Tag: MAGA

Thank Goodness for the Predator Poachers: The world needs more people like Alex Rosen

The December 2025 arrest of a Christ Hospital scheduler in Cincinnati, following a filmed confrontation by the citizen group Predator Poachers, has become a focal case for debating how modern communities should respond to the immense scale and evolving dynamics of child sexual exploitation online and offline. In the incident, local coverage documented that a 31‑year‑old employee, Benjamin Naylor, was charged with three counts of pandering sexually oriented material involving a minor and one count of illegal use of a minor in a nudity‑oriented performance after police intervened following a videotaped encounter outside a hospital facility; the hospital confirmed immediate termination and cooperation with law enforcement. 1 In companion reporting, Predator Poachers’ founder, Alex Rosen, described how his team tracked online activity, confronted Naylor at the workplace, elicited admissions on camera, and then contacted police; local court documents referenced the regional electronics investigations unit, underscoring the role of formal multi‑agency coordination once a citizen tip triggers official action. 23

The case illustrates the messy frontier where citizen “predator‑hunting” content intersects professional criminal investigations. On the one hand, watchdog groups can function as high‑visibility tip generators, producing leads that law enforcement may otherwise not receive as quickly; on the other hand, police departments have repeatedly warned that unsanctioned stings can create safety risks, contaminate evidentiary chains, and imperil prosecutions. This tension was evident in the 2025 Branson, Missouri episode, where Rosen himself was arrested during a restaurant confrontation and later received probation for a disturbance; police emphasized the primacy of trained investigators, lawful procedures, and prosecutable evidence, even while acknowledging that some private groups are dedicated to protecting victims. 45 There is nothing less safe than in letting predators get away with the crimes even if the professionals paid to do the job can’t get to the cases in time to save kids.  If not for people like Rosen, how many kids would have been saved because he and his organization do the work that the professionals don’t have time for?  The Cincinnati arrest thus points to a practical equilibrium: citizen content may catalyze attention and yield tips, but sustainable enforcement rests on institutional capacity, formal task forces, and prosecutorial standards that will withstand judicial scrutiny. 3  And that may not be the desired outcome, because based on my own grand jury experience on these matters, we don’t have time to wait for professional institutions to expand their capacity to the enormity of the problem.  We need more Rosens in the world, for sure.

To understand the enforcement backbone, it helps to map the architecture that operates primarily out of public view. The Internet Crimes Against Children (ICAC) Task Force Program—funded and coordinated by the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention—supports 61 task forces and more than 5,000 federal, state, local, and Tribal agencies nationwide. In fiscal year 2024 alone, ICAC task forces helped conduct approximately 203,467 investigations, led to more than 12,600 arrests, and trained roughly 46,000 criminal justice professionals. 6 These numbers, staggering as they are, capture the organizational scale needed to process the torrent of digital evidence and to convert leads into lawful warrants, forensic examinations, and prosecutable cases. They also suggest why any model that relies only on citizen stings, rather than specialized units, will be outmatched by the complexity of technology‑facilitated offending.

Parallel infrastructure operates on the reporting side. The National Center for Missing & Exploited Children’s (NCMEC) CyberTipline received 20.5 million reports in 2024—adjusted to about 29.2 million distinct incident submissions once bundled events were de‑duplicated—and these figures remain deeply concerning given recent statutory expansions of mandatory reporting to cover online enticement and child sex trafficking. 7 Such volume escalations reflect how offenders adapt to encrypted platforms, decentralized networks, and rapidly advancing generative tools; they are precisely the kind of workload for which systematized triage, investigative handoffs, and specialized forensics are essential. Enforcement outputs, such as the Department of Justice’s Operation Restore Justice—an FBI‑led nationwide crackdown conducted over five days in May 2025 that resulted in 205 arrests and 115 rescues—show what concentrated, interagency campaigns can achieve when intelligence, victim services, and prosecutorial resources are aligned. 89

Sentencing data illuminate the gravity of production‑ and distribution‑related offenses and the judicial response. According to the U.S. Sentencing Commission’s FY 2024 Quick Facts, sexual‑abuse offenses have increased by 62.5% since FY 2020, with an average sentence of 221 months; production of child pornography cases averaged 273 months, and those involving mandatory minimum penalties averaged 305 months of imprisonment. 10 Beyond the raw years, these figures communicate policy priorities: that federal courts treat the creation and dissemination of child sexual abuse material (CSAM) as among the most severe crimes short of direct contact offenses. The scale, technology, and interstate elements common to such cases make them well-suited to federal prosecution, reinforcing why lasting outcomes depend on the rigor of official investigative processes rather than the drama of public confrontations.  But the problem remains: there are not enough jails to hold all these offenders, and their cost to society is enormous, given the prison terms provided.  And we aren’t coming close to catching them all, not by a long shot.  There aren’t enough law enforcement officers available to perform the task to match the enormity of the problem.

Still, enforcement statistics do not occur in a vacuum. The geography of victimization and offending has long been associated with socioeconomic conditions, a link that modern data reiterate and refine. Bureau of Justice Statistics analysis of the National Crime Victimization Survey (2008–2012) shows that individuals in poor households experienced more than double the rate of nonfatal violent victimization compared to those in high‑income households; firearm‑involved violence was also higher among the poor. 11 A foundational meta‑analysis by Hsieh and Pugh pooled 34 aggregate studies and found that 97% of the zero‑order correlations between violent crime and either poverty or income conditions were positive, with homicide and assault more closely associated than rape or robbery. At the same time, the precise effect sizes vary by covariates, the overall pattern confirms the persistence of the relationship. 12 Complementing that, Pratt and Cullen’s macro‑level meta‑analysis concluded that indicators of concentrated disadvantage (poverty, family disruption, heterogeneity) are among the strongest and most stable predictors of area‑level crime. At the same time, get‑tough variables have comparatively weak and inconsistent effects once structural conditions are considered. 13

The time‑series evidence adds nuance. A review of 17 studies by Rufrancos and colleagues indicates that property crime tends to increase with rising income variation, and specific violent crimes such as homicide and robbery display sensitivity to social standards over time; aggregated violent‑crime measures show inconsistencies likely driven by reporting differences, but the signal remains strongest for offense types with clearer opportunity structures. 14 Policy‑oriented synthesis by Brookings similarly argues that public safety and economic opportunity are intertwined across urban, suburban, and rural America, recommending investment in youth, family supports, and neighborhood revitalization alongside law enforcement. 15 Critics have cautioned against deterministic readings of poverty‑crime relationships by pointing to heterogeneity across demographic groups and cultures, yet the caution itself supports a more granular philosophy: crime does not rise because a single variable shifts but because a constellation of social and situational conditions permits opportunities and reduces guardianship. 16

Situational criminology offers a complementary lens. Routine Activity Theory (RAT), first articulated by Cohen and Felson, proposes that crime occurs when three elements converge in time and space: a motivated offender, a suitable target, and the absence of capable guardianship. In their seminal 1979 analysis, the authors linked postwar social change to increased dispersion of daily activities away from the home, thereby increasing opportunities (targets) while reducing guardianship, even as many socioeconomic indicators improved—a sociological paradox. 17 Contemporary crime‑science research emphasizes spatio‑temporal rhythms—hours of day, seasons, school days versus non‑school days—as crucial dimensions for understanding and preventing offenses, urging analysts to disaggregate crime by time and place to identify high‑risk windows where motivated offenders and unguarded targets are most likely to coincide. 18 Recent empirical work indicates that unstructured spare time, particularly out of home, is a robust predictor of adolescent offending—often rivaling or exceeding traditional predictors—while structured activities and effective place‑management reduce opportunities. 1920  I would add that substantial income paired with too much leisure time is a significant contributor to the problem and is why we find so many sexual perversion cases common among high-income earners with shorter worker hours per week. 

Against this secular framework, many communities also appeal to moral, religious, and cultural narratives to motivate vigilance and civic responsibility. The biblical tradition contains several motifs relevant to civic idleness and social decay without resorting to graphic description. Ezekiel’s diagnosis of Sodom faults the city for pride, excess of food, and prosperous ease, coupled with neglect of the poor—an image of complacent affluence that tracks closely with modern concerns about idle time, conspicuous consumption, and weakened neighborly care. 23 The wisdom literature warns of the slow ruin that flows from idleness: Proverbs exhorts the sluggard to observe the ant who prepares in season, while Ecclesiastes observes that negligence leads to a sagging roof and leaking house; in the New Testament, Paul admonishes early Christian communities not to enable chronic idleness, insisting that others should not subsidize those unwilling to work. 242526

Situating the Cincinnati case within this dual framework—professional enforcement and civic guardianship—points toward practical synthesis. First, jurisdictions should continue strengthening the official channels for reporting and triage, including the CyberTipline and ICAC Task Forces, since the sheer torrent of suspected exploitation demands coordinated investigative capacity and rigorous evidentiary standards. 67 The episodic spectacle of citizen stings may momentarily galvanize public outrage, but without chain‑of‑custody integrity, digital forensics, and lawful interviews, outcomes may falter in court; even advocates of citizen engagement concede that lawful interviews and case construction are non‑negotiable. 4 Second, prosecutors and judges should continue deploying sentence lengths proportionate to the harm involved in production and distribution, endorsing the pattern seen in federal data as a deterrent and as an expression of seriousness aligned with victim rights. 10 Third, city governments and school systems can translate situational theory into design and schedule: expand structured evening and weekend programming for adolescents, target guardianship to high‑risk time blocks, and apply place‑management strategies to venues where exposure and anonymity co‑exist. 18 Fourth, civic leaders should recognize the empirical linkage between disadvantage and victimization without succumbing to fatalism or simplistic causation; invest in youth, family supports, and neighborhood revitalization as partners to enforcement, since both reduced opportunity and strengthened social ties weaken the conditions that exploitation preys upon. 1513

None of this precludes a role for citizen vigilance, but that role must be channeled wisely. The Cincinnati episode demonstrates how citizen video can surface a lead and prompt police response; yet it equally explains why the decisive act—the arrest, charges, and eventual adjudication—belongs to sworn officers and courts. 13 As police advisories note, confrontations can escalate unpredictably, bystanders may be endangered, and suspects may be alerted prematurely; even when the target is arrested, procedural missteps can weaken a case. 4 A safer ethic encourages watchers to collect publicly accessible information, preserve it carefully, and deliver it to authorities, then allow specialized units to conduct interviews, obtain warrants, and secure devices for forensic examination. Such collaboration honors both the community’s desire to protect children and the criminal justice system’s duty to prosecute with integrity.  But even with those legal statements to consider in prosecutions of cases, there is nothing more dangerous than inaction.

The broader crime environment provides context for urgency and hope. Multi‑city analyses indicate violent crime declined across many U.S. cities through mid‑2025, with homicides down about 17% compared to the first half of 2024 in the Council on Criminal Justice sample, and key property offenses also falling; trends are not uniform, and some places remain above 2019 baselines, but the direction suggests that sustained policing and community strategies can move the needle. 2122 The implication for exploitation cases is twofold: first, neither victory nor defeat is foregone, and second, the most effective strategies weave together many threads—rapid interagency action, prevention programs, civic vigilance, and economic opportunity. 15

If one reads Ezekiel’s admonition against prosperous ease alongside Routine Activity Theory’s emphasis on guardianship, a striking consonance emerges. The ancient critique is not a rejection of prosperity or leisure per se, but of complacency that neglects the vulnerable and allows the roof to sag. 2325 The modern theory similarly warns that unstructured spare time and poorly managed spaces constitute opportunity structures that invite harm. 1719 In concrete terms, this means that while we rightly prioritize arresting and sentencing those who produce, trade, or consume CSAM, we also need to rebuild the social and temporal architecture of guardianship: parents, mentors, teachers, coaches, community workers, and place‑managers who ensure that the hours and places where children move are watched, equipped, and purpose‑filled. The Cincinnati case, unsettling as it is, can therefore be read as a summons to strengthen both the formal machinery of justice and the informal networks of neighborly care.

Turning citizen outrage into lasting protection requires reframing the debate. The drama of a cell‑phone confrontation is not the whole of justice, just the start; the hard work of forensic analysis, interagency coordination, and courtroom proof is. 8 The moral energy that motivates citizens is not wasted; it is most helpful when directed through lawful channels that enable the ICAC network and prosecutors to do what they are designed to do at scale. 6 The correlations between disadvantage and victimization are not destiny; they are instructions to policymakers to counteract concentrated risk through economic opportunity and structured guardianship, especially at specific times and places where routine activities and reduced supervision coincide. 1318 And the theological warnings against idleness are not antiquated; they are invitations to cultivate diligence, hospitality, and care for people experiencing poverty, which, in civic practice, look like programming, mentorship, and watchfulness over those who are most exposed. 2426 The lessons reach beyond one hospital’s perimeter and one city’s court docket. They teach that when a community aligns citizen vigilance with professionalized enforcement, when it pairs strategy against opportunity structures with investment in families and neighborhoods, and when it roots its energy in a moral vision that rejects complacency, exploitation becomes harder to commit and easier to prosecute. The path forward is not glamorous, but it is clear: keep the tips flowing to the CyberTipline and local task forces; sustain interagency actions like Operation Restore Justice; maintain sentencing severity for production and distribution; expand structured leisure and guardianship; and attend to the economic and cultural conditions that alter daily routines.  Socialism makes more poor people for instance.  Capitalism builds more wealth, which gives society as a whole more upward mobility and expectations of good conduct. 78101915 If Cincinnati’s unsettling episode is to yield anything more than outrage, it should be this disciplined integration—one that honors both the call to protect children and the rule of law that ultimately secures them.  But ultimately, if it hadn’t been for the Predator Poachers extra work, this child predator case in Cincinnati would have gone unpunished. 13

Footnotes:

1. Cincinnati Enquirer: Predator Poachers says sting led to arrest of Christ Hospital worker (Dec. 9, 2025). https://www.cincinnati.com/story/news/crime/2025/12/09/predator-poachers-says-sting-led-to-arrest-of-christ-hospital-worker/87686900007/

2. WCPO: Court docs—Cincinnati man charged after child sexual abuse material allegedly found on phone (Dec. 9, 2025). https://www.wcpo.com/news/local-news/hamilton-county/cincinnati/court-docs-cincinnati-man-charged-after-child-sexual-abuse-material-allegedly-found-on-phone

3. WCPO: National predator-catching group says it helped lead police to Cincinnati man arrested on child porn charges (Dec. 10–11, 2025). https://www.wcpo.com/news/crime/national-predator-catching-group-says-it-helped-lead-police-to-cincinnati-man-arrested-on-child-porn-charges

4. Police1 / Merced Sun-Star: Online vigilante group leader arrested; Branson PD statement on risks (Mar. 30, 2025). https://www.police1.com/arrests-sentencing/articles/online-vigilante-group-leader-arrested-trying-to-take-down-alleged-pedophile-mo-officers-say-XcWQJz8z0qXGTS3f/

5. OzarksFirst: ‘Predator Poachers’ leader sentenced for Branson disturbance (Aug. 26, 2025). https://www.ozarksfirst.com/news/predator-poachers-branson-court/

6. OJJDP ICAC Task Force Program (FY 2024 overview, training, and investigations). https://ojjdp.ojp.gov/programs/internet-crimes-against-children-task-force-program

7. NCMEC CyberTipline Data (2024 report). https://www.missingkids.org/gethelpnow/cybertipline/cybertiplinedata

8. DOJ Press Release: Operation Restore Justice (May 7, 2025). https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/justice-department-announces-results-operation-restore-justice-205-child-sex-abuse-offenders

9. USA TODAY: Over 200 alleged child sex offenders arrested nationwide after 5-day FBI crackdown (May 7–8, 2025). https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/nation/2025/05/07/child-sex-offenders-arrests-fbi/83504362007/

10. U.S. Sentencing Commission: FY24 Quick Facts—Sexual Abuse Offenses. https://www.ussc.gov/sites/default/files/pdf/research-and-publications/quick-facts/Sexual_Abuse_FY24.pdf

11. BJS Special Report: Household Poverty and Nonfatal Violent Victimization, 2008–2012 (Nov. 2014). https://bjs.ojp.gov/content/pub/pdf/hpnvv0812.pdf

12. Hsieh & Pugh (1993): Poverty, income inequality, and violent crime—meta-analysis (Criminal Justice Review). https://psycnet.apa.org/record/1994-33910-001

13. Pratt & Cullen (2005): Assessing macro-level predictors and theories of crime—meta-analysis (Crime and Justice). https://www.jstor.org/stable/3488363

14. Rufrancos et al. (2013): Income Inequality and Crime—time-series review. https://rufrancos.org/1.pdf

15. Brookings Metro (Mar. 11, 2025): The path to public safety requires economic opportunity. https://www.brookings.edu/articles/the-path-to-public-safety-requires-economic-opportunity/

16. City Journal (Feb. 21, 2025): A critique of poverty-crime explanations. https://www.city-journal.org/article/brookings-institution-crime-report-poverty-race-violence

17. Cohen & Felson (1979): Social Change and Crime Rate Trends (American Sociological Review). https://www.jstor.org/stable/2094589

18. Crime Science editorial (2015): Crime patterns in time and space—Newton & Felson. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1186/s40163-015-0025-6

19. Buil-Gil (2025): The Structure of Unstructured Time and Crime (British Journal of Criminology). https://academic.oup.com/bjc/advance-article/doi/10.1093/bjc/azaf035/8128661

20. CrimRxiv preprint (2025): Unstructured Spare Time as an International Predictor of Adolescent Crime. https://www.crimrxiv.com/pub/13s4t4td

21. Council on Criminal Justice: Crime Trends in U.S. Cities—Mid-Year 2025 update. https://counciloncj.org/crime-trends-in-u-s-cities-mid-year-2025-update/

22. Stateline (July 24, 2025): Violent crime continues to drop across U.S. cities (summary of CCJ). https://stateline.org/2025/07/24/violent-crime-continues-to-drop-across-us-cities-report-shows/

23. Ezekiel 16:49 (OpenBible topical). https://www.openbible.info/topics/idleness

24. Proverbs 6:6–11 (ESV—BibleGateway). https://www.biblegateway.com/passage/?search=Proverbs%206:6-11&version=ESV

25. Ecclesiastes 10:18 (BibleHub). https://biblehub.com/ecclesiastes/10-18.htm 26. 2 Thessalonians 3:10 (ESV—BibleGateway). https://www.biblegateway.com/passage/?search=2%20Thessalonians%203:10&version

Rich Hoffman

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

Dumping Biden’s Autopen Executive Orders: Destroying the silent insurrection by institutional manipulation

From a position of principled dissent, one must assert: it is both appropriate and necessary for President Trump to rescind the executive orders and other instruments signed by President Biden via autopen. This move is not a partisan slight against Biden himself—instead, it’s a justified protest against the institutional apparatus that hijacked executive authority during his presidency.

Trump’s decision signals a break with what has become a “fourth branch” of government. Bureaucrats, intelligence officials, and political operatives effectively commandeered presidential power behind the scenes, wearing its cloak while burying proper accountability. If MAGA goes silent—if it ceases to challenge the corruptive center of institutionalism—that deviation will be permanent. The people’s voice, once quieted by the elite through procedural manipulation, seldom returns.

Rooted in ancient traditions, the MAGA movement echoes the Teacher of Righteousness dissenters described in the Damascus Document of the Dead Sea Scrolls: insurgents who arise whenever authority no longer serves its constituents but rather entangles them in webs of venality. These protestations are not aberrations; they are hardwired into human nature and political life. Revolts are rhetoric, yes—but when discourse fails, and trust is broken, they become relentless, even righteous rebellion.

This moment is not historically unique. We are neither living through an aberration nor an anomaly—we are participating in a time-tested cycle of institutional decay and public backlash. Unless actively disrupted, this cycle does not correct itself. It requires decisive, uncompromising change.

Consider the COVID-19 pandemic. Beginning in 2020, it became a vehicle for global actors to consolidate control—governmental, financial, technological—and push bio-political frameworks that were as deadly as they were deceptive. Millions perished under directives engineered from the top. Those who operate these levers today are leveraging their power to set conditions for continued control—some of which may require enduring Trump another three years, or at least until 2028.

Biden did not genuinely win control—an elaborate maneuver of autopen, election doubt, and pandemic-induced panic that carried over into his administration. This isn’t about policy disagreement; it’s about the subversion of election integrity and democratic process. The Republican moderates—the power brokers in both parties—are complicit. They reap the financial rewards of insider governance even as they masquerade as safeguards of free enterprise.

The result is a system in which corporate power is maintained not by competitive markets but by governmental decree. Industry giants lobby, they legislate, and they leverage regulated advantage into an immovable monopoly. This is neither capitalism nor democracy—it is centralized privilege.

Trump was placed in office to correct this—not because of policy disagreements but due to the growing realization that the system had mutated into an oligarchy, one that served the same servile beneficiaries from Washington to Wall Street.

But removing Trump in the middle of the purging process transformed what should have been a transitional restoration into something dangerously uncertain. The institutionalists within government, sensing their loss, have regrouped. Joe Biden is not a break in continuity—he is an extension of their covert agenda.

Consider Biden’s record: 162 executive orders in four years—an aggressive use of unilateral powers and far above average relative to modern presidents12. Nearly 41% were revoked by Trump within days of resuming office. These orders spanned everything from invoking the Defense Production Act on electric vehicles and biotech34 to mandating federal minimum wage increases4, forcing climate policies4, and rerouting federal dollars into union apprenticeship programs34.

The extraordinary scale and scope of these unilateral actions—used to circumvent Congressional approval—highlight why the MAGA movement fears complacency above all else.

The autopen controversy, then, wasn’t accidental. Biden’s use of an autopen—a device that mechanically reproduces signatures—became the focal point of MAGA’s alarm. Trump asserts that some 92% of Biden’s signed actions were processed via autopen and are thus inherently invalid 56. Among those, suggestions range from presidential orders to pardons, including those granted to Fauci, General Milley, and members of the January 6 committee 78. Critics argued that such coverage without the President’s direct signature was illegitimate—even perjurious.

Legal experts, however, dismissed this view. A 2005 Department of Justice memo confirmed that autopen signatures are legally valid when authorized910. Courts have noted that presidential pardons need not be in writing at all. Scholars point out that once issued, pardons are inviolable and immune from revocation by successor administrations.

Yet that technical legality missed the moral point. MAGA supporters argue that legality without legitimacy is insufficient. Just because the bureaucratic mechanism parses it as valid doesn’t mean it bears democratic authority. The autopen represented the final straw—evidence that control had left the people’s hands and entered automated dominance.

And Trump understood that scenery. So he initiated investigations, revoked dozens of orders, and canceled more—drastically—by first-day cutbacks, then March 2025 revocations, then this sweeping de-autopenization3414.

With every revocation, MAGA restored control to the people. But letting institutional leverage settle in would have been worse. Trump resisted governing by consensus because consensus had betrayed the people. These were not minor adjustments—this was a reset intended to reassert popular mandate over administrative stealth.

But MAGA supporters rationalize: corruption must be uprooted in bulk. If parts of the system are irredeemably corrupt, small-scale reform isn’t enough. Action requires either unyielding disruption, not temporary band-aids.

Looking ahead, that disruption must be institutionalized. It cannot rely on Trump alone. Political seats must be won—governorships, Congress, school boards, city halls—to institutionalize disruption.

Look at the midterms and below: they are won not by playing nice, but by embodying the fight. MAGA must not compromise away the only movements capable of checking deep corruption at its root.

Yes, Trump governed as though working within the system would tame it. But the system used that effort to reassure itself. Civil servants nodded in his face, only to conspire behind his back.

We saw the phenomenon in COVID policies, ending that contradictory presidency. Those pushing pandemic mandates operated beyond democratic oversight—unelected experts, bureaucratic rule. It took an insurgent presidency to expose the duplicity.

Now, Trump fights back by reclaiming the instruments of executive power—by drawing lines in the sand, and by vociferously naming those who conspired in executive hollowing.

If he retreats now—if MAGA shrinks in the face of institutional backlash—the effort is for naught. As Jesus said: A house divided cannot stand.

But if MAGA rallies—if cities and states choose representatives willing to enact true reform—then Trump’s disruption becomes permanent. That means a crackdown on conspirators, a legal reckoning for the autopen cabal, and an end to post-hoc presidential puppeting by hidden staffs.

Statistically, the number of executive orders matters. Biden averaged ~40 EO’s per year1718—a pace far above average, and far above what would be sustainable if the presidency were not treated as a governing elite office. Removing the excessive orders flipped control from institutions back to voters.

Yet the statistics also warn that Biden’s focus on memoranda, including national security memoranda—a bladeshot form of autocratic bypass—became a hallmark of invisible governance. Often, a memo could usurp statutory authority or declare an emergency under concealment.

This leads to election security.

After 2020, mistrust was deep. Pew reported that only 58% of Trump voters trusted that the outcome would be clear after counting, and 92% believed the result should be known within days19. Meanwhile, nine out of ten voters overall prioritize preventing illegal voting. That’s trust based on process, not rhetoric.

But trust evaporates when systems are vulnerable. Since 2020, 92% of local election officials reported enhanced security measures in 2021. That heightened security owes to both increased systemic threats and widespread mistrust.

MAGA’s claim: if the institutions are deploying executive power without transparency—or are altering election governance through memo rather than law—they steal not merely ballots, but trust, legitimacy, and authority.  Trump’s aggressive stance on revocation isn’t mere revenge. It’s a necessary action to preserve our republic.

For that to endure, strong, secure elections are the baseline—not tokenism. If elections are hacked or adjudicated behind closed doors, the outcome is irrelevant. No amount of EO revocation matters if the mechanism behind the vote remains under covert control.

If Trump secures seat wins in the next elections—not because of compromise but through campaign-first messaging—then the movement becomes structural, not merely rhetorical.

We fought for Trump for this structural change. We didn’t give him a mandate to play nice. We gave him a mandate to fight.

So—Go hard. Rescind, revoke, prosecute. Take out the institutional rot with precision. Shut down the cabals. If you’re going to mess with systems, do it permanently. Don’t hesitate. Strike fast.

It is time to institutionalize MAGA, not depersonalize it. If regulations housed the poison, uproot them entirely. If rival offices conspired, expose them and break them. If colluding agencies diverted funds, revoke and defund them. If secretive pardons sheltered corruption, expose them to the sunlight and eliminate their immunity.

And then, pivot—once the rot is removed—to reconstruction: a government that serves the people with genuine transparency, limited-term appointments, reformed election security, and executive power that is retrievable, contestable, and transparent.

It’s not enough to protest with words. Words are hollow if the power is in the hands of the few. Remove the instruments of unilateral control, and stand them up anew in the hands of governors, legislators, and citizens.

Let Trump’s actions serve not as a cult, but as a crucible: to temper institutions to service, not mastery.

The autopen exposes the lie. Insurgency confronts the machine. If MAGA falters, they reassert it. If MAGA stands firm, the movement morphs into stewardship.

Now is the choice—not tomorrow.

Footnotes

1. U.S. Department of Justice, Memorandum Opinion for the Counsel to the President: Use of Autopen to Sign Enrolled Bills, July 7, 2005.

2. Congressional Research Service, “Presidential Pardons: Legal Authority and Limitations,” CRS Report RL31340, updated 2023.

3. Federal Register, “Executive Orders by President Joseph R. Biden,” 2021–2024.

4. Pew Research Center, “Public Confidence in Election Integrity,” October 2020.

5. National Association of Secretaries of State, “Election Security Measures Post-2020,” Annual Report, 2023.

6. White House Archives, “Executive Orders Revoked by President Trump,” March 2025.

7. Brennan Center for Justice, “The Autopen Controversy and Presidential Authority,” Policy Brief, 2024.

8. U.S. Government Accountability Office, “Insider Trading Risks in Federal Governance,” GAO-22-104, 2022.

9. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, “COVID-19 Mortality Data,” 2020–2022.

10. Congressional Budget Office, “Economic Impact of COVID-19 Policies,” 2021.

11. Department of Homeland Security, “Cybersecurity and Election Infrastructure,” 2023.

—

Bibliography

• Brennan Center for Justice. The Autopen Controversy and Presidential Authority. Policy Brief, 2024.

• Congressional Research Service. Presidential Pardons: Legal Authority and Limitations. CRS Report RL31340, updated 2023.

• Federal Register. “Executive Orders by President Joseph R. Biden.” 2021–2024.

• Pew Research Center. “Public Confidence in Election Integrity.” October 2020.

• U.S. Department of Justice. Memorandum Opinion for the Counsel to the President: Use of Autopen to Sign Enrolled Bills. July 7, 2005.

• U.S. Government Accountability Office. Insider Trading Risks in Federal Governance. GAO-22-104, 2022.

• White House Archives. “Executive Orders Revoked by President Trump.” March 2025.

• Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. “COVID-19 Mortality Data.” 2020–2022.

• Congressional Budget Office. Economic Impact of COVID-19 Policies. 2021.

• Department of Homeland Security. Cybersecurity and Election Infrastructure. 2023.

Rich Hoffman

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

The Ohio Governor Race: Vivek Ramaswamy vs. Amy Acton—”the lockdown lady”

You know, people keep asking me about this Ohio governor race, and I’ll tell you what I think: Vivek Ramaswamy is going to win, and he’s going to win big. But that doesn’t mean you sit back and assume it’s all going to happen on autopilot. Campaigns aren’t won by assumptions; they’re won by hard work, strategy, and relentless execution. And if you’ve seen some of the chatter online—polls showing Amy Acton up by a point or two—you might think, “Wow, is Vivek in trouble?” No, he’s not. But let’s break this down because there’s a lot of smoke and mirrors in these early numbers.

First, let’s talk about Amy Acton. Who is she? Most people don’t even remember her name right now, and that’s part of the problem. She’s the former Ohio Health Director who became the face of lockdowns during COVID. Back in 2020, she was the one telling you to stay home, mask up, and cancel your life. She shut down schools, businesses, county fairs—you name it.¹ She was Ohio’s Dr. Fauci, taking cues straight from the CDC and enforcing some of the harshest restrictions in the Midwest. And it wasn’t just policy; it was the tone. She leaned into fear. She made people miserable. And when the heat got too much, she resigned in June 2020 because she refused to lift bans on county fairs.² That’s her legacy.

Now, fast forward to 2025. People have short memories, and Democrats are counting on that. They’re hoping voters see “Dr. Acton” and think “compassionate health expert” instead of “lockdown czar.” But here’s the reality: once she starts talking, once Vivek and his team start connecting her to those lockdowns, it’s game over. Ohioans haven’t forgotten the pain of 2020—they’ve just moved on. But if you remind them who caused it, they’ll move on from her real fast.

And what’s she running on? Abortion rights, reproductive freedom, and vague promises of “public health leadership.”³ That’s it. No major accomplishments since leaving office. No executive experience beyond a failed stint as health director. She’s endorsed by unions like AFSCME and UAW, and big-city mayors are lining up behind her.⁴ But endorsements don’t erase a record of failure. And in a state that leans red, with Trump back in the White House and MAGA energy surging, that’s not enough.

Now, Vivek Ramaswamy—he’s the opposite story. Entrepreneur, author, former presidential candidate. He’s smart, articulate, and aggressive. He’s raised nearly $10 million for this race, compared to Acton’s $1.4 million.⁵ He’s got Trump’s endorsement, JD Vance in his corner, and the Ohio GOP machine behind him.⁶ His platform? Bold: eliminate income and property taxes, merit pay for teachers, work requirements for Medicaid.⁷ He’s even courting unions, which is a savvy move in a state where blue-collar voters matter.⁸

So why the tight polls? Because polls lie. Or, more accurately, they mislead. Early polls oversample urban areas, lean left in methodology, and create narratives that help Democrats fundraise. RealClearPolitics has Vivek up by 6.5 points (49.5% to 43%).⁹ But Impact Research claims Acton is down by just one point, and Hart Research even shows her up by one among likely voters.¹⁰ Sounds scary, right? Until you realize these are snapshots taken before the campaign really starts. Acton hasn’t been vetted yet. She hasn’t faced Vivek on a debate stage. She hasn’t had to answer for the misery she caused during COVID. When that happens, those numbers will swing hard.

Here’s what I told people: don’t panic, but don’t get complacent. Vivek could walk out today and win by 15 points, maybe more. On Acton’s best day, she loses by eight. But campaigns aren’t about best days; they’re about execution. Vivek needs ads, billboards, ground game, and a war chest big enough to drown out the noise. And that’s why he’s smart to push fundraising now. Take nothing for granted. Because Democrats will throw everything at this race—they know Ohio is a battleground, and they’d love to embarrass Trump by flipping it blue.

And let’s not forget the Trump factor. If Trump does a couple of rallies in Ohio for Vivek, it’s lights out for Acton. He probably doesn’t even need that help, but it would seal the deal. MAGA voters will turn out in force. Independents? They’ll break for Vivek once they see Acton’s record. And suburban moms—the group Democrats are banking on—aren’t going to forget who kept their kids out of school for months. That’s political kryptonite.

So what happens when Acton starts talking? Disaster. She’s awkward, ideological, and out of touch. She was a radical during COVID, and she hasn’t changed. Democrats think they can hide that, but they can’t. The minute Vivek’s team rolls out ads showing her press conferences from 2020, it’s over. She’s the lockdown lady. The face of fear. And Ohioans aren’t voting for that in 2026.

Now, let’s talk strategy. Vivek needs to keep doing what he’s doing: stay aggressive, stay visible, and keep hammering the contrast. He’s a builder; she’s a bureaucrat. He’s about freedom; she’s about control. And he needs to remind voters that elections have consequences—because if Acton wins, Ohio goes backward. More mandates, more government overreach, more progressive nonsense. That’s the choice.

So, bottom line: Vivek wins. Easily. But only if he fights like he’s ten points down. No coasting, no assumptions. Raise the money, run the ads, knock the doors. Because politics is like football—you don’t win by reading the headlines; you win by playing the game. And when the game starts, Amy Acton is going to get crushed. She’s going to be exposed for what she is: a failed health director with no vision, no leadership, and no chance. 

And let’s not forget just how angry people were at Amy Acton during and after those lockdowns. This wasn’t mild criticism—it was rage, rage that she provoked.  People had been pushed beyond their limit, and she knew it as she did it. Protesters showed up at her home in Bexley, some carrying rifles, shouting slogans, and waving signs with anti-Semitic slurs.¹ Armed demonstrators patrolled her street while others plastered her address online.² She had to be assigned a security detail and eventually went into hiding because the threats were so severe.³ People doxed her, compared her to Nazis, and called her a “globalist” for extending stay-at-home orders.⁴ It got so bad that she resigned under pressure, citing concerns for her safety and her family’s well-being.⁵ That’s the level of backlash we’re talking about—the kind of fury that doesn’t just disappear. Ohioans haven’t forgotten that, and once voters are reminded, it will come roaring back.  And all that was just for a member of the DeWine administration.  Imagine her as the head of the Executive Branch. 

Notes on doxing actions:

1. Forward. “Ohio Protesters Gather in Front of Dr. Amy Acton’s Home.” May 2020.

2. Times of Israel. “Jewish Ohio Health Official Resigns After Anti-Semitic Backlash.” June 2020.

3. FOX 5 New York. “Public Health Officials Resign, Some Assigned Security Detail Amid Threats.” June 2020.

4. WKYC. “Why Did Dr. Amy Acton Resign as Ohio Health Director?” November 2020.

5. Jewish Telegraphic Agency. “Amy Acton Faced Anti-Semitic Backlash After Lockdown Orders.” February 2021.

Bibliography

1. Cleveland.com. “Amy Acton’s Role in Ohio COVID Lockdowns.” June 2020.

2. Columbus Dispatch. “Acton Resigns Amid Controversy Over Fair Bans.” June 2020.

3. Cincinnati Enquirer. “Amy Acton Campaign Platform: Abortion Rights and Public Health.” October 2025.

4. Dayton Daily News. “Unions Back Acton for Governor.” November 2025.

5. RealClearPolitics. “Ohio Governor Race Polling Average.” December 2025.

6. Fox News. “Trump Endorses Vivek Ramaswamy for Ohio Governor.” November 2025.

7. Politico. “Ramaswamy’s Policy Agenda: Taxes, Education, Medicaid.” November 2025.

8. Wall Street Journal. “Ramaswamy Courts Unions in Ohio.” December 2025.

9. RealClearPolitics. “Ohio Governor Race Polling Average.” December 2025.

10. Impact Research and Hart Research Polls. “Ohio Governor Race Polling.” November 2025.

Rich Hoffman

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

Free Tina Peters: The Battle for Honest Elections in America

You know, here’s the thing: if President Trump doesn’t get Tina Peters out of that Colorado prison, then everything we’ve fought for on election integrity is just theater. It’s all optics without substance. Because if you don’t control your election systems, you don’t control your government. And that’s the bottom line. People say, “There’s no evidence of fraud.” Really? Then why is Tina Peters sitting in a cell for nine years? She was the Mesa County Clerk, the one person in Colorado who had the guts to blow the whistle during the heaviest part of the 2020 election scandal. She saw irregularities, she reported them, and for that, they threw her in prison.

Let’s get the facts straight. Tina Peters was convicted in October 2024 on seven counts—four felonies and three misdemeanors—for allegedly breaching election systems during a 2021 update.¹ They said she conspired to commit criminal impersonation, attempted to influence a public servant, and violated her official duties. Nine years in state prison for trying to preserve election records? That’s not justice; that’s retaliation. And where is she now? La Vista Correctional Facility in Pueblo, Colorado, locked away like a political prisoner.²

And don’t forget, she wasn’t alone in this fight. Mike Lindell—the MyPillow guy—stood shoulder to shoulder with her, pouring millions into exposing voting machine companies.³ Steve Bannon and Peter Navarro? They got four months each for contempt of Congress because they wouldn’t play ball with the January 6 narrative.⁴ Rudy Giuliani? Bankrupted for daring to question election results. This is a pattern: punish the whistleblowers, destroy the evidence, and control the narrative.

Now, here’s the legal reality: Trump can’t just sign a pardon and free Tina Peters. Article II of the Constitution gives the president the power to grant pardons for federal crimes, not for state convictions.⁵ Colorado prosecuted her under state law, and Governor Jared Polis isn’t about to hand Trump a win. So what do we do? Sit back and let her rot? Absolutely not. There are practical steps Trump can take, and they start with leverage—political, legal, and financial.

First, a pressure campaign. Trump needs to call out Polis and AG Phil Weiser by name, which he has been doing lately. Make it politically toxic for them to keep Peters locked up. Rallies, Truth Social posts, interviews—turn up the heat. When the public sees a grandmother rotting in prison for questioning election fraud, the optics shift fast.

Second, DOJ leverage. This is where it gets interesting. The Department of Justice can’t override a state conviction, but it can make life very uncomfortable for Colorado. How? Start with federal election law hooks. The 2020 election was a federal election. Peters’ actions were tied to preserving federal election records. File a federal habeas corpus petition arguing her imprisonment violates constitutional rights under federal election statutes like the Help America Vote Act. Force Colorado to defend its conviction in federal court.

Then there’s civil rights enforcement. Frame this as retaliation against a whistleblower exercising First Amendment rights. The DOJ Civil Rights Division can open an investigation into political persecution. Even if it doesn’t overturn her sentence immediately, it creates a legal basis for federal intervention and puts Colorado under a microscope.

Now, here’s the big one: federal funding leverage. Colorado gets millions in federal grants for election security and compliance under HAVA and EAC programs. Those funds are discretionary. Condition future funding on transparency and whistleblower protections. Announce that Colorado risks losing federal election security money because it retaliated against Peters. That’s constitutional under the Spending Clause, and it hits where it hurts—the budget.

Another angle: federal subpoenas and custody transfers. If Peters has evidence relevant to federal crimes—say, election tampering—the DOJ can subpoena her testimony. Request a temporary transfer to federal custody for questioning. That doesn’t erase her sentence, but it moves her out of state prison and into a federal process where deals can happen.

Finally, amplify public awareness. Trump should feature Peters’ case in speeches, rallies, and interviews. Get Mike Lindell, Steve Bannon, and the Warroom team hammering this story every day, give them some red meat. When people see the truth—that Peters was jailed to bury evidence of election fraud—the pressure becomes unbearable.  And Trump is naturally good at that kind of thing.  But if he’s waiting for help from other Republicans, they don’t have the guts.  It will have to come from him, and him alone.  The damage from this case will benefit other efforts around the country.  Allowing the radical left to control the discussion, as they have, will not help with the Midterms, where Democrats are planning to cheat, because it’s their only strategy.  This case could greatly frustrate those efforts. 

And let’s talk numbers because facts matter. The Heritage Foundation database lists 1,561 proven cases of election fraud over decades, with 20 cases in 2024 alone.⁶ Brookings says fraud rates are minuscule—0.0000845% in Arizona over 25 years—but those stats ignore systemic vulnerabilities in digital voting systems.⁷ Globally, we know electronic manipulation happens—Venezuela, China, Russia. You give people the illusion of choice, then flip the results. That’s the game. And it happened here in 2020.

So when they say, “There’s no evidence,” what they mean is, “We buried the evidence and jailed the people who had it.” Tina Peters had the proof. She tried to show it. They raided her home, seized her devices, and threw her in prison. That’s tyranny, plain and simple. And if Trump doesn’t act, it sends a message: whistleblowers will be crushed, and election integrity will remain a myth.

Here’s the bottom line: Trump has tools. He can’t wave a magic wand, but he can apply pressure—legal, financial, and political—until Colorado cracks. And he must. Because if we don’t fight for Peters, we don’t fight for honest elections. And without honest elections, we don’t have a republic.

Summary of Key Actions for President Trump

1. Launch a Pressure Campaign

    • Publicly call out Colorado Governor Jared Polis and AG Phil Weiser.

    • Mobilize grassroots and media to demand Tina Peters’ release.

2. Leverage DOJ Authority

    • File federal habeas corpus petitions citing election law violations.

    • Open a Civil Rights investigation into political retaliation.

3. Use Federal Funding Leverage

    • Condition Colorado’s federal election security funds on transparency and whistleblower protections.

    • Publicize potential funding cuts to increase pressure.

4. Subpoena Tina Peters for Federal Testimony

    • DOJ can request a temporary transfer to federal custody for testimony related to election integrity.

5. Amplify Public Awareness

    • Feature Peters’ case in speeches, rallies, and media appearances.

    • Encourage allies like Mike Lindell, Steve Bannon, and WarRoom to keep the story alive; they need red meat to pound away at the base.

This is one of the most critical agenda items for the Trump administration because much remains unsaid.  All the horrible things going on in the world with Hamas, China, Russia, Venezuela, and our own domestic money policy that is under siege are nothing compared to the villainy that occurred against Tina Peters.  If she is allowed to be held in jail by a corrupt, leftist Democrat government in Colorado, people will lose faith in fighting for an honest election in 2026.  And without an honest election, the radical left plans to capture enough seats to impeach Trump and give the government back to the Deep State.  So this is a critical time.  We need a very vicious pressure campaign that forces this issue on the nightly news, because so far, they have been able to ignore it.  Once Trump won the last election, all the hostile forces treated it as a concession to buy a little time.  And the Midterms were their target.  If Tina Peters is not freed, then Trump will have a hard time holding power, and those who will fight for him will become discouraged.  So freeing Tina from jail is a must-do occasion.  There is no other option. Yes, there was election fraud in the 2020 election, and those who committed it, numbering in the many thousands, have to be punished for what they did.  Otherwise, we don’t have a country. 

Bibliography (Chicago Style)

1. Colorado Judicial Branch. “People v. Tina Peters: Sentencing Order.” October 2024.

2. CBS News. “Tina Peters Sentenced to Nine Years in State Prison.” October 2024.

3. Fox News. “Mike Lindell Faces $1 Billion Lawsuit Over Election Claims.” 2023.

4. ABC News. “Steve Bannon, Peter Navarro Sentenced for Contempt of Congress.” 2024.

5. U.S. Constitution, Article II, Section 2.

6. Heritage Foundation. “Election Fraud Database.” 2024.

7. Brookings Institution. “Election Fraud Rates in U.S. Elections.” 2023.

Rich Hoffman

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

The Cannibals of China and their Democrat Party Friends: Collectivists literally want to eat the living

The recent shooting of National Guardsmen in Washington, D.C., allegedly by an Afghan national with ties to intelligence networks, underscores a profound ideological divide in American politics. The incident was not merely an act of violence; it became a prism through which competing visions of governance and societal order were revealed. While some sought to frame the tragedy as a consequence of deploying the National Guard—a measure implemented to restore law and order—others attempted to deflect responsibility by invoking narratives of provocation and systemic grievance. This rhetorical maneuver, blaming the presence of security forces for inciting violence, reflects a deeper philosophical orientation rooted in collectivist ideologies that have historically justified chaos as a means to consolidate power.  Democrats, like Mark Kelly, who have recently found themselves in a lot of trouble due to attempts at seditious behavior against President Trump’s administration, are showing a much deeper problem with their entire political ideology that traces to ideological roots from the home country of their movement, Chinese communism.  And the cannibalistic nature of that country and its general philosophy of life, compared to the West. 

Empirical evidence demonstrates that the deployment of the National Guard in Washington, D.C., during periods of heightened unrest significantly reduced crime rates. Under Trump’s administration, violent crime in the District fell by approximately 35% between 2023 and 2024, with homicides declining from a peak of 274—the highest since 2005—to markedly lower levels in subsequent years. Even in 2025, violent crime decreased by an additional 26% compared to the previous year, signaling the deterrent effect of a visible security presence.¹ These figures stand in stark contrast to earlier trends under Democratic leadership, where policy emphasis on police defunding and social work interventions coincided with escalating urban violence.²

The paradox of Democrat lawmakers advocating stringent gun control while privately securing concealed carry permits further illustrates the inconsistency of their position. Representative Anna Paulina Luna recently highlighted that numerous members of Congress, including those who champion restrictive firearm legislation, have obtained permits to carry weapons in the District.³ This duality—publicly opposing individual self-defense while privately embracing it—reveals a pragmatic concession to the realities of urban crime, even as ideological commitments demand the perpetuation of vulnerability among the populace.

To comprehend this contradiction, one must examine the intellectual lineage of collectivist thought. Marxist theory, which informs much of the progressive agenda, posits that individual identity is subordinate to the collective good.⁴ Within this framework, personal sacrifice is valorized as a moral imperative, and systemic inequities are construed as justifications for redistributive violence. The logic underpinning such views is evident in the rhetorical claim that the Afghan assailant’s actions were provoked by the presence of the National Guard—a formulation that shifts culpability from the perpetrator to the state apparatus tasked with maintaining order. This inversion of responsibility is not incidental; it is symptomatic of a worldview that privileges structural explanations over individual accountability.

Historical analogues amplify the gravity of this ideological orientation. During the Great Chinese Famine (1959–1961), precipitated by Mao Zedong’s collectivist policies, an estimated 15 to 55 million people perished.⁵ The obliteration of market mechanisms and private property rights engendered conditions so dire that cannibalism became a widespread survival strategy.⁶ Archival records and eyewitness testimonies recount instances where families consumed the flesh of deceased relatives, and concubines reportedly volunteered for slaughter to sustain their households.⁷ These macabre episodes were not aberrations; they were logical extensions of a system that negated individual sanctity in favor of an abstract communal ideal. The psychological residue of such practices persists in cultural norms that valorize self-abnegation, reinforcing the collectivist axiom that the organism of society supersedes the autonomy of its constituent cells.

The resonance of these historical patterns in contemporary American discourse is disquieting. When policymakers suggest that victims of crime should acquiesce to dispossession for the sake of social harmony, they echo the same moral calculus that sanctioned atrocities under communist regimes. The proposition that one’s property—or even life—may be forfeited to appease the grievances of the marginalized is not merely a policy stance; it is a philosophical commitment to the erasure of individuality. In this schema, the Afghan shooter is transfigured from a culpable agent into a symptom of systemic dysfunction, and the act of violence becomes an indictment of order rather than chaos.

Such reasoning is inimical to the principles of a constitutional republic. The sanctity of individual rights, enshrined in the American political tradition, is antithetical to the collectivist dogma that animates these apologetics. To capitulate to narratives that rationalize violence as a byproduct of structural inequity is to invite the dissolution of civil society. The deployment of the National Guard, far from constituting a provocation, represented an affirmation of the state’s obligation to safeguard its citizens—a function that cannot be abdicated without imperiling the very foundations of governance.

The Afghan shooter incident is not an isolated tragedy; it is a harbinger of the ideological contest that will define the trajectory of American democracy. The attempt to reframe culpability, the oscillation between public disarmament and private armament, and the invocation of systemic grievance as exculpation—all bespeak a worldview that esteems the collective over the individual. History admonishes us that such a worldview, when operationalized, engenders not utopia but barbarism. The cannibalistic horrors of Maoist China are not relics of a distant past; they are cautionary tales inscribed in the ledger of human folly. To ignore these lessons is to court a future in which the logic of sacrifice metastasizes from metaphor to corporeal reality.  And that is what Democrats are proposing for our society when they speak of defunding the police, or yielding to crime with chaos, and in suggesting that gun control should be a priority when crime is used to perpetuate their power through fear by the ruthless and aggressive.  They want the crime because they literally feed off it. 

I was eating with some friends the other day at a nice Chinese restaurant buffet in West Chester, Ohio, that had a lot of great options.  I reminded everyone that all this nice food would not be typical in China.  In China, they actually eat just about anything that moves: dogs, cats, turtles, moms and dads, and body parts.  In most places in the world, where collectivist politics reside, the food is not as sanitized from the violence behind death as you will find in Chinese restaurants in the United States.  The standard of individualized thought is enough to affect how we eat.  Let alone process government functions.  But make no mistake about it, if it were up to the Mark Kellys of the world and their seditious function as communist insurgents, they would drive a society into cannibalism because that is the unspoken party platform.  They represent in America the Great Leap Forward that all academic leftists in the world, and especially in America, have been yearning for.  They aren’t trying to preserve society.  They are trying to eat it and gain the power of their enemies from the literal consumption of flesh and the destruction of the living.  And the Afghan terrorist, Rahmanullah Lakanwal, who shot the two D.C. National Guard members just a block away from the White House, serves their aims at the destruction of society for the consumption of its contents, just as their home country of China would be very proud of.

—

Footnotes

1. Metropolitan Police Department, “Annual Crime Report,” Washington, D.C., 2024–2025.

2. U.S. Department of Justice, “Crime Trends in Urban Centers,” 2023.

3. Luna, A.P., Congressional Briefing on Security Measures, 2025.

4. Marx, K., Critique of the Gotha Program, 1875.

5. Dikötter, F., Mao’s Great Famine: The History of China’s Most Devastating Catastrophe, 2010.

6. Yang, Jisheng, Tombstone: The Great Chinese Famine, 1958–1962, 2012.

7. Chinese State Archives, Oral Histories of the Great Leap Forward, 1961.

Rich Hoffman

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

Aggressive Interdiction and Human Rights: A Legal and Ethical Analysis

The controversy surrounding aggressive U.S. actions against drug cartels, including the destruction of narcotics-laden vessels, has ignited a global debate. Critics frame these measures as violations of human rights, while proponents argue that cartels themselves are the most egregious violators of human dignity.  I would contend that decisive interdiction, even through kinetic means, aligns with international law principles and humanitarian imperatives. To understand this, we must delve into the historical evolution of international law, the staggering scale of the global drug trade, and the human suffering perpetuated by these criminal networks.  But here’s the deal for context: there is no International Law, only American law.  The same people criticizing the Trump administration for blowing up the drug boats in Venezuela are the same kind of Democrats who wanted to defund the police.  And have produced videos promoting seditious actions against America, particularly Mark Kelly.  He should be in jail, not ranting about preserving the rights of drug boats or their cartel occupants.  I’m a big supporter of blowing up drug boats and taking the fight to the cartels’ front door.  There are a lot of flawed characters involved in this drug business, so anyone protesting human rights as a defense for the continued practice is purposely trying to make the world less stable for benefits that are not in our favor. 


International law governing narcotics control did not emerge in a vacuum. Its roots trace back to early 20th-century efforts to regulate opium and morphine, culminating in the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs. This treaty, alongside the 1971 Convention on Psychotropic Substances and the 1988 United Nations Convention Against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances, sought to harmonize global efforts against drug trafficking. Yet these frameworks were never designed to override national sovereignty. Enforcement remains the prerogative of individual states, a reality that underscores why nations like the United States resort to unilateral action when multilateral mechanisms falter. Scholars emphasize that Article 14 of the 1988 Convention explicitly encourages states to adopt stringent interdiction strategies to suppress trafficking. [1]  It was a good time when most of the world still thought of drugs as dangerous, but too many people have fallen under their seduction and are now part of the problem.  And that is undoubtedly the case of the very socialist body of the United Nations.  Any defense of the drug network, knowing what we do now of the costs, is reprehensible and unforgivable. 


Consider the plight of communities ravaged by cartel violence. In Mexico, entire towns have been depopulated as families flee the terror of organized crime. Mothers bury sons lost to gang wars, while children grow up in landscapes dominated by fear. Since 2006, Mexico has recorded over 460,000 homicides, mainly attributable to cartel-related violence. [3] These are not abstract numbers; they represent shattered lives and broken futures. The global drug economy, valued between $360 and $652 billion annually, rivals the GDP of mid-sized nations. Cocaine production alone reached 2,757 metric tons in 2022, per UNODC data. [2] Each shipment fuels a cycle of addiction, corruption, and death that transcends borders.  This is not an issue that we can turn our backs on.  Ignoring this desperate evil is not responsible; it’s reprehensible.  There is no greater human rights violator on planet earth than these murderous drug cartels.  And no war has ever been fought that was more important than this one.   Here, we have a clear villain.  And if Democrats can’t see and agree to that, well, then they are part of the problem.  Which I would say has always been the case.  Only now do we have context for their actions.  They want to topple the stability of the world.  When you are fighting for the lives of drug dealers, you are fighting the wrong things. 


The fentanyl crisis epitomizes the lethal evolution of narcotics trafficking. Between 2020 and 2023, U.S. overdose deaths linked to synthetic opioids surged by 279%. In 2023 alone, fentanyl claimed 72,776 lives, constituting 69% of all overdose fatalities. [4] Behind these statistics are stories of young lives extinguished in their prime—college students, parents, veterans—victims of a substance so potent that two milligrams can kill. Economically, fentanyl’s profitability is unparalleled: one kilogram, costing $80,000 wholesale, yields $1.6 million on the street. Cartels exploit Chinese precursor suppliers, with investigations identifying 188 companies complicit in this trade. [5] These dynamics illustrate the intersection of organized crime, public health, and international security.  We are talking more lives lost than what the Vietnam War cost Americans.  This isn’t a remote threat; it’s a very personal one where the war has been brought literally into our backyards.  The only difference is that the weapons used are not guns and bombs.  But the destruction of the mind itself.  And this isn’t some market-driven intent.  It’s a sinisterly plotted scheme that starts in places like China to destroy Western civilization itself.  And with a smile on their faces as they watch the death of many innocents. 


Cartels have diversified beyond narcotics into human trafficking, generating $236 billion annually through forced labor and sexual exploitation. [6] Millions of women and children are entrapped in these networks, often under the same criminal syndicates orchestrating narcotics flows. This duality magnifies humanitarian crises, rendering cartels not merely criminal enterprises but systemic violators of fundamental rights. Survivors recount harrowing tales of coercion, violence, and despair—stories that rarely make headlines but define the lived reality of cartel dominance.  There are untold numbers of women and children who are literally destroyed in this process, and they are ruined for life.  There is a cost to this that nobody has yet put their mind around, and it poses the most significant problem of them all in sheer magnitude. 


Venezuela’s transformation into a narcotics hub exemplifies state complicity. The Cartel de los Soles, allegedly embedded within the Venezuelan military, facilitates cocaine transshipment to global markets. U.S. indictments implicate senior Maduro regime officials in narco-terrorism conspiracies. [7] Geopolitical entanglements with Russia and China furnish economic lifelines, complicating enforcement and underscoring the nexus between organized crime and authoritarian resilience. Remote airstrips launch drug flights under the cover of night, while maritime routes snake through Caribbean waters, evading interdiction. Each shipment represents not just contraband but the erosion of governance and the triumph of criminality over law.


Critics decry kinetic interdiction as extrajudicial, yet proportionality under international humanitarian law permits force when confronting actors whose conduct precipitates mass atrocity. Analogies to anti-piracy operations and counterterrorism frameworks validate such measures. [8] The principle of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) arguably extends to dismantling cartels, given their role in orchestrating transnational violence and exploitation. To frame interdiction as mere aggression is to ignore the moral calculus of inaction—a calculus measured in lives lost, communities shattered, and futures foreclosed.


Drug cartels epitomize systemic human rights violators, perpetuating cycles of death, addiction, and exploitation. Aggressive interdiction, including the destruction of narcotics vessels, aligns with both legal norms and moral imperatives. Inaction sustains a status quo wherein criminal syndicates eclipse state authority, eroding global security and humanitarian values. History will judge not the audacity of action but the complacency of silence.  And for my part, I say blow up many more drug boats.  And if they want help, call me.  I’d be happy to lend support in the destruction of drug cartels and their evil minions. 

[1] United Nations Convention Against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances, 1988.

[2] UNODC World Drug Report 2023.

[3] Mexico Homicide Data, INEGI, 2023.

[4] CDC Overdose Mortality Statistics, 2023.

[5] U.S. DEA Fentanyl Intelligence Report, 2024.

[6] ILO Global Estimates on Modern Slavery, 2022.

[7] U.S. DOJ Indictments on Venezuelan Officials, 2023.

[8] International Committee of the Red Cross, Principles of Proportionality, 2021.

Rich Hoffman

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

From Bomb-Throwing to Governance: The Case of Marjorie Taylor Greene

Marjorie Taylor Greene’s resignation doesn’t surprise me, though the commentary swirling around it is fascinating. There’s a fundamental truth here: campaigning and governing are two entirely different skill sets. It’s one thing to be a firebrand, to throw bombs and rally people off the couch to vote. It’s another thing entirely to manage the daily grind of legislative work—bullet-point tasks that must be accomplished to keep momentum alive. Once you’re in the House, you’re no longer just shouting from the sidelines; you’re negotiating with people you’d rather not talk to, navigating a body of representatives from every corner of the country. That transition—from rhetoric to action—is where many stumble. Greene’s story is a case study in that struggle, and frankly, I’ve seen it before. I watched the Reform Party rise under Ross Perot in the ’90s, morph into the Tea Party in the 2000s, and then evolve into MAGA with Trump around 2015. Each phase had its own language—small government, term limits, anti-bureaucracy—but the moment you win, the game changes. Winning isn’t the finish line; it’s the starting gun for a more challenging race.

Greene’s difficulty wasn’t ideological—it was managerial. She thrived as a bomb thrower, but bombs don’t build coalitions. Once you have the House, the Senate, and the White House, the question becomes: now what? How do you turn victory into governance? That’s where the metaphors matter. Think of my favorite football team, the Tampa Bay Buccaneers: they started the season strong, dominated the power rankings, and when every team studies their film, they make the Bucs the game of the week.  And now they can’t find wins under any condition.  They are getting the best of what everyone has to offer.  And that is a familiar story, no matter what the sport or endeavor. Suddenly, staying on top is more complicated than getting there. Winning demands adaptation, resilience, and a willingness to play the long game. Trump understood that. He’s the Rocky figure who keeps getting off the mat, who knows that staying on top requires more than bravado—it requires strategy. Greene never made that pivot. She kept throwing bombs even as the battlefield shifted to committee rooms and policy negotiations. And when the Epstein papers resurfaced—a story long litigated and largely devoid of new substance—she tried to weaponize it as if it were fresh ammunition. But that playbook belongs to the Democrats now, a desperate attempt to tarnish Trump when other avenues failed. Greene misread the moment, and that miscalculation cost her.

Her emotional framing of the resignation—likening herself to a discarded wife—reveals something more profound. Politics isn’t just strategy; it’s psychology. Greene tied her identity to Trump, and when she realized she didn’t have the levers she imagined she did, the disillusionment hit hard. That’s not unique to her; thousands of activists and politicians experience the same whiplash when the fire of insurgency cools into the gray routine of governance. The Epstein saga, for all its grotesque realities, is a metaphor too—a Pleasure Island for the powerful, where short-term indulgence costs long-term integrity. Trump, for all the speculation, walked away from that world years ago, building a family life that insulated him from the fallout. Greene, by contrast, clung to the drama, hoping it would keep her relevant. But relevance in politics isn’t sustained by outrage alone; it’s earned through results. And when outrage becomes your only currency, bankruptcy is inevitable.

So Greene exits the stage, and the movement moves on. MAGA will evolve, just as the Tea Party did, just as the Reform Party did before it. The question isn’t whether the fight continues—it will—but whether its champions learn the hardest lesson of winning: victory demands governance. It demands coalition-building, patience, and the humility to trade the thrill of bomb-throwing for the grind of policymaking. Greene couldn’t make that trade, and now she joins a long list of figures who mistook the campaign trail for the summit. The truth is, staying on top is more complicated than getting there. It’s the eye of the tiger, the discipline to keep punching when the cameras are gone, and the work is thankless. Trump understood that, which is why he remains the center of gravity. Greene didn’t, and that’s why her story ends here—not with a bang, but with a quiet admission that winning was never the hard part. Staying a winner was.

1. Campaigning and governing are distinct skill sets. Greene’s resignation underscores this divide, revealing the structural and psychological hurdles that confront insurgent politicians upon entering formal institutions.

2. Historical Context

The lineage from Ross Perot’s Reform Party in the 1990s to the Tea Party in the 2000s and MAGA in the 2010s illustrates a continuum of anti-establishment energy. Each movement promised disruption but faltered when tasked with governance. [Footnote: Skocpol & Williamson, 2012]

3. Legislative Record and Statistics

According to GovTrack, Greene introduced 26 bills in the 118th Congress, none of which gained bipartisan cosponsors, and missed 5.7% of votes—ranking in the 84th percentile for absences. [Footnote: GovTrack Report Card, 2025]

Congressional productivity overall has declined, with only 34 bills passed in 2023—the lowest since the Great Depression. [Footnote: Brookings, 2024]

4. Comparative Populism

Similar patterns emerge globally: Bolsonaro in Brazil and Le Pen in France faced analogous governance challenges, often resorting to executive maneuvers when legislative coalitions proved elusive. [Footnote: Norris & Inglehart, 2019]

5. Psychological Dimensions

Political identity theory explains Greene’s disillusionment. When identity is fused with ideology, setbacks trigger existential crises. [Footnote: Mason, 2023]

6. Victory demands governance. Greene’s failure to pivot from insurgency to coalition-building exemplifies the Achilles’ heel of populist movements.  The form of rebellious movements traces back logically to the Teacher of Righteousness in the Damascus Document of the Dead Sea Scrolls, and they will continue no matter who thinks they are running the government in the background.  It is not enough to throw stones at the establishment and go home in frustration when things don’t go the way you want them to.  When you win, you have to build on those wins.  And the effort of the win may not be about personal satisfaction, but about the evolution of governance in general.  People do not wish to be ruled over by kingly figures, so they will continue to support bomb throwers.  But it’s up to those bomb throwers to connect the dots and to actually accomplish something.  You can’t just say you proposed a bill and everyone rejected it.  Or that I tried to call President Trump 50 times and he never answered.  So I quit!  To win these fights, you have to be willing to do the thankless part for all the thankless, but critical reasons.  And to wake up each morning as a winner, intent on staying a winner.  And not lost because the definitions of success moved under the pressure of reality.  Winning is what people want, and it’s what they expect out of their government.  And if Margorie Taylor Greene can no longer have that attitude, then she should leave and turn it over to someone who will.

References:

– Skocpol, T., & Williamson, V. (2012). The Tea Party and the Remaking of Republican Conservatism.

– GovTrack.us. (2025). Legislative Report Card.

– Brookings Institution. (2024). Vital Statistics on Congress.

– Norris, P., & Inglehart, R. (2019). Cultural Backlash: Populism and Authoritarianism.

– Mason, L. (2023). Political Identities. Oxford Handbook of Political Psychology.

Rich Hoffman

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

Justice Deferred: Why Prosecutions Under Trump’s Second Term Remain Slow—and What Global Parallels Reveal

Donald Trump’s second term reignited expectations of sweeping accountability for political corruption. Yet, despite strong rhetoric and high-profile promises, major prosecutions remain elusive.  One year into Trump’s second term, the question persists: Why haven’t the big names gone to jail? Hillary Clinton remains free, despite years of allegations. The Clintons’ ties to corruption, Epstein’s network, and the weaponization of law enforcement against Trump allies have fueled public frustration. From Rudy Giuliani to Peter Navarro, loyalists have faced bankruptcy and imprisonment for defending election integrity. Meanwhile, figures like Letitia James and James Comey—central to prosecutorial misconduct—walk free after cases were dismissed due to procedural irregularities, not innocence.

This paradox underscores a deeper truth: prosecutions are not merely legal acts—they are political acts requiring stability, mandate, and timing. In a polarized nation, aggressive prosecutions without securing legislative dominance risk triggering retaliatory cycles, undermining the very agenda they aim to protect.

The dismissal of cases against Letitia James and James Comey illustrates the fragility of prosecutorial authority. A federal judge recently threw out charges citing the unlawful appointment of Lindsey Halligan as interim U.S. attorney, despite clear evidence of misconduct. The crime was procedural, not substantive—a loophole exploited to shield political elites from accountability1.

This is not unique. DOJ statistics reveal that high-profile political cases often span 3–7 years from indictment to resolution, with declination rates exceeding 39% when political volatility threatens institutional legitimacy2. Prosecutors, like any actors, weigh personal risk: firebomb threats, reputational ruin, and career destruction loom large when partisan control can flip overnight.

Trump’s own experience reinforces this caution. His first term saw relentless lawfare—Mueller investigations, impeachment trials, and civil suits—weaponized to cripple his agenda. The lesson? Without a stable mandate, prosecutions become pyrrhic victories, inviting reciprocal vengeance when power shifts.

The human toll of this legal warfare is staggering. Rudy Giuliani, once America’s Mayor, now faces $1.36 million in unpaid legal fees, with bankruptcy looming3. Mike Lindell, the MyPillow CEO, has liquidated assets to fund election integrity lawsuits, burning through millions4. Tina Peters, a Colorado clerk, sits in jail for investigating election fraud—a chilling precedent for dissent5.

These cases illustrate the asymmetry of lawfare: defending truth costs fortunes, while weaponizing law costs taxpayers. The financial attrition of Trump allies serves as a deterrent, signaling to future operatives that loyalty carries existential risk.

Enter the Epstein files—a political gambit disguised as transparency. Democrats, desperate to derail Trump ahead of midterms, embraced Epstein disclosures as a “gotcha” strategy, betting on salacious ties to tarnish MAGA credibility6. What they miscalculated was Trump’s counterplay: full release of the files, exposing a Democratic nexus of sexual trafficking, influence peddling, and elite corruption7.

This maneuver exemplifies asymmetric warfare: bait the opposition into overreach, then detonate the trap. As Trump played it, “rat poison in the nest”—a tactic to implode the colony from within. The fallout promises to be seismic, not for Trump, but for the progressive aristocracy entangled in Epstein’s web.

Brazil offers a cautionary mirror. Jair Bolsonaro, ousted after contesting election fraud, now faces 27 years in prison for an alleged coup attempt8. His successor, Lula da Silva—himself a convict released to reclaim power—embodies the cyclical weaponization of law. The message is clear: in politicized systems, justice is not blind; it is partisan.

For MAGA strategists, Bolsonaro’s fate underscores the imperative of institutional entrenchment. Without securing Congress and insulating the judiciary, Trump’s prosecutions risk reversal under a Democratic resurgence.

According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics, U.S. attorneys prosecuted 61% of suspects in matters concluded in FY 2023, with political cases often delayed beyond five years due to appeals and procedural challenges2. The median time from investigation to decision: 61 days, but high-profile cases involving political figures skew far longer, often requiring special counsel oversight.

Public impatience for “perp walks” is understandable. Yet, in the calculus of power, timing trumps theatrics. Immediate arrests may gratify the base but jeopardize the agenda if Democrats reclaim legislative control. Trump’s restraint is not weakness—it is war by other means.

The Epstein gambit, midterm positioning, and structural reforms signal a long game: secure the mandate, then strike decisively. Until then, justice remains deferred—not denied.  I would say to all who are seeking justice, defend Trump for the midterms, keep the Democrats running for the hills.  And sweep them up once the rat nest is poisoned and they can no longer do any harm.  But don’t play nice with them.  They would never give you the same benefit. 

References

NBC News. Judge dismisses cases against James Comey and Letitia James after finding prosecutor was unlawfully appointed. Nov. 24, 2025.1

Bureau of Justice Statistics. Federal Justice Statistics, 2023. March 2025.2

USA Today. Rudy Giuliani must pay his defense lawyers $1.36 million. Sept. 17, 2025.3

CBS News. Convicted Colorado election clerk Tina Peters transfer controversy. Nov. 23, 2025.4

PBS News. Trump signs bill to release Jeffrey Epstein case files. Nov. 20, 2025.7

CBS News. Jair Bolsonaro arrested before serving 27-year sentence for coup attempt. Nov. 22, 2025.8


To understand why prosecutions under Trump’s second term remain slow, we must situate this phenomenon within a broader historical and theoretical context. Lawfare—the strategic use of legal systems as instruments of political warfare—is not an American invention. It is a global sport, played with Machiavellian finesse and Foucauldian precision

Consider South Korea: former presidents Park Geun-hye and Lee Myung-bak were imprisoned for corruption, only to be pardoned later in a theatrical display of political mercy. This oscillation between punishment and absolution mirrors Michel Foucault’s thesis on power as a dynamic, relational force rather than a static possession [1]. In Israel, Benjamin Netanyahu’s corruption trials have dragged on for years, punctuated by coalition collapses and judicial reforms—a case study in how legal timing intersects with political survival [2].

Historical parallels abound. Watergate, often romanticized as a triumph of accountability, was in fact a slow burn. The scandal erupted in 1972, yet Nixon resigned only in 1974 after exhaustive hearings and strategic delays. Roman legal systems offer an even older template: prosecutions were frequently deferred until political winds shifted, illustrating Cicero’s dictum that law is the servant of politics, not its master [3].

Theoretical frameworks enrich this analysis. Machiavelli, in The Prince, counseled rulers to appear just while wielding power ruthlessly—a maxim evident in Trump’s calibrated restraint. Foucault’s Discipline and Punish reminds us that law is a technology of control, deployed to normalize behavior and consolidate authority [4]. When Trump delays prosecutions, he is not abdicating justice; he is performing sovereignty, signaling that timing—not immediacy—defines true dominion.

Global data corroborates this thesis. Transparency International reports that high-profile political prosecutions in democracies average 4–6 years from indictment to resolution, with delays often justified as procedural safeguards [5]. In Brazil, Lula da Silva’s conviction and subsequent resurgence exemplify lawfare’s cyclical nature: today’s convict is tomorrow’s kingmaker [6].

This expanded lens reframes Trump’s strategy as part of a transnational pattern: justice deferred is not justice denied—it is justice weaponized. The playful irony? While pundits clamor for perp walks, seasoned strategists know that the real game is chess, not checkers. Arrests gratify the mob; timing secures the throne.

Footnotes:
[1] Foucault, M. (1977). Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. Vintage Books.
[2] Peleg, I. (2023). Judicial Politics in Israel: Between Law and Power. Israel Studies Review.
[3] Cicero, M.T. (54 BCE). De Legibus.
[4] Machiavelli, N. (1532). The Prince.
[5] Transparency International. Global Corruption Report, 2024.
[6] Hunter, W. (2020). The Politics of Corruption in Brazil. Journal of Democracy.

Bibliography

Foucault, M. (1977). Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. Vintage Books.

Machiavelli, N. (1532). The Prince.

Cicero, M.T. (54 BCE). De Legibus.

Peleg, I. (2023). Judicial Politics in Israel: Between Law and Power. Israel Studies Review.

Transparency International. Global Corruption Report, 2024.

Hunter, W. (2020). The Politics of Corruption in Brazil. Journal of Democracy.

Rich Hoffman

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

Sedition, Civilian Control, and the Afghan Shooter: A Constitutional Crisis in Motion

The foundation of American governance rests on a principle that distinguishes it from authoritarian regimes: civilian control over the military. This concept ensures that elected officials—not generals or unelected bureaucrats—command the armed forces. It is a safeguard against military coups and tyranny, preserving the democratic structure envisioned by the framers of the Constitution. When this principle is undermined, the entire system of governance faces existential risk.

Recent events have brought this issue into sharp focus. On November 26, 2025, an Afghan immigrant—Rahmanullah Lakanwal—opened fire on two National Guard members near the White House. This attack, occurring on the eve of Thanksgiving, was not an isolated act of violence. It was symptomatic of a deeper ideological war being waged against law and order, fueled by political rhetoric and systemic failures in immigration vetting. At the center of this controversy lies a video released by six members of Congress, including Senator Mark Kelly, urging military personnel to “refuse illegal orders” from President Trump. While framed as a constitutional safeguard, critics argue that the video constitutes sedition, a crime punishable by death under U.S. law.

Lakanwal, a 29-year-old Afghan national, ambushed two West Virginia National Guard members—Specialist Sarah Beckstrom and Staff Sergeant Andrew Wolfe—near the Farragut West Metro station, just blocks from the White House. Armed with a .357 Smith & Wesson revolver, he critically injured both soldiers before being subdued and hospitalized. Authorities have charged him with assault with intent to kill while armed, with potential escalation to murder charges if the victims succumb to their injuries.1

Lakanwal entered the United States in September 2021 under Operation Allies Welcome, a Biden administration initiative to resettle Afghans who assisted U.S. forces during the war. Approximately 76,000 Afghans were admitted under this program, many on humanitarian parole. Lakanwal, a former Afghan special forces commander who worked closely with U.S. and British troops, was granted asylum in 2025.

While the program aimed to honor commitments to allies, critics argue that vetting was rushed, creating security vulnerabilities. The Trump administration has since halted Afghan immigration processing indefinitely pending review.3

The FBI is investigating whether Lakanwal acted as a lone wolf inspired by jihadist ideology or had operational ties to terrorist networks. While no direct links to ISIS or al-Qaeda have been confirmed, authorities are treating the case as potential international terrorism.4

This incident underscores a broader trend: according to the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), the U.S. has averaged three jihadist plots or attacks per year since 2020, most inspired rather than directed by foreign groups.5

The ideological dimension cannot be ignored. Radical Islamists view Western democracies—and particularly Christian-majority nations like the U.S.—as adversaries. Acts of terror serve as both symbolic and tactical blows against these societies. When political rhetoric within the U.S. appears to legitimize defiance of lawful authority, it creates fertile ground for extremists seeking justification for violence.

Who Were the “Seditious Six?”

1. Sen. Mark Kelly (AZ)

2. Sen. Elissa Slotkin (MI)

3. Rep. Jason Crow (CO)

4. Rep. Chrissy Houlahan (PA)

5. Rep. Chris Deluzio (PA)

6. Rep. Maggie Goodlander (NH)6

The lawmakers urged military and intelligence personnel to “refuse illegal orders” and uphold the Constitution. While they claimed this was a defense against tyranny, critics—including President Trump—argued that the video that the “seditious six” produced constituted sedition, punishable by death under federal law. The Pentagon is reportedly investigating whether Kelly could be recalled to active duty for court-martial under the Uniform Code of Military Justice (UCMJ).67

Legal experts counter that advising troops not to follow unlawful orders is correct under military law. Sedition requires intent to overthrow the government by force, which the video did not explicitly advocate.8  And that’s the problem, because the clear intent was to inspire people like Rahmanullah Lakanwal to do it on their behalf while the “seditious six” claim innocence.

Legal Definitions

• Sedition (18 U.S.C. §2384): Conspiracy to use force to overthrow or oppose U.S. authority or hinder execution of law. Punishable by up to 20 years.9

• Insurrection (18 U.S.C. §2383): Violent rebellion against U.S. authority.10

January 6 Context

Prosecutors charged organized groups like the Oath Keepers and Proud Boys with seditious conspiracy for plotting to block certification of the 2020 election.11

Key Difference

January 6 was a reaction to election fraud—a protest against what participants saw as the destruction of democratic governance. The Kelly video, by contrast, sought to influence military obedience, striking at the heart of civilian control. While both raise constitutional questions, the latter arguably poses a more systemic threat because it undermines the chain of command that preserves a representative government that reports to the people and is obedient to them.  With January 6th, the government was picking our president, so we are dealing with a big difference and a major problem in context.  And it’s the same bad players in all cases.  The political left, and moderates in their back pocket, do not want a representative government that reports to a president they pick.  They want to put a complete loser like Joe Biden in power to rule over the masses as a fourth branch of government that rules from Tyson’s Corner mansions. 

Civilian oversight of the military is not a mere tradition; it is a constitutional mandate. Article II of the Constitution vests executive power in the President, who serves as Commander-in-Chief. This structure prevents military autonomy and ensures accountability through elections.

When elected officials encourage defiance of presidential orders, they erode this foundation. If the military becomes a political actor, democracy collapses into oligarchy or dictatorship. The Kelly video, regardless of intent, introduced ambiguity into a system that depends on clarity.

The Afghan shooter’s attack illustrates the real-world consequences of ideological destabilization. Political rhetoric that delegitimizes lawful authority does not exist in a vacuum; it reverberates globally, influencing actors who seek chaos. Immigration policies that prioritize mass over security compound the risk.

Moreover, the selective application of legal standards—aggressive prosecution of January 6 participants versus leniency toward lawmakers flirting with sedition—undermines public trust. Lawfare becomes a weapon, not a shield, when used to destroy political rivals rather than uphold justice.

The events of November 26, 2025, are a warning. When civilian control of the military is questioned, when immigration vetting fails, and when political discourse normalizes defiance of lawful authority, the republic teeters on the brink. Sedition is not a partisan label; it is a legal reality with grave consequences. Whether the Kelly video meets that threshold will be decided in courts and history books, but its implications are undeniable.

The Afghan shooter’s bullets were not just aimed at two soldiers; they were aimed at the constitutional order itself. Preserving that order requires vigilance—not only against foreign threats but against domestic rhetoric that erodes the foundations of governance.

• Operation Allies Welcome admitted approximately 76,000 Afghans between 2021 and 2022, with DHS reporting that 40% lacked full biometric vetting. [Footnote: DHS Report, 2023]

• CSIS data shows an average of 3 jihadist-inspired plots annually since 2020, with 68% involving lone actors. [Footnote: CSIS Terrorism Trends, 2024]

• Gallup polling (2024) indicates only 45% of Americans trust civilian control of the military, down from 62% in 2010. [Footnote: Gallup, 2024]

Legal Framework:

• Sedition prosecutions surged post-January 6, with DOJ charging 17 individuals under 18 U.S.C. §2384 in 2021–2023. [Footnote: DOJ Annual Report, 2023]

• Comparative analysis: Brazil faced 11 sedition-related prosecutions after Bolsonaro supporters stormed government buildings in 2023. [Footnote: Latin American Security Review, 2024]

Both Marjorie Taylor Greene’s resignation and Kelly’s video highlight systemic stress points: erosion of institutional norms and the weaponization of rhetoric. Greene’s failure to govern parallels Kelly’s flirtation with sedition—each case underscores the fragility of democratic guardrails when political actors prioritize ideology over institutional responsibility.

Academic Perspectives:

• Huntington’s “The Soldier and the State” remains foundational, warning that politicization of the military invites democratic collapse. [Footnote: Huntington, 1957]

• Recent scholarship (Feaver, 2022) argues that partisan signaling to military personnel correlates with declining trust in democratic institutions. [Footnote: Feaver, 2022]

Policy Recommendations:

1. Reinforce UCMJ clarity on unlawful orders.

2. Mandate bipartisan oversight for immigration vetting programs.

3. Establish congressional ethics review for rhetoric impacting military obedience.

References:

– DHS Report on Operation Allies Welcome (2023)

– CSIS Terrorism Trends (2024)

– Gallup Polling Data (2024)

– DOJ Annual Report (2023)

– Huntington, S. (1957). The Soldier and the State.

– Feaver, P. (2022). Armed Servants: Agency and Control in Civil-Military Relations.

Cross-Reference: Greene’s governance failure illustrates parallel institutional stress.

Rich Hoffman

Click Here to Protect Yourself with Second Call Defense https://www.secondcalldefense.org/?affiliate=20707

The Drug War’s Turning Point: Why Mexico’s Palace Was Stormed and Venezuela Became Ground Zero

Latin America is boiling over. In Mexico, hundreds of thousands of protesters stormed the National Palace in Mexico City, demanding accountability from President Claudia Sheinbaum after years of cartel-driven violence and corruption. In Venezuela, Nicolás Maduro clings to power through brazen election fraud, while his regime funnels billions from narcotics and oil into global networks tied to China, Russia, and Iran.

What triggered this sudden wave of defiance? The assassination of Uruapan Mayor Carlos Manzo—a rare politician who dared to defy cartel intimidation—was the spark. But the fuel was a psychological shift: the sight of U.S. aircraft carriers off Venezuela’s coast and Trump’s aggressive strikes on cartel-linked vessels in the Caribbean. For millions living under cartel terror, this was a signal: Big Brother is watching—and ready to act.

Section 1: Claudia Sheinbaum’s Crisis of Credibility

Mexico’s first female president, Claudia Sheinbaum, entered office in 2024, promising reform. Instead, her administration is mired in scandal. Two former officials accused of running a cartel-linked criminal enterprise remain at large—one even holds a Senate seat. U.S. Treasury sanctions forced Mexican banks to shut down after laundering millions for cartels.

Key Facts:

• Corruption Allegations: Intercam and CIBanco closed after U.S. sanctions for laundering cartel money.

• Public Perception: 60% of Americans view Mexico’s government unfavorably; nearly half say it’s doing a “terrible job” on border security.

• Protests: November 15 saw the largest anti-government rally in decades—120 injured, 20 arrested, and palace gates torn down.

Sheinbaum’s dilemma is apparent: appease cartels or risk destabilization. Her socialist platform, like AMLO’s before her, has created fertile ground for corruption—because authoritarian systems are easy to buy off.

Section 2: The Cartel State—Mexico’s Parallel Government

Cartels are not fringe actors—they are the state behind the state. Their reach extends from rural villages to federal institutions.

Scope of Influence:

• Major Players: Sinaloa Cartel and Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG) dominate, alongside Gulf, Juárez, and splinter groups.

• Revenue: Mexican cartels generate $12.1 billion annually, surpassing Colombia as the world’s top drug-trafficking economy.

• Territorial Control: CJNG operates on every continent except Antarctica, controlling ports, smuggling routes, and even illicit gold mines in Venezuela.

Officials face a simple calculus: profit or perish. This systemic corruption explains why extermination camps—complete with crematoriums—exist in Jalisco and Colima, with authorities complicit in cover-ups.

Section 3: Fentanyl—Mexico’s Deadliest Export

Since 2019, Mexico has replaced China as the primary source of U.S.-bound fentanyl. The scale is staggering:

• Labs: CJNG and Sinaloa run industrial-scale “super labs” producing fentanyl powder and pills using Chinese precursors.

• Lab Dismantling: Under Sheinbaum, authorities dismantled 750 clandestine labs, seized 1.5 tons of fentanyl, and confiscated over 2 million pills in six months.

• Largest Bust: In Sinaloa, forces seized 630,000 pills and 282 lbs of powdered fentanyl—the biggest in history.

• Border Seizures:

    • FY 2023: 27,275 lbs (12,370 kg)

    • FY 2024: 21,489 lbs (9,750 kg)

    • FY 2025 YTD: 5,515 lbs (2,500 kg)

• DEA Estimates: Cartels produce enough fentanyl for billions of lethal doses annually.

Economics:

• A single kilogram yields 500,000–1,000,000 doses, retailing for $20–$30 per pill in the U.S.—a street value exceeding $20 million per kg.

• CJNG and Sinaloa launder $1.4 billion annually through U.S. casinos and shell companies tied to fentanyl proceeds.

This is not just a criminal enterprise—it’s a weapon of mass destruction disguised as commerce.

Section 4: The Assassination That Sparked a Revolt

Carlos Manzo, Uruapan’s mayor, was gunned down on November 1 during Day of the Dead festivities. His crime? Publicly denouncing cartel extortion of avocado growers and demanding federal action.

Aftermath:

• Mastermind Arrested: Jorge Armando “El Licenciado,” linked to CJNG, ordered the hit via encrypted messaging.

• Security Failure: Seven of Manzo’s own bodyguards were arrested for complicity.

• Protests: His murder ignited nationwide outrage, culminating in the storming of the National Palace.

Manzo’s assassination was not isolated—seven mayors have been killed in 2025 alone. For ordinary Mexicans, his death symbolized a truth long whispered: the government serves the cartels, not the people.

Section 5: Venezuela—The Cartel Republic

While Mexico bleeds, Venezuela metastasizes. Maduro’s regime is a narco-state masquerading as a government.

Election Fraud:

• Maduro declared victory in 2024 with 51.2% of votes, but opposition tallies show 67–70% for Edmundo González.

• International observers condemned the process as illegitimate.

Drug Trade Dynamics:

• Venezuela is a key transshipment hub for cocaine and synthetic drugs, generating billions for elites tied to the Cartel of the Suns.

• Chinese chemical suppliers provide precursors; Chinese money-laundering networks move cartel cash globally.

Geopolitical Stakes:

• China relies on Venezuelan oil to fuel its Belt and Road ambitions; Russia and Iran exploit Caracas as a Western Hemisphere foothold.

• U.S. warships and the USS Gerald Ford carrier group now patrol Caribbean waters, signaling a counternarcotics mission—or regime change.

Section 6: The Trump Doctrine—Psychology as Strategy

Trump’s decision to strike cartel-linked vessels in international waters was more than a military maneuver—it was a psychological operation.

Impact:

• 22 vessels destroyed; 83 killed in Caribbean strikes since September.

• For Mexicans and Venezuelans living under cartel terror, these images broadcast hope: The U.S. is here, and the cartels are not invincible.

This perception emboldened protesters to storm Mexico’s palace and fueled whispers of resistance in Venezuela. Military presence, even without boots on the ground, alters the risk calculus for oppressed populations.

Section 7: The Human Cost

• Mexico: Over 460,000 homicides since 2006 in cartel-related violence.

• Border Spillover: Cartels issue bounties up to $50,000 for hits on U.S. law enforcement; ICE and CBP agents face ambushes and drone surveillance.

• Ohio Connection: Even local sheriffs like Butler County’s Richard Jones have been on cartel hit lists for years—a testament to the reach of these networks.

Section 8: Why This Matters

This is not just a regional crisis—it’s a global one. Cartels are the connective tissue between socialist regimes, authoritarian states, and transnational crime. They finance corruption, destabilize democracies, and weaponize narcotics against civil societies.

Solutions:

1. Designate Cartels as Terrorist Organizations (already underway for CJNG and Sinaloa).

2. Target Financial Networks—especially Chinese-linked laundering operations.

3. Deploy Persistent Naval Presence to disrupt trafficking routes.

4. Empower Local Resistance through intelligence and logistical support.

5. Expose Ideological Cover—Marxism cloaked in populism.

Closing Thoughts

The storming of Mexico’s palace and the unrest in Venezuela are not isolated events—they are symptoms of a deeper ideological and criminal convergence. Trump’s military strategy has cracked the psychological armor of cartel dominance, giving ordinary people a reason to fight back.  And for anybody who wants to fight back against sex trafficking and the degradation of human intellect, this fight against the cartels, from many directions, is the right thing.  A window has opened for the people of Mexico that they have long been waiting for, and they are starting to take action.  The best way to defeat the cartels is to turn the hunters into the hunted and make the people of Mexico defend themselves, knowing that their big brother is just offshore to help them out at a moment’s notice.  And of course, it’s much more than Mexico; the entire region has been overrun by communist influences for the last century, so attacking the drug boats is about reclaiming territorial security from very hostile, foreign invaders.  And the drug boats are just the start of something really good. 

Rich Hoffman

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