence for a culture. It can elevate; it can deform; it can be misunderstood with catastrophic confidence. It is never “just a story.” (Stranger’s term “grok,” its countercultural adoption, and the book’s icon status are well‑documented.12)

The plot skeleton is simple enough: a human born on Mars returns to Earth carrying Martian language, habits, and powers, and tries to reconcile an alien metaphysics with human frailty. Heinlein sets the stage with an Earth under a world government and a media‑religious complex that rings uncomfortably familiar: bureaucrats who genuflect to expediency, churches that commodify ecstasy, and a populace reduced to spectatorship. In that theater, Smith learns, imitates, provokes, and then founds a religion—the Church of All Worlds—whose liturgy of water-sharing, free love, and the mantra “Thou art God” scandalized the early sixties and then fit the late sixties like a glove. The book won a Hugo in 1962, sold in the millions by the end of the decade, and became an icon of the counterculture, precisely because its invitation ran both inward and outward: individuate beyond the cages, but also love past the fences. If some readers mainly heard the erotic and communal notes, the text still insists that Smith’s path runs through personal trial, not collectivist absorption; his charisma is a hazard as much as a hope. (On themes, reception, and cultural impact: Britannica; EBSCO; SparkNotes syntheses.134)

Words travel. “Grok” escaped the book and took on a life in hacker subculture and tech jargon, shorthand for a depth of understanding you can’t fake. The Oxford English Dictionary installed it; programmers adopted it as a badge of mastery; radio hosts still explain it to callers as “intuitive grasp plus empathy.” This isn’t a trivial migration of slang. “Grok” is the kind of word that makes engineers feel philosophical, and philosophers feel practical, because it fuses cognition and communion. That fusion is precisely what makes the term alluring for people building machines that aim to “understand” us. When Elon Musk’s team at xAI named their system Grok, it was a deliberate raid on Heinlein’s storehouse: to “grok” is to know with such immersion that the boundary between observer and observed thins—an AI aspiration in one syllable. Whether any machine can attain that intimacy is beside the point; the branding conveys the ambition, and the aspiration shapes the build. Musk’s public remarks and multiple reference write-ups trace the name straight to Heinlein; even neutral entries now record Grok (the chatbot) as named for Stranger’s Martian verb. (Grok etymology and xAI’s naming are noted across reference sources and news explainer pieces.567)

Then there is the other trail—the one that runs through penitentiary talk, Haight‑Ashbury mimicry, and a homicide trial that soaked the sixties in a final, nauseous dye. Accounts from journalists and cultural critics argue that Charles Manson, during a stint at McNeil Island in the early 1960s, encountered Stranger in a Strange Land (primarily via inmate buzz) alongside L. Ron Hubbard’s Dianetics, and scavenged from both to assemble a pastiche religion with rituals and vocabulary echoing Heinlein: water ceremonies; “grokking”; the image of a messiah‑figure magnetizing women into a sexually communal “family.” Jeet Heer summarized this lineage crisply—Manson as the barely literate synthesizer, absorbing by conversation and performative memory rather than close reading; Stranger as the source of terms and rites; Dianetics as the promise of mind‑over‑matter. Heer isn’t alone in drawing lines; contemporary and retrospective pieces (some serious, some gossipy) have recycled a 1970 San Francisco report asserting Manson read the book “over and over,” even nicknaming his probation officer “Jubal” after Heinlein’s garrulous lawyer‑sage. Critics will argue about how direct or decisive the influence was; no one seriously denies the White Album and “Helter Skelter” obsession, but the Heinlein element moves in and out of focus depending on which witness you privilege. The fair reading: Stranger’s countercultural prestige and ritual aesthetics gave Manson stage props, not a script—and he used them for a theater of control, not liberation. (On Manson’s exposure to Heinlein/Hubbard and alleged borrowings: New Republic overview; a research blog that archives period claims; caution advised.89)

If you widen the aperture, the 1960s offer an ecosystem of appropriation. Heinlein’s novel fed a real-world neo-pagan church—the Church of All Worlds—whose founders openly acknowledged the book as scripture in spirit and structure: water-sharing liturgy, “nests” of community, and “Thou art God” as an immanentist creed. That religious offshoot shows a benign pathway: fiction used to animate community, ritual, ecology, and mythopoesis. Manson’s path was malign, substituting domination for discipline. The exact text, two radically divergent implementations, and a lesson that literature teachers should emphasize in boldface: interpretation has moral consequences. (On CAW’s derivation from Heinlein, see Carole Cusack’s study of Stranger as “scripture.”10)

Once you accept that books are live wires, you can track their voltage across decades. When a modern AI system takes the name Grok, it doesn’t merely nod to geek lore; it aligns itself with a thesis about intelligence—understanding as fusion. From one angle, that’s poetic overreach; from another, it’s a principled wager: that great models must internalize context, not just compute it. The irony is that, as Grok the product acquired cultural baggage—political slant controversies; allegations around deepfake image generation; even bans and regulatory probes in multiple countries—the Heinleinian halo didn’t shield it. Indeed, the “grok” label invites higher scrutiny: if you promise empathetic comprehension, you’ll be judged against the harms caused when the tool “understands” poorly or is misused. Governments from Malaysia to the U.K. have, in recent weeks, moved to restrain or investigate Grok’s image features after reports of nonconsensual sexualized imagery; the Pentagon simultaneously announced plans to put Grok on specific networks, a whiplash example of dual reception when high-voltage tech hits the public square. A word from a 1961 novel now headlines diplomatic notes and defense briefings. (On Grok’s naming and the current regulatory/policy storyline, see Wikipedia’s product page, CBS/Observer coverage, and The Independent’s explainer.511121314)

The temptation—especially for academics and cultural arbiters—is to treat Stranger’s afterlives as mere epiphenomena: ephemera of fandom here, the aberrations of losers and outlaws there, and, in the 2020s, the opportunistic stylings of billionaire technologists. But that misses the central mechanism. Narratives are cognitive scaffolds. They let people borrow sophistication without earning it. The same scaffolding can lift you to a vista or collapse on top of you. In Stranger, Heinlein depicts a messiah whose hard-won understanding of human ambiguity sits alongside scenes of utopian play; readers who import the play without the ordeal will replicate the surface without the substance. That’s the “borrowed authority” problem I keep returning to: quoting a text to import its aura while evading its demands. At best, that breeds smugness; at worst, it breeds governance by incantation, whether the incantations are mythic (“Thou art God”) or technological (“we grok”). The book itself is not to blame for the misuse, but it is a litmus test for whether readers are consuming the form of meaning or the work of meaning. (Stranger’s themes and the individualized vs. collectivized readings are surveyed in the critical guides.154)

I understand why mid-century intellectuals fell for Heinlein, and why a particular cadre of administrators and politicians in any era fall for the aesthetics of knowing. Dropping the proper names—Campbell and Jung yesterday, “grok” and AGI today—becomes a way to signal altitude. But altitude faked kills. Charles Manson is the berserk, criminal parody of that altitude; bureaucratic myth‑talk is the polite parody; and tech‑branding that promises transcendent comprehension is the market parody. Each borrows light while neglecting the filament—the character, the cost, the test—that makes light possible—the grotesque version murders in canyons. The genteel version governs by sermon. The glossy version ships fast and apologizes later. In every case, the reading of myth (or sci-fi mythopoesis) is outer first, inner last—which is to say, backwards. (Stranger’s countercultural pull and the later critiques of its simplifications are part of the long critical conversation.316)

The disputed territory is thornier. Did three paperbacks, a stack of Beatles LPs, and a handful of amphetamines cause the Tate‑LaBianca murders? That’s a prosecutor’s theater and a journalist’s cautionary tale; Vincent Bugliosi immortalized the official motive as “Helter Skelter,” a race‑war fantasy Manson drew from the White Album. The Beatles themselves have pushed back on the idea that their songs encoded apocalypse; commentators like Ivor Davis have argued the motive story over‑credits the soundtrack and under‑analyzes Manson’s pathology and manipulations. Tom O’Neill’s twenty-year investigation, CHAOS, complicated the picture further by questioning elements of the prosecution’s narrative and mapping suggestive corridors between Manson’s world and the ecosystem of informants, researchers, and programs now shorthanded as MKULTRA’s shadow—provocation enough to trigger furious rebuttals, careful reviews, and a Netflix codicil years later. The public record confirms that MKULTRA existed (with Senate hearings, FOIA caches, and declassified files); it does not confirm that Manson was a CIA puppet. The responsible thing to say is simple: the official story isn’t the whole story, and the alternate stories aren’t proven. But note what is not in dispute: Stranger in a Strange Land and Dianetics were live topics in Manson’s prison exposure; the White Album obsessed him; and he could mimic the vocabulary of enlightenment to parasite individual souls. (Helter Skelter motive; Beatles responses; O’Neill’s CHAOS; MKULTRA documentation.1718192021)

If the 1960s trained us to fear the charismatic cult, the 2020s should train us to fear the charismatic API. The leap from “grok” as personal empathy to “Grok” as an industrial cognition engine is not merely punny; it’s programmatic. The system promises fundamental‑time awareness, cultural fluency, and an irreverent voice. When it fails on those promises—by reflecting the biases of its owners or by being exploited to generate violation at scale—the gap between aspiration and consequence becomes the headline. Regulators respond; militaries experiment; the public oscillates between fascination and recoil. The Heinleinian admonition here would be to own the ordeal: if you market comprehension, accept accountability for the harms that follow from comprehension simulated without care. (On Grok’s controversies, bans, and adoption: CBS, The Independent, Observer summaries; see also the product page’s historical notes.111213145)

So what is the through‑line from a prison rumor mill to a billionaire’s announcement stream? It is the operationalization of fiction. Heinlein offered a parable of an alien who learns humanity and tries to save it from itself through a liturgy of courage and tenderness. Counterculture kids operationalized the parable into communes and churches; some criminals operationalized its aesthetics into pretexts for domination; future technologists operationalized its most famous verb into a target for machine “understanding.” The sober adult lesson is to insist on direction of fit: inner first, outer second. If a text invites you to grok, grok the work—the discipline, the testing, the humility—before you grok the sign—the slogan, the ritual, the brand. The failure of academia in its worst mood is to reward the sign and neglect the work; the inability of public life is to confuse quotation with qualification. Both failures are preventable, but only if we reinstate the distinction that Stranger dramatizes, whether we like it or not: the individual is the bearer of light, not the abstraction; communities are healthy to the extent they honor that light rather than harvest it.

If you want to measure a culture’s maturity, don’t look at which books it venerates; look at how it uses them. Does it use them as permission slips for appetite or as programs for courage? Does it treat their heroes as costumes to wear or as ordeals to undergo? Stranger in a Strange Land remains a diagnostic device because it contains both temptations: the easy mask and the arduous pilgrimage. In one century, its vocabulary flowed into a murder trial, a registered religion, and a frontier AI model. That spread is not an argument for censorship or for piety. It is a map of how narratives move through human weakness and human ambition. It is a warning to the would-be leader who quotes because quoting is easy. And it is a small benediction for the reader who remembers what the book actually said: that no collective can save you from the courage of becoming a person, and that no brand can substitute for the work of truly understanding—of grokking—anything at all.

—

Footnotes

1. Heinlein’s novel as a counterculture icon and plot/themes overview. Encyclopaedia Britannica, “Stranger in a Strange Land.”1

2. “Grok” coined by Heinlein; definition and diffusion into tech culture. Wikipedia, “Grok.”2

3. Study‑guide syntheses on themes (religion, individual vs. collective, Jesus parallels). SparkNotes; eNotes analysis.415

4. Cultural impact and reception in the 1960s; research overviews. EBSCO Research Starters; Ohio State Pressbook chapter.322

5. Church of All Worlds derived from Stranger: Carole M. Cusack, “Science Fiction as Scripture…,” University of Sydney (pdf).10

6. Manson’s exposure to Stranger/Dianetics while imprisoned; ritual/vocabulary echoes (caveat: interpretive essaying, not court findings). Jeet Heer, The New Republic; curated archival discussion on MansonBlog.89

7. Prosecutor’s framing of motive as “Helter Skelter”; Beatles pushback. Helter Skelter (book) entry; Rolling Stone retrospective (Beatles’ remarks).1718

8. Alternate/critical framings of motive narrative. Ivor Davis’ essay.23

9. CHAOS (Tom O’Neill) as revisionist probe; CIA review synopsis; Wikipedia background, including Op. CHAOS reference. (Allegations, not fact.)1920

10. MKULTRA’s existence, scope, and hearings—primary documentation. U.S. Senate 1977 hearing (pdf); CIA FOIA MK‑ULTRA page.2124

11. “Grok” (chatbot) named after Heinlein’s term; product histories. Wikipedia “Grok (chatbot).”5

12. Press and explainer confirmations of Grok naming from Heinlein’s word; xAI news ecosystem. ABP News explainer; Sentisight analysis; The Independent overview.6714

13. Regulatory/bans/probes and adoption headlines (Malaysia/Indonesia bans; Ofcom investigation; Pentagon adoption remarks). CBS News; Observer; CBS/AP.111312

—

Working Bibliography (select)

• Heinlein, Robert A. Stranger in a Strange Land. (Novel; multiple editions). Overview in Britannica.1

• Cusack, Carole M. “Science Fiction as Scripture: Stranger in a Strange Land and the Church of All Worlds.” (University of Sydney).10

• “Grok.” Wikipedia. (Etymology and usage).2

• “Grok (chatbot).” Wikipedia. (Naming, history, controversies).5

• Heer, Jeet. “Charles Manson’s Science Fiction Roots.” The New Republic (2017).8

• Bugliosi, Vincent, with Curt Gentry. Helter Skelter (1974). (See encyclopedia entry).17

• O’Neill, Tom. CHAOS: Charles Manson, the CIA, and the Secret History of the Sixties (2019). (See CIA review; Wikipedia background).1920

• U.S. Senate. Project MKULTRA, The CIA’s Program of Research in Behavioral Modification (1977 hearing).21

• CBS News; Observer; The Independent. (Grok bans/investigations/adoption).111314

• EBSCO Research Starters; SparkNotes; eNotes. (Critical syntheses on Stranger).3415

Rich Hoffman

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

The Danger of Never Outgrowing the Teacher: When academia becomes a platform for tyranny

There is a certain kind of academic enthusiasm that becomes dangerous not because the person is malicious, but because the person is earnest in precisely the wrong way, which is why I can’t stand the air that Amy Acton breathes. Many people encounter a thinker like Joseph Campbell at a formative age, as she did because we are roughly the same age, when the mind is still soft clay and every new idea feels like destiny itself. The problem is not the exposure — the problem is the arresting of development at that stage. They absorb the surface vocabulary, the archetypes, the metaphors, the rhythms of intellectualism, and then confuse that early awakening with mastery. Campbell himself warned repeatedly against confusing the first illumination with the completion of the journey. Yet so many people build their entire intellectual identity around that first spark, never noticing that its warmth has become a ceiling. They inherit the language of scholarship without inheriting the discipline of outgrowing the teacher, and that is where the trouble starts.

Academia often encourages this dynamic without realizing it. Institutions reward the ability to cite, to signal, to align, to display affiliation with the canon. They do not necessarily reward the thornier work of contradiction, independence, or divergence. The result is an entire class of individuals who are conversant with the lexicon of myth but not the substance of individuation. They quote Campbell without ever reenacting the very process he described — the departure from the familiar, the confrontation with one’s own shadow, the return with something genuinely earned. Instead of heroes, academia produces interpreters of heroes. Instead of individuals shaped by ordeal, it produces intellectual loyalists who cling to their early revelations as a kind of lifelong credential. When such individuals migrate into positions of authority, they use symbolic vocabulary as a substitute for actual expertise, believing that their comfort with metaphor qualifies them to govern reality itself.

What makes this especially troubling in public life is that misinterpretation hardens into ideology. Someone who never advanced beyond the first romantic reading of myth turns that reading into doctrine. They begin to treat the collective as the primary vessel of meaning and treat the individual as a replaceable component within a prefabricated cosmology. They believe that because they have internalized a symbolic framework, they are now equipped to guide society through its trials. But mythology, misread in that collectivized way, becomes a justification for control rather than a map for courage. It allows leaders to cloak their instincts in archetypes and present policy as though it were destiny. The more confidently they cite the canon, the more certain the audience becomes that they are hearing wisdom. Yet certainty built on a misreading is the most volatile certainty of all, because it turns sincerity into a weapon. Sincerity is no safeguard when the framework itself is flawed.

And that is the deeper danger: when someone sincerely believes their early intellectual awakening grants them the right to impose that awakening on everyone else. Knowledge, half‑formed and poorly examined, becomes a cudgel. Mythic vocabulary becomes a credential. Academic recognition becomes a mantle of authority rather than a starting point for self‑critique. People who never surpassed their teachers believe they honor the teacher by repeating him, but in truth they betray the teacher by fossilizing him. Campbell sought to liberate the individual; his imitators often unintentionally conscript the individual into their own mythic projection. And when this projection leaks into public policy, it creates a feedback loop where the symbolic substitutes for the empirical, the poetic replaces the practical, and the collective is treated as the final moral authority. That pattern is not merely misguided — it is dangerous anywhere real lives, real risks, and real consequences are at stake.

Dr. Amy Acton, the former Director of the Ohio Department of Health and a current Democratic candidate for governor in the 2026 election, has frequently drawn on mythological themes in her public remarks, particularly referencing the work of Joseph Campbell. During Ohio’s COVID-19 response in 2020, she evoked metaphors such as describing masks as a “superhero cape,” urging Ohioans to “wear both the cape and the mask” as “masked crusaders” to protect one another. This imagery positioned collective action—social distancing, masking, and shutdowns—as heroic, framing public health measures as a shared quest against an invisible threat, was and is very dangerous.

In more reflective settings, Acton has explicitly cited Campbell. In a 2022 commencement address at Ohio Wesleyan University, she described discovering Campbell around college age, crediting him with revealing a universal “hero’s journey” across world religions and mythologies. She explained that Campbell observed a recurring theme of a life well-lived: embarking on a quest, facing fears, slaying dragons, and returning with “gold” to benefit society. She tied this to her own experiences, including during press conferences amid the pandemic, where she mentioned him while reflecting on life’s seemingly rambling path composing into a “perfectly composed play.” In interviews, she listed Campbell alongside figures like Brené Brown and Alan Watts as inspirational reading she set aside for post-crisis reflection.

These references portray Acton as philosophically inclined, blending mythology with public service. She presents the hero’s journey as a personal compass for resilience, often emphasizing collective heroism—society pulling together on a “life raft” against ambiguity and threat. This aligns with her role in Ohio’s early, aggressive pandemic measures, including school closures, elective surgery halts, and stay-at-home orders, which she helped shape and sign as health director under Governor Mike DeWine.

However, a deeper engagement with Campbell’s work, particularly The Hero with a Thousand Faces (1949), reveals tensions in this application. Campbell’s monomyth describes the hero’s journey as an individual’s transformative adventure: separation from the ordinary world, initiation through trials, and return with a boon to share. While myths often serve societal functions, Campbell stresses the psychological and spiritual growth of the individual psyche. The hero confronts the unknown, integrates opposites (such as ego and shadow), and achieves individuation—a process of becoming a fully realized self beyond mere group conformity.

Campbell drew from Carl Jung’s collective unconscious and archetypes, viewing myths as expressions of inner human development rather than prescriptions for enforced collectivism. He explored the tension between individual and collective, noting how myths can bind people to social order but ultimately point toward personal transcendence. In later reflections, including his 1954-1955 journals published as Baksheesh and Brahman, Campbell expressed disillusionment with aspects of Indian culture after visiting. Having idealized Eastern traditions through texts, he encountered poverty, nationalism, religious rivalry, and a pervasive “baksheesh” (alms-seeking) culture that clashed with his scholarly expectations. This led him to question romanticized views of collectivist societies, reinforcing his emphasis on individual emergence over rigid group structures.

Critics of Acton’s approach might argue that her invocation of Campbell during the pandemic emphasized the collective “heroism” of compliance—masks as shared capes, society as a unified front—while sidelining the monomyth’s core: the individual’s confrontation with chaos for personal growth. Policies mandating lockdowns and restrictions, which Acton advocated and implemented, prioritized group safety and collective sacrifice over individual autonomy. This could be seen as inverting Campbell’s arc, where the hero ventures alone into the unknown rather than being compelled to remain in a restricted “ordinary world” for the group’s sake.

Scholarship in mythology and academia often faces similar pitfalls: early inspiration from a thinker like Campbell can become static, used to validate positions without further evolution. Many encounter The Hero with a Thousand Faces in youth or college, drawn to its universal patterns and empowering message of personal quests. Yet true depth requires moving beyond surface readings—outgrowing the teacher, as it were. Campbell himself encouraged this; he did not seek disciples but individuals who would transcend his insights. Those who quote him reverently without critical engagement risk turning profound ideas into rhetorical tools for authority.

In Acton’s case, her philosophical bent—mysterious and interesting to some—may appeal to voters seeking depth in leadership. But when academic or mythological references justify expansive state power during crises, skepticism is warranted. Academia can sometimes lend unearned credibility to political actions, especially when the interpreter remains at an introductory level. The danger lies in mistaking collective mandates for heroic journeys, potentially stifling the very individual fulfillment Campbell championed.

This critique points out Acton’s intentions in 2020 of a person who never overcame the academic teacher, but yielded to a surface level understanding of the material presents a major danger when it comes to state policy. Her background of overcoming hardship lends authenticity to her calls for communal resilience. Yet fair examination, especially in a gubernatorial context, demands scrutiny of how ideas are applied. Calling her an “old hippie” who misread Campbell—clinging to surface collectivism without grasping individuation—captures a valid concern: that superficial engagement with profound thought can lead to policies that hinder rather than foster human emergence.

Ultimately, true growth in scholarship or life involves surpassing influences. Campbell would likely approve of questioning his own ideas in light of lived experience. Voters in 2026 might ask whether Acton’s mythology serves individual Ohioans’ journeys or a collective vision that limits them.  Of which I would say based on her use, makes her an extremely dangerous person seeking authority over others.

Bibliography

•  Campbell, Joseph. The Hero with a Thousand Faces. New World Library, 2008 (original 1949).

•  Campbell, Joseph. Baksheesh and Brahman: Asian Journals – India. HarperOne, 1995.

•  Acton, Amy. Keynote Address, Ohio Wesleyan University Commencement, May 7, 2022. Available at owu.edu.

•  “Wear the cape and the mask’: Dr. Amy Acton warns that masks aren’t a substitute for physical distancing.” WKYC, April 2020.

•  Vesoulis, Abby. “Meet the Woman Fighting to Flatten Ohio’s Coronavirus Curve.” TIME, April 8, 2020.

•  Smyth, Julie Carr. “Dr. Amy Acton, who helped lead Ohio’s early pandemic response, joins 2026 governor’s race.” AP News, January 7, 2025.

•  Wikipedia entries on Amy Acton and Joseph Campbell (accessed January 2026).

Rich Hoffman

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707